View source for Presidency of Artur Bernardes

{{Short description|Government of the twelfth president of the republic of Brazil (1922 - 1926)}}
{{Infobox administration
|president_link = President of Brazil
|image          = ARTHUR DA SILVA BERNARDES - Retrato.jpg
|term_start     = 15 November 1922
|term_end       = 15 November 1926
|election       = [[1922 Brazilian presidential election|1922]]
|party          = [[Mineiro Republican Party|PRM]]
|cabinet        =''[[#Cabinet|See list]]''
|predecessor    = [[Epitácio Pessoa]]
|successor      = [[Presidency of Washington Luís|Washington Luís]]
|seat           = [[Catete Palace]]
|president      = <!-- Artur Bernardes -->
|vicepresident  = [[Estácio Coimbra]]
}}

[[Artur Bernardes]]' tenure as the [[List of presidents of Brazil|12th]] [[president of Brazil]] lasted from 15 November 1922, after he defeated [[Nilo Peçanha]] in the [[1922 Brazilian presidential election|1922 presidential election]], until 15 November 1926, when he transferred power to [[Washington Luís]]. A representative of the so-called "[[Milk coffee politics|milk coffee policy]]" and the last years of the [[First Brazilian Republic]], Bernardes ruled the country almost continuously under a [[State of emergency in Brazil (1922–1927)|state of emergency]], supported by the political class, rural and urban oligarchies, and high-ranking officers of the [[Brazilian Armed Forces|Armed Forces]] against a series of ''[[Tenentism|tenentist]]'' military revolts.

In the urban centers, especially in [[Rio de Janeiro]], the Bernardes administration was unpopular due to the rise of inflation and currency devaluation caused by coffee valorization policies. The administration cut public spending, transformed the [[Banco do Brasil|Bank of Brazil]] into an issuing bank and sought a loan from British bankers. Negotiations for the loan were unsuccessful, but many of the recommendations of the British mission of financial experts, led by [[Edwin Montagu]], were followed. At the end of 1924, the government expelled São Paulo politicians from the direction of the country's [[Economy of Brazil|economy]], abandoned [[Federal government of Brazil|federal]] support for the protection of coffee and began a contractionary and recessive policy, which achieved its goals of containing inflation and exchange rates at the expense of contracting industrial output.

The federal government supported the overthrow of the dominant parties in the [[Federative units of Brazil|states]] that had supported Nilo Peçanha ([[1923 federal intervention in Rio de Janeiro|federal intervention in Rio de Janeiro]] and state of emergency in [[Bahia]]) and mediated armed conflicts (1923 Revolution in [[Rio Grande do Sul]] and expeditions against [[Horácio de Matos]] in Bahia). From [[São Paulo Revolt of 1924|July 1924]] until the end of Bernardes' term, conspirators in lower military ranks tried to overthrow the regime, which they considered corrupt and backward. The longest campaign, the [[Coluna Prestes|Prestes Column]], discredited the government but failed to threaten the [[Federal District of Brazil (1891–1960)|federal capital]].

Power was maintained with an iron fist: reorganization of the capital's political police (the 4th Auxiliary Police Bureau), the [[bombing of São Paulo]], censorship of the press, closure of unions, mass arrests, torture, and exile to the [[penal colony of Clevelândia]]. With a majority in [[National Congress of Brazil|Congress]], the government enacted labor laws, introduced income tax, instituted the [[right of reply]] in the press and facilitated complaints against journalists for slander and defamation, included moral and civic education in the schools' curricula and revised the [[Brazilian Constitution of 1891|1891 Constitution]] with a centralizing amendment. In foreign policy, Brazil's maneuvers to obtain a permanent seat on the [[League of Nations]]' Deliberative Council culminated in the country's withdrawal from the organization.

== Background ==
[[File:Cartão postal de Artur Bernardes.jpg|thumb|Bernardes candidacy postcard: "São Paulo and Minas [Gerais] for the union of Brazil"]]

The Artur Bernardes administration, between 15 November 1922 and 15 November 1926, took place in the midst of the crisis of Brazil's First or Old Republic. This was a period of [[Modernism in Brazil|cultural effervescence]] and expansion of the urban middle and working classes. The First Republic's political system began to show signs of exhaustion, which would culminate in its [[Brazilian Revolution of 1930|fall in 1930]].<ref>{{harvnb|Ferreira|Pinto|2018}}, Introdução e Os fundamentos do sistema político na Primeira República.</ref> The previous president's image, [[Epitácio Pessoa]] (1919–1922), was eroded among the military, the urban population and the oligarchies of [[Minas Gerais]] and [[São Paulo (state)|São Paulo]].{{sfn|Malin|2015|p=9}}{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=344}} The Brazilian economy in 1922 was growing,{{sfn|Saretta|1997|p=225}} but suffered from high inflation, a devalued currency,{{Efn|"The total currency in circulation doubled between 1920 and 1923. During this period, the value of the Brazilian currency, the ''mil-réis'', fell from 20 U.S. cents to 10 cents" ({{harvnb|Macaulay|1977|p=20}}).}} eroded tax revenue and low international coffee prices, [[Brazilian coffee cycle|Brazil's main export product]]. Foreign creditors were unwilling to lend money, and the deficit could only be financed by issuing money or selling public debt bonds.{{sfn|Fritsch|1993|p=6}}

Bernardes, leader of the [[Mineiro Republican Party|Republican Party of Minas Gerais]], was the candidate of the federal government, Minas Gerais, and São Paulo in the [[1922 Brazilian presidential election|1922 presidential election]], chosen in spite of other states.{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=282}} [[Rio de Janeiro (state)|Rio de Janeiro]], Rio Grande do Sul, [[Pernambuco]] and Bahia came together in the Republican Reaction and launched the opposition candidacies of Nilo Peçanha, from Rio de Janeiro, for president, and J. J. Seabra, from Bahia, for vice president.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=348}} The campaign was fierce.{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=29-30}} The election was one of the few tightly disputed ones in the First Republic and the opposition accused the results of fraud.{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=65, 277}} The [[Copacabana Fort revolt]] attempted to prevent Bernardes' inauguration and the government declared a [[State of emergency in Brazil (1922–1927)|state of emergency]] in response.{{sfn|McCann|2009|p=339-342}}{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=363-368}}

{{wide image|Os 18 do Forte.jpg|500px|The last rebels from Fort Copacabana head into combat on 6 July}}

On the date of the inauguration, the state of emergency was still in force,{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=371}} and 118 rebellious military personnel were awaiting trial in prison.{{sfn|Gasparetto|2018|p=256}} The country was divided between winners and losers. The pact between the elites was weakened. The new government began with enemies in the dissident oligarchies, urban sectors and the military. The following years would be unstable and Benardes preferred repression instead of conciliation, deepening the grievances.{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=287, 296}} Historiography normally considers Bernardes to be a revanchist and vengeful ruler.{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=277, 340}}

In a speech at the [[Federal Senate (Brazil)|Senate]], in 1929, Bernardes recapitulated the presidential successions of 1922 and 1926:{{sfn|Magalhães|1973|p=207}}

{{Blockquote|text=Isn't it still in everyone's memory how the last presidential campaign was? It was said that the candidate would not be elected; if elected, he would not be recognized; would not take office; would not cross the thresholds of the Catete Palace! However, the threats from my adversaries did not remain there. They took them further — I would not reach the second year of my government, I would not be able to place in the hands of my successor the office that the Nation had entrusted to me. However, the candidate was elected, was recognized, took office, ruled and handed over the Nation's fate to his substitutes.}}

== Government program ==
[[File:Posse de Artur Bernardes.jpg|thumb|Bernardes reading the constitutional oath before Congress on 15 November 1922|left]]

Bernardes' candidacy platform focused on economic issues, with three goals: budget balance, currency valorization and the creation of an independent central bank. It promised to reduce the public deficit without spending cuts, just by tightening tax evaders and unauthorized treasury spending. Equilibrium in the trade balance would come from the permanent protection of coffee, the increase in other exports, such as cotton, and [[Import substitution industrialization|import substitution]], especially through the development of coal production and the industrialization of iron deposits in Minas Gerais.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=76-77, 101}}{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=277}}{{sfn|Monteiro|1997|p=68}} An additional point was to solve the National Treasury's immense debt with the Bank of Brazil.{{sfn|Monteiro|1997|p=68}}{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=78}}

Other proposals did not differ much from Nilo Peçanha's platform. Both candidates vaguely denounced the degeneration of republican ideals and defended the reform of Brazil's Constitution and the expansion of public education and assistance to workers and the underprivileged.{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=245}} Bernardes' ideological foundations were Minas Gerais-style developmentalism along the lines of [[João Pinheiro]]'s administration (1906–1908),{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=336}} the [[Brazilian nationalism|nationalist]] and authoritarian criticisms of liberalism,{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=249, 289}} a strong Executive and a [[Voluntarism (philosophy)|voluntarist]] and [[Dirigisme|dirigiste]] State, in order to produce a conservative modernization.{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=338-340}}

{{Clear}}

== 1922 ==

=== Cabinet ===
{{Infobox cabinet members
|above   = The Bernardes cabinet
|float   = right
|name1a  = João Luís Alves
|name1b  = Afonso Pena Júnior
|name2a  = Alexandrino Faria de Alencar
|name2b  = Arnaldo Pinto da Luz
|name3a  = Setembrino de Carvalho
|name4a  = Félix Pacheco
|name5a  = Sampaio Vidal
|name5b  = Aníbal Freire
|name6a  = Francisco Sá
|name7a  = Miguel Calmon
|office1 = [[Ministry of Justice and Public Security (Brazil)|Justice and Internal Affairs]]
|office2 = [[Commander of the Brazilian Navy|Navy]]
|office3 = [[Ministry of War (Brazil)|War]]
|office4 = [[Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Brazil)|Foreign Affairs]]
|office5 = [[Ministry of Finance (Brazil)|Finance]]
|office6 = [[Ministry of Transport (Brazil)|Transport and Public Works]]
|office7 = [[Ministry of Agriculture (Brazil)|Agriculture]]
|term1a  = 1922 – 1925
|term1b  = 1925 – 1926
|term2a  = 1922 – 1926
|term2b  = 1926 – 1926
|term3a  = 1922 – 1926
|term4a  = 1922 – 1926
|term5a  = 1922 – 1925
|term5b  = 1925 – 1926
|term6a  = 1922 – 1926
|term7a  = 1922 – 1926
}}

State ministers were chosen since the beginning of October and represented almost total support among civilian politicians. São Paulo native Rafael de Abreu Sampaio Vidal took over the [[Ministry of Finance (Brazil)|Ministry of Finance]],{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=372}} ensuring his state's control over the country's economic policy — a typical "milk coffee" agreement.{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=289}}{{sfn|Fritsch|1993|p=3}} But the Minas Gerais-São Paulo alliance contained a contradiction: on one side, the less [[Mainstream economics|orthodox]] São Paulo plutocrats, and on the other, career politicians from Minas Gerais, who valued fiscal balance. Sampaio Vidal was known for his proposal, when deputy, to issue unbacked bills to finance the defense of coffee. His name displeased orthodox politicians from Minas Gerais: Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada, leader of the majority in the [[Chamber of Deputies (Brazil)|Chamber of Deputies]], Mário Brant and Afonso Pena Júnior.{{sfn|Fritsch|1993|p=7}}{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=104}}

The Ministry of Internal Affairs went to João Luís Alves from Minas Gerais, [[Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Brazil)|Foreign Affairs]] to Félix Pacheco, from [[Piauí]], [[Ministry of Transport (Brazil)|Transport and Public Works]] to Francisco Sá, from Minas Gerais, and [[Ministry of Agriculture (Brazil)|Agriculture]] to Miguel Calmon, from Bahia. In the military ministries of [[Ministry of War (Brazil)|War]] and [[Commander of the Brazilian Navy|Navy]], marshal Setembrino de Carvalho and admiral [[Alexandrino Faria de Alencar|Alexandrino de Alencar]].{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=372}} Epitácio Pessoa's experiment, the first head of state of Republican Brazil to place the Armed Forces under civilian ministers, was abandoned.{{sfn|Calmon|1939|p=307}} The choice of the Minister of War was particularly difficult, as there were not many officers who were both loyal to the government and respected among their peers. The chosen one had political skills,{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=372}} achieving the feat of using the [[Brazilian Army in the First Republic|Brazilian Army]] as a pillar of support for the government.{{sfn|Carone|1989|p=37}}

Sampaio Vidal was replaced by Aníbal Freire in January 1925. In the following month, João Luís Alves was appointed justice to the [[Supreme Federal Court]], handing his position to Afonso Pena Júnior, keeping the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Minas Gerais' hands. In April 1926, rear admiral Arnaldo de Siqueira Pinto da Luz replaced Alexandrino de Alencar in the [[Brazilian Navy|navy]] after the later's death.{{sfn|Malin|2015|p=20-21}}

=== Political police ===
[[File:O retrato do Presidente da República no Salão de Honra da Polícia Central.jpg|thumb|Inauguration of the presidential portrait at the Central Police Building, in Rio de Janeiro. In the center, in a white uniform, marshal Fontoura|left]]

It was said in the barracks that marshal Carneiro da Fontoura's supporters would revolt if he was not chosen as Minister of War.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=372}} The marshal, who "promised to exterminate the conspiracies", was appointed Chief of Police of the Federal District. Rebels and conspirators could expect tolerance from a law graduate, like all Fontoura's predecessors in office, but not from him, "accustomed to dealing with the worst elements of Rio's criminality".{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=372}}{{sfn|Calmon|1939|p=317-318}}{{sfn|Romani|2011b|p=172}}

His appointment was accompanied by a decree reorganizing the police, just five days after taking office. Among other measures, the Investigation and Political Security Inspectorate was transformed into the 4th Auxiliary Police Bureau, which had several sections with political police functions and was the predecessor of the [[Department of Political and Social Order]] (DOPS) in Rio.{{sfn|Cunha|2011|p=57, 90-92}} Its agents monitored suspects, investigated conspiracies and monitored association centers, public places, factories, the movement of hotels and the embarkation and disembarkation of passengers,{{sfn|Cunha|2011|p=62-63}} sometimes resorting to wiretapping,{{sfn|Cunha|2011|p=154}} undercover agents and whistleblowers.{{sfn|Romani|2011b|171}} The 4th Police Chief was major Carlos Reis, a "cold-blooded and politically skilled individual". Reis and Fontoura, nicknamed "''Major Metralha''" and "''General Escuridão''" by their enemies, were the main repression figures in the Federal District.{{sfn|Romani|2011b|p=172}}

The state of emergency, which expired on 31 December 1922, was successively extended until April and then again until 31 December 1923, with only a few votes against in Congress.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=373, 378-379}} This measure suspended constitutional guarantees for a specified time period,{{sfn|Lynch|Souza|2021|p=117}} legitimizing arrests without trial and strengthening the police in relation to the [[Judiciary of Brazil|Judiciary]].{{sfn|Santos|2006|p=466}} Much of the press was [[Censorship in Brazil|censored]].{{sfn|Romani|2011b|p=168}} According to the prevailing current in Congress and the Supreme Court, the state of emergency was the middle ground between that of war and full peace and could be used preemptively by any government that felt threatened with overthrow.{{sfn|Lynch|Souza|2012|p=124-127}}

After the end of Bernardes' term and the state of emergency, the press published denunciations against his repressive apparatus.{{Sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=629}} The newspaper ''O Combate'', from [[São Paulo]], mentioned the "new rich of Bernardism": the heads of the political police enriched through illicit means.<ref name="assunção7">{{harvnb|Assunção|2015}}, cap. 7.</ref> ''[[O Globo]]'' accused the presidential group of having used censorship in favor of its private interests, such as the ban on reporting sugar prices on the international market, protecting businesses owned by the president's friends.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=609}}

=== Income tax ===
On 31 December, the law that budgeted the General Revenue for the following year established income tax in Brazil.<ref name="receita">{{Cite web|website=Receita Federal|date=2020-09-25|title=1922 a 1924 - A Instituição do Imposto de Renda no Brasil|url=https://www.gov.br/receitafederal/pt-br/acesso-a-informacao/institucional/memoria/imposto-de-renda/historia/1922-a-1924-a-instituicao-do-imposto-de-renda-no-brasil|access-date=2024-07-13}}</ref> This was also the first direct tax levied at the federal level in the country. An income tax already existed in some periods since the [[Empire of Brazil|Brazilian Empire]], but it only applied to salaries paid from the public coffers. The charge on global income, established in December 1922, was promoted by Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada, president of the Chamber of Deputies' Finance Committee and budget rapporteur.{{sfn|Silva|2015|p=1}}<ref>{{Cite web|website=Receita Federal|date=2020-09-28|title=Primórdios do Imposto de Renda no Brasil|url=https://www.gov.br/receitafederal/pt-br/acesso-a-informacao/institucional/memoria/imposto-de-renda/historia/primordios-do-imposto-de-renda-no-brasil|access-date=2024-07-13}}</ref> A complex tax, it was criticized for the administrative machinery it needed, and was not collected immediately. The collection system was studied and organized by engineer Francisco Tito de Souza Reis.<ref name="receita" />

The collection was organized using Treasury employees. The rates ranged from 0.5 to 8% on earnings and exempted income lower than 20 million [[Brazilian real (old)|réis]].{{sfn|Silva|2015|p=2}} A much criticized point, the exemption for rural producers,{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=243}} was removed in the law for 1926.<ref>{{Cite web|website=Receita Federal|date=2020-09-28|title=1925 A 1929 - As Primeiras Reformas|url=https://www.gov.br/receitafederal/pt-br/acesso-a-informacao/institucional/memoria/imposto-de-renda/historia/1925-a-1929-as-primeiras-reformas|access-date=2024-07-13}}</ref> Collection began in 1924,<ref name="receita" /> extracting 25,19 billion réis from 82,594 taxpayers. The tax was not very effective in its first years and underwent several modifications. The taxpayer base grew to four times its initial size by 1929.{{sfn|Silva|2015|p=2}}

== 1923 ==

=== Federal intervention in Rio de Janeiro ===
{{Main|1923 federal intervention in Rio de Janeiro}}
[[File:O Brasil 12 de janeiro de 1923.jpg|thumb|Aurelino Leal taking office as federal intervener in Rio de Janeiro|left]]

Raul Fernandes, the new president ([[List of governors of Rio de Janeiro|governor]]) of Rio de Janeiro, who would be sworn in on 1 January 1923, feared the enmity of the federal government and sought out Bernardes before taking office. Bernardes received him kindly, but a few days later warned that he would not give any guarantees. This was Benardes' chance to retaliate against Nilo Peçanha, whose oligarchy, at the time represented by Raul Fernandes, had dominated the state of Rio de Janeiro since 1914. In the New Year, the president thanked a telegram announcing Fernandes' inauguration and warned of another inauguration message from the oppositionist Feliciano Sodré, who contested the gubernatorial election results and also declared himself governor. The state now had two Executives and two Legislatures.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=374-375}}{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=58}}

The "''Nilist''" (ally of Nilo Peçanha) governor took office secured by federal troops and a writ of ''habeas corpus'' from the Supreme Court. Once in power, Raul Fernandes was boycotted by the federal government. The state's [[Military Police of Rio de Janeiro State|Public Force]] became insubordinate, letters and telegrams were not delivered to members of the government when they were not addressed by name and the State treasurer did not receive the checks and postal orders collected in the countryside. Violence took over the state's municipalities, where Feliciano Sodré's supporters, claiming they were being threatened, removed local authorities — with the help of marshal Fontoura's police, according to the ''Nilists''.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=375}}{{sfn|Galvão|2013|p=126}}

On 10 January, Bernardes decreed federal intervention, "considering that the state of dual governments is producing this disorder in all municipalities in the State of Rio, with neither of the would-be presidents being able to assert their authority, which requires the action of the Union to achieve public peace and tranquility".{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=60-63}} The decree installed the federal intervener Aurelino Leal in the state Executive, who "will replace the normal State government in everything". With these powers, the intervener, supposedly a figure free from partisanship, was able to remove the ''Nilists'' from the public machine.{{sfn|Galvão|2013|p=171-174}} The election was annulled and new elections called.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=375}} The decision to intervene in Rio de Janeiro was much discussed and even the Supreme Court debated whether to issue a note of protest.{{sfn|Galvão|2013|p=36-38, 62, 150-151}}

{{Clear}}

=== The Bank of Brazil and coffee ===
{{Multiple image
|align     = right
|direction = vertical
|width     = 220
|image1    = 290 mil contos queimados (1).jpg
|image2    = 290 mil contos queimados (2).jpg
|caption2  = The Finance Minister and directors of the Bank of Brazil watching the burning of 290 billion réis
}}

The Epitácio Pessoa administration, yielding to pressure from São Paulo, purchased coffee stocks to protect prices, inflating the economy.{{sfn|Fritsch|1993|p=6}} The cost of living doubled between 1921 and 1923 by some imprecise calculations. Consequently, the Bernardes administration was extremely unpopular in urban areas, especially in Rio de Janeiro.{{sfn|Pinheiro et al.|2006|p=442}} Bernardes did not open the [[Catete Palace]] to public visits and only appeared in public in closed spaces or to previously selected audiences. He remembered his presidential campaign, when angry mobs booed and attacked his entourage with sticks.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=612, 680}} His appointed mayor for the Federal District, Alaor Prata, was harshly criticized in the Rio press.{{sfn|Mesquitta|2015|p=1}}

The third coffee valorization plan had been underway since 1921, financed by a loan of 9 million pounds from British banks. Coffee prices were rising: the American and European economies were recovering and [[Prohibition in the United States]] increased demand. Conditions for the loan limited further valorization operations, however.{{sfn|Cardoso et al.|2006|p=258-259}} The new coffee protection scheme would transfer profits and losses from coffee storage from the federal government to producers. Production would be compulsorily retained in "regulatory warehouses", built at railway junctions, and released as the federal government saw fit. Coffee growers would receive a note from the warehouses, called "''conhecimento''", with which they could seek credit from banks or exporting firms.{{sfn|Saretta|1997|p=227}} The process would be managed by the Institute for the Permanent Defense of Coffee, provided for by law at the end of the previous administration, but this organization did not come to operate.{{sfn|Perissinotto|1993|p=179-180}}

Notes in the warehouses could be exchanged at the Bank of Brazil.{{sfn|Saretta|1997|p=227}} The scheme required a [[lender of last resort]] in case national or foreign private banks were unable to finance coffee planters. This role would be played by the Bank of Brazil, in which an issuance department was created, in practice a successor to the former ''Carteira do Redesconto''.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=70, 80, 83}} On 2 January 1923,{{sfn|Carone|1978|p=126}} the bank received the monopoly on monetary issuance and gold reserves from the Treasury, amounting to around £10 million. In practice, the reform did not make inflation financing difficult at all, if the government so desired. It could issue up to triple the value in gold, converted to the national currency at a rate of 12 pence per [[Milréis|''mil-réis'']], for a total of 600 billion réis. This would be an appreciation of almost double the exchange rate at that time (6.3).{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=78-80}}

Therefore, gold backed a third of issuances, with the remainder based on commercial securities.{{sfn|Saretta|1997|p=226-227}} At first, the notes issued would not be convertible. Full convertibility would be achieved later, and 12 pence was the valuation target. This reform simultaneously dealt with two points of the government program: the creation of a central bank and the relief of the Treasury's debt with the Bank of Brazil.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=78-80}} The bank's president, José Maria Whitaker, was too orthodox for this reform and was replaced by São Paulo native Cincinato Braga, one of the main mentors of the new policy.{{sfn|Franco|Correa do Lago|2011|p=44}} In February, the remaining stocks from the third recovery scheme, 3.4 million bags, began to be sold. They were equivalent to 22% of the world's coffee production from the 1922–1923 crop, and sales were spaced out so as not to increase the price too much.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=82}}

=== Labor legislation ===
[[File:Artur Bernardes com representantes operários.jpg|thumb|Artur and Clélia Bernardes receiving worker representatives|left]]

On 24 January, Bernardes enacted the so-called Eloy Chaves Law, which established pension and retirement funds for railway workers{{sfn|Dulles|1973|p=280}} and is considered the origin of [[social security in Brazil]].<ref>{{Cite web|last=Westin|first=Ricardo|date=2019-06-03|title=Primeira lei da Previdência, de 1923, permitia aposentadoria aos 50 anos|website=Agência Senado|url=https://www12.senado.leg.br/noticias/especiais/arquivo-s/primeira-lei-da-previdencia-de-1923-permitia-aposentadoria-aos-50-anos|access-date=2024-06-27}}</ref> Labor and welfare measures had been promised during the presidential campaign and several were approved during the remainder of Benardes' term: the creation of the National Labor Council, made up of government, employers and workers representatives, the protection of abandoned minors, restriction of child labor, creation of the position of "special curator for accidents at work" and 15 days of yearly paid vacation in the business, industry and banking sectors.{{sfn|Dulles|1973|p=280}}{{sfn|Batalha|2000|p=60}} In 1924, May 1st, [[Labour Day|Labor Day]], was declared a national holiday; according to Bernardes, the date was not intended for "subversive projects", but for the "glorification of orderly and useful labor".<ref name="galisi">{{Cite web|last=Galisi|first=Juliano|date=2024-04-07|title=Dia do Trabalhador: conheça a história do feriado prestes a completar cem anos de existência no País|website=Estado de S. Paulo|url=https://www.estadao.com.br/politica/voce-sabia-curiosidades-politica/dia-trabalhador-qual-presidente-decretou-1-maio-artur-bernardes-getulio-vargas-historia-feriado-trabalho/|access-date=2024-06-27}}</ref>

These laws were modest and often circumvented by employers.{{sfn|Malin|2015|p=20}} They were partly motivated by the country's concern with its image abroad, where it was expected that Brazil, as a participant in the [[International Labour Organization|International Labor Conferences]], would institute the labor rights suggested there.{{sfn|Batalha|2000|p=60}} In the same period, under the state of emergency, police raids and union closures became more frequent and strikes were smaller than in the previous decade.{{sfn|Batalha|2000|p=59}} Of the governments at the end of the First Brazilian Republic, that of Bernardes was simultaneously the one that most intervened in labor relations and most repressed the labor movement. The direction in which it was pointed was towards official unionism like that implemented by [[Getúlio Vargas]] in the following decade.{{sfn|Pinheiro et al.|2006|p=184}} The unions with the largest number of members during this period were the so-called "yellow" ones, with good relations with the government and the police, especially among maritime and transport workers.{{sfn|Pinheiro et al.|2006|p=189-190}}

=== War in Rio Grande do Sul ===
[[File:Coluna de Honório Lemes.jpg|thumb|Honório Lemes' revolutionaries]]

The repercussions of the crisis in Rio de Janeiro were overshadowed by the outbreak of a civil war in [[Rio Grande do Sul]] on 25 January. The local opposition, led by [[Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil|Assis Brasil]], rose up against the state government of [[Borges de Medeiros]], whose reelection it denounced as illegitimate.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=375-376}} At the beginning of Medeiros' new term, "liberator" (oppositionist) leaders such as Artur Caetano, Felipe Portinho, Leonel Rocha, Zeca Neto and Honório Lemes took up arms.{{sfn|Silva|1971|p=288}} With a disadvantage of weapons against the [[Military Brigade of Rio Grande do Sul]] and the Provisional Corps, it was left to the "''bandoleiros''" (bandits), as they were called by the government, to wage a rural guerrilla.{{sfn|Muxfeldt|Giorgis|2022|p=268-269}}

The liberators had supported Bernardes in the previous year's presidential election and expected federal intervention on his part to remove Borges de Medeiros, who had supported the Republican Reaction.{{sfn|Forno|2017|p=162}} From then on, the governor sought to comply with federal guidelines and avoid a conflict with the president.{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=75}} Bernardes took advantage of the opportunity, but did not dare to directly intervene, as the [[Rio-grandense Republican Party|Republican Party of Rio Grande do Sul]] (PRR) had been in power for decades{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=375}} and was protected by the Military Brigade. Bernardes refused an arbitration court for the election and kept the Federal Army neutral. Goodwill of federal officers towards the revolutionaries was visible, however; and there were cases of clandestine supply of ammunition and even defections.{{sfn|Silva|1971|p=289}}{{sfn|Muxfeldt|Giorgis|2022|p=268, 273}}

On 3 May, Bernardes announced that there was no duality of governments in the state to justify intervention.{{sfn|Muxfeldt|Giorgis|2022|p=268}} Nor was there a request from the state government, as required by the Constitution.{{sfn|Silva|1971|p=290}} In Congress, the debate was going on about the intervention in Rio de Janeiro. Rio Grande do Sul deputy Getúlio Vargas voted in favor of it, instructed by Borges de Medeiros, so as to bring his state closer to the federal government. Vargas argued based on the duality of governments in Rio de Janeiro and the deposed authorities in the countryside. Bahia deputy Raul Alves replied that, by the same reasoning, there would be a dual government in Rio Grande do Sul, if Assis Brasil so wanted. Vargas insisted: the revolutionaries in his state were "marching in the countryside, but they are not occupying any district in Rio Grande do Sul".{{sfn|Silva|1971|p=262-263}}{{sfn|Galvão|2013|p=140-141}} The decree was finally confirmed by Congress in September.{{sfn|Galvão|2013|p=37}}

=== 5th Pan-American Conference ===
{{See also|Pan-American Conference}}
[[File:A embaixada do Brasil na 5ª Conferência Pan-Americana.jpg|thumb|Return to Rio of Brazilian representative Afrânio de Melo Franco|left]]

In March, Brazil took part in the 5th Pan-American Conference held in [[Santiago]], Chile. Foreign Minister Félix Pacheco refused to represent the country in protest at the absence of [[Charles Evans Hughes]], [[United States Secretary of State|Secretary of State of the United States]]. In his place, the Brazilian delegation was led by Afrânio de Melo Franco, who was the Brazilian representative at the League of Nations, and Silvino Gurgel do Amaral, the Brazilian ambassador to Chile.{{sfn|Bethell|2015|p=7-8}}

At the League of Nations' Assembly, in [[Geneva]], Melo Franco had instructions to promote the creation of new permanent seats in the Deliberative Council for Brazil and Spain.{{sfn|Santos|2003|p=90}} The claim to a permanent seat on the council can be compared, in the 21st century, to Brazil's ambition at a permanent seat on the [[United Nations Security Council]].<ref>{{harvnb|Vidigal|Doratioto|2014}}, cap. 6.3.</ref> The country's size and population, its [[Brazil during World War I|participation in World War I]], and its pre-eminence in the Western Hemisphere convinced the government of this possibility.{{sfn|Pinheiro et al.|2006|p=431}} Since 1922, Brazil was one of four provisional members, while the permanent members were France, Great Britain, Italy and Japan.<ref name="vidigal">{{harvnb|Vidigal|Doratioto|2014}}, cap. 3.3.</ref>

The country's exaggerated confidence in the League's power and in its equality with the great powers disconcerted diplomacy with Latin American countries. This became visible in Santiago when the Brazilian mission rejected a proposal to disarm and freeze naval forces. This stance made sense, since the Brazilian Armed Forces were obsolete, unlike what existed in Argentina and Chile, countries that had been [[Argentine–Chilean naval arms race|engaged in an arms race]]. The Argentine mission branded Brazil as militaristic.<ref name="vidigal" /> The result of the debate was an inconsequential resolution, which did not specify budget cuts.{{sfn|Bethell|2015|p=7-8}}

{{Clear}}

=== Press Law ===
[[File:A lei de imprensa 5 de agosto de 1922.jpg|thumb|Illustration in the magazine ''[[O Malho]]'': the press "in freedom, but... with a sentry in sight"|180px]]

In June 1923,{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=380}} a bill returned to the agenda to "regulate the exercise of the press". Authored by senator Adolfo Gordo, it had been debated in Congress since 1922, in the aftermath of the [[crisis of the fake letters]].{{sfn|Maciel|2021|p=392-393}} The bill was welcomed by a significant part of the business press, such as ''O Paiz'' and ''Gazeta de Notícias'', in Rio de Janeiro, and ''Correio Paulistano'', ''[[O Estado de S. Paulo|Estado de S. Paulo]]'' and ''A Gazeta'', in São Paulo. A commentator in ''O Paiz'' argued that the press lived "on scandals, insults and slander", under the action of "unrepentant supporters of all hatred", while another stated that freedom of the press "only has one fair synonym: respect. Without it, we fall into abuse, into debauchery".{{sfn|Maciel|2021|p=397-399}}

Its proponents argued that there was full freedom for discussion, while opponents considered it absurd to debate the proposal in the midst of a state of emergency, with newspapers suffering criminal prosecutions and journalists being arrested and attacked.{{sfn|Maciel|2021|p=397-398, 404}} ''Jornal do Brasil'', ''O Imparcial'', ''Gazeta de Notícias'' and other newspapers critical of the government had copies seized and newsrooms raided.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=379}} For ''[[Correio da Manhã (Brazil)|Correio da Manhã]]'', the law established the crime of opinion, and for ''O Imparcial'', the proposal was "the death of freedom of opinion in Brazil".{{sfn|Maciel|2021|p=407}} The repeal of the law would later be one of the ''tenentists''<nowiki/>' declared objectives.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=338, 422}}

The final draft, approved in October, established the [[right of reply]], [[prior restraint]], special imprisonment and penalties for "press crimes", including the exposure of "State secrets" and "offenses against the President of the Republic", it prohibited anonymity, tried to limit the "clandestine" press and made clear the editors' responsibility for published content, eliminating a legal obstacle to criminal complaints of libel and slander.{{sfn|Dieppe|2017|p=1-2, 9}}{{sfn|Maciel|2021|p=393}}<ref>{{Cite web|title=Decreto nº 4.743 de 31 de outubro de 1923|url=https://www2.camara.leg.br/legin/fed/decret/1920-1929/decreto-4743-31-outubro-1923-567758-publicacaooriginal-91090-pl.html}}</ref> The law impacted liberal opinion in the business press, as the working-class press had already been persecuted, with the closure of workshops and the arrests of journalists, since the last years of the previous decade.{{sfn|Maciel|2021|p=395, 407}}

Nine days after the law came into force, ''Correio da Manhã'' called Epitácio Pessoa a tyrant and repeated an old accusation that he had favored sugar exporters after receiving a diamond necklace for his wife from sugar mill owners. The former president accused journalist Mário Rodrigues of slander and, in the resulting lawsuit, lawyer Evaristo de Morais tried to prove that the law was unconstitutional. The case reached the Supreme Court and Mário Rodrigues was sentenced to one year in prison.{{sfn|Dulles|1973|p=237-239}} The newspaper ''A Manhã'' was sued over an accusation of spoiled lard in a warehouse belonging to the Anglo company, and ''O Globo'' was sued over an accusation of favoritism by the Institute of Chemistry of the Ministry of Agriculture towards some butter producers in Minas Gerais.{{sfn|Dieppe|2017|p=10}}

=== Suspension of the state of emergency ===
[[File:Setembrino de Carvalho e chefes revolucionários.jpg|thumb|The Minister of War (first seated on the left) negotiating with revolutionary leaders from Rio Grande do Sul|left]]

In order to win the votes of Rio Grande do Sul congressmen for the Press Law, Bernardes promised not to extend the state of emergency,{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=380}} and it was ended by decree on 23 December.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Decreto nº 16.276 de 23 de dezembro de 1923|url=https://www2.camara.leg.br/legin/fed/decret/1920-1929/decreto-16276-23-dezembro-1923-516487-publicacaooriginal-1-pe.html}}</ref> On the same day, governor Feliciano Sodré took office in the state of Rio de Janeiro, after new elections for the state's Executive and [[Legislative Assembly of Rio de Janeiro|Legislative Assembly]]. Nilo Peçanha's faction did not even participate and found itself completely removed from power.{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=66, 72}} Shortly before, on the 14th, the Pact of Pedras Altas was signed in Rio Grande do Sul, which ended the war and granted amnesty to the revolutionaries, guaranteed room for the opposition in the Assembly and Congress, and kept Borges de Medeiros in his positions, but prohibited his re-election.{{sfn|Forno|2017|p=162}} The revolutionaries achieved all their demands except the immediate deposition of the governor, inaugurating a new era in Rio Grande do Sul politics.{{sfn|Silva|1971|p=352}}

Bernardes' intermediary in Rio Grande do Sul was War Minister Setembrino de Carvalho, the last of a series of presidential emissaries.{{Efn|According to the American consul in [[Montevideo]], Hoffman Philip, Bernardes' intention was for the mission to fail so that he could replace the minister ({{harvnb|Meirelles|2002|p=114-115}}).}} The first, Tavares de Lira, arrived in May, when PRR military successes frustrated any agreement. Nabuco de Gouvêa, the following month, had the same result. Conditions for peace improved towards the end of the year: a PRR victory seemed unlikely, but the liberators were unable to threaten the large cities, with the exception of [[Pelotas]].{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=377-378}} With the agreement, Borges de Medeiros gained a few additional years in power at the cost of a commitment to loyalty to Bernardes.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=19}}

{{Clear}}

=== Trial of the ''tenentists'' ===
[[File:A Noite 20 de fevereiro de 1923.jpg|thumb|Repercussion in the press of the ''tenentists'' trial|180px]]

While minister Setembrino de Carvalho returned from Rio Grande do Sul via the São Paulo-Rio Grande Railway, lieutenant [[Joaquim de Magalhães Cardoso Barata|Magalhães Barata]] was arrested on 25 December. The complaint was a plan to arrest the minister while he was passing through [[Ponta Grossa]], signaling a revolt by troops from [[Paraná (state)|Paraná]] and part of Rio de Janeiro.{{sfn|Silva|1971|p=358}} Rumors of uprisings and attempted coups were continually monitored by the Rio police. Loyalist sentiment seemed to win when Setembrino de Carvalho was elected president of the Military Club, after May.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=379}}{{sfn|Corrêa|1976|p=58-63}} Army lieutenants were punished with transfers, but order did not prevail in the barracks.{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=289}}{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=379}}

The following day, 50 army officers were sentenced for participating in the Copacabana Fort revolt, a trial followed with great apprehension.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=379}}{{sfn|Corrêa|1976|p=58-63}} Some officers were planning a new uprising, but waited until December for a presidential amnesty.{{sfn|Corrêa|1976|p=58}} This measure was common for military insubordination in previous decades, and precisely for this reason the Bernardes administration did not want to encourage indiscipline. This time, however, amnesty did not come, which was seen by military dissidents as a vindictive move.{{sfn|McCann|2009|p=342-343}} Bernardes saw the measure as a victory for the Republican Reaction.{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=107}}

Private reports about subversive activities in the military reached the president's desk in the first months of 1924. The political police knew that a new revolt was about to break out, although its date, location and extent were unknown.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=48}} Defectors who refused to hand themselves over to the authorities after their trial formed the nucleus of the conspiracy: [[Antônio de Siqueira Campos|Siqueira Campos]], Joaquim and [[Juarez Távora (general)|Juarez Távora]], [[Eduardo Gomes]] and other "professional revolutionaries".{{sfn|Corrêa|1976|p=64-65}} Their extensive activities far from Rio de Janeiro, taking advantage of the deterioration of the government's image, went unnoticed by the police apparatus.{{sfn|Antosz|2000|p=52}} But no active generals conspired, as they were directly chosen by the president.{{sfn|Antosz|2000|p=104}}

=== The Montagu Mission ===
[[File:Montagu e Sampaio Vidal.jpg|thumb|Sampaio Vidal and Edwin Montagu, respectively on the left and right, holding a document|180px|left]]

[[Edwin Montagu|Edwin Samuel Montagu]], former financial secretary of the [[HM Treasury|British Treasury]], arrived in Rio de Janeiro on 30 December, accompanied by a delegation of British financial experts, the "Montagu Mission". Its goal was to propose reforms to be implemented by the Brazilian government in exchange for a loan of £25 million. Their usual bankers, the [[Rothschild family|Rothschilds]], had the bargaining power to impose this mission, increasingly common abroad. As British ambassador [[John Tilley (diplomat)|John Tilley]] wrote to [[George Curzon, 1st Marquess Curzon of Kedleston|George Curzon]], "if [Bernardes] is forced to beg for money he may have to swallow the pill of foreign advice".{{sfn|Franco|Correa do Lago|2011|p=45}}{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=85-86}}

The better informed Brazilians feared the political repercussions of the mission, but saw the loan as the only painless solution to the country's economic situation.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=86}} The 1923 coffee crop exceeded 19.5 million bags, more than double the previous one, and there were still stocks from the appreciation to be liquidated.{{sfn|Franco|Correa do Lago|2011|p=44}} Financial policy, restrictive in the first half of the year, began to get out of control in the second. The Bank of Brazil resorted to money issuance. The price of coffee did not plummet, but inflation accelerated. In the second half of August alone, the ''mil-reis'' depreciated by 12%. The entire economic reform could be demoralized. The only alternative to borrowing would be a painful deflationary adjustment.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=83-85}}

The Montagu Mission criticized the way budgets were done, but praised the fiscal sanitation measures.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=87}} The government cut expenses, including civil servant wages and public works, when the deficit forecast for 1923 was much larger than expected. The real deficit decreased to 25% of the previous year's value.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=78}}{{sfn|Saretta|1997|p=227}} Austerity affected investments against [[Drought in Northeastern Brazil|drought in the Northeast]] initiated by the previous administration, under the justification that the works had been successful. Epitácio Pessoa had paid for the importation of machinery, equipment and cement for the construction of dams and roads in the region, which did not please either São Paulo coffee growers or the [[Coronelism|local oligarchs]]. In 1925, only 3,827 million réis were spent on this project.{{sfn|Travassos|Souza|Silva|2013|p=154}}

{{Clear}}

== 1924 ==

=== State of emergency in Bahia ===
[[File:Espirrou o Seabra!.jpg|thumb|Seabra, the "king" of Bahia's politics, is expelled from power by Bernardes]]

The gubernatorial elections in Bahia, held in January 1924, pitted Arlindo Leoni and Góis Calmon, both of whom declared themselves winners, with a duality of [[Legislative Assembly of Bahia|Legislative Assemblies]].{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=381}} Calmon was originally a conciliation candidate chosen by governor J. J. Seabra, Nilo Peçanha's running mate in the 1922 presidential election.{{sfn|Cunha|2011|p=124}} Under other circumstances, Seabra would have launched senator Muniz Sodré. The choice for Calmon, according to Eul-Soo Pang, was already an admission of defeat.{{sfn|Pang|1979|p=168}} But this was also a maneuver directed against Bernardes, as Calmon was the brother of the Minister of Agriculture and a friend of the president.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=381}}

The maneuver had no effect.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=381}} It was said in Bahia that Bernardes approved the agreement between the two factions, the governor's Democratic Republican Party (PRD) and the opposition's Republican Concentration of Bahia (CRB). Conciliation was not actually achieved and Bernardes remained hostile to the PRD. The senatorial election in July resulted in two candidates declaring themselves as winners, as was customary. The [[Federal Senate (Brazil)|Federal Senate]], guided by the Bernardes administration, swore in Pedro Lago, from the CRB, against Arlindo Leoni, from the PRD. The governor's party was convinced that it would not be saved by conciliation.{{sfn|Pang|1979|p=170-171}}

Seabra questioned Bernardes about the information, received from deputy Medeiros Neto, that Calmon had promised the president that he would "eradicate ''Seabrism''". Bernardes did not deny it. On 27 November 1923, Seabra, faced with political suicide, withdrew his support for Calmon. His last-minute candidate, Arlindo Leoni, was nicknamed "dead cat", as Calmon had growing popularity and support from parts of the PRD. Minister Miguel Calmon and senator Lago sent a telegram to the state's Public Force and the countryside colonels to vote for Góis, and Bernardes asked Horácio de Matos for support. The election took place on 29 December.{{sfn|Pang|1979|p=172-174}} After contesting the results, Leoni filed a ''habeas corpus'' petition with the Supreme Court to take office, and the opposition asked for federal intervention.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=381}}{{sfn|Cunha|2011|p=124}}

The federal government transferred the 28th Battalion of ''[[Caçadores]]'' from [[Aracaju]] to [[Salvador, Bahia|Salvador]] in December 1923. The commanders of this battalion and the 19th, from Salvador, were not trustworthy and were replaced. Additional reinforcements arrived in February: the 20th Battalion of ''Caçadores'', from [[Maceió]], the 3rd Heavy Machine Gun Company, from Rio de Janeiro, a battery from the 5th Mountain Artillery Group, from [[Valença, Rio de Janeiro|Valença]], the cruiser ''[[Brazilian cruiser Almirante Barroso (1896)|Barroso]]'', the auxiliary cruiser ''José Bonifácio'' and the destroyer ''[[Brazilian destroyer Rio Grande do Norte (1909)|Rio Grande do Norte]]''. Army soldiers patrolled the streets and occupied public facilities such as the State Chamber, the Official Press, the Treasury and the Library. The Public Force was bribed to transfer its weapons to the 6th Military Region's HQ. Protected by federal weapons, Góis Calmon took office without resistance. Ironically, he had supported the bombing of Salvador in 1912, when federal forces overthrew the state government as part of the Salvations Policy (federal interventions).{{sfn|Cascardo|2005|p=266-270}}{{sfn|Pang|1979|p=173}}

Bernardes' final act against his old enemies of 1922 was in the elections for senator in the Federal District. Only the results of the sections in which Mendes Tavares won were validated, canceling all the others and "beheading" the candidacy of Irineu Machado, one of those involved in the crisis of the fake letters. Nilo Peçanha died on 31 March.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=381}} The reckoning with Republican Reaction was concluded, and all its former members were incorporated into the government base, "not as political partners, but as resigned losers".{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=288-289}} Bernardes imposed his will at the cost of gaining even more civilian and military enemies.{{sfn|Cascardo|2005|p=270}} The measures taken in Rio de Janeiro and Bahia have already been analyzed as a moment of decadence or transformation of the "Governors' Policy", in which the federal government, in exchange for support in Congress, did not intervene in the internal politics of the states.{{sfn|Galvão|2013|p=21, 181-182}}{{sfn|Pang|1979|p=166-167}}

=== Rapprochement with the Church ===
[[File:Artur Bernardes com o cardeal Arcoverde.jpg|thumb|The president and cardinal Arcoverde confirm the rapprochement between Church and State|180px]]

On 4 May, Bernardes and the entire ministry attended the golden jubilee of [[Joaquim Arcoverde de Albuquerque Cavalcanti|D. Arcoverde]], the [[Roman Catholic Archdiocese of São Sebastião do Rio de Janeiro|archbishop of Rio de Janeiro]] and first Brazilian cardinal — an unprecedented visit since the separation between the [[Catholic Church in Brazil|Catholic Church]] and the Brazilian State and a public exhibition of their rapprochement, which had already begun under the previous government.{{sfn|Azzi|1977|p=85-86}} Bernardes was personally distinguished by his Catholic religiosity, cemented by his secondary education at the Caraça School{{sfn|Monteiro|1997|p=38}} — although, according to him, he was no longer a practicing Catholic in 1925, and only later resumed his religion.{{sfn|Azzi|1977|p=88}}

The interests of both were not always compatible throughout Bernardes' presidency; After the revolt of July 1924, Bernardes criticized the Church's protection of political prisoners as excessive, and the following year his government silenced Catholic demands for the constitutional reform project. Even so, in 1925 ''[[Jornal do Commercio]]'' was able to state that "the national problems of [[Indigenous peoples in Brazil|Indian]] education and catechesis have never had as much support from Catholic works as at this moment. And the government has always counted, absolutely, on the patriotic collaboration of the Episcopate and of the clergy in general". The president even proposed the candidacy of [[Sebastião da Silveira Cintra|D. Leme]] for the Senate, representing the state of Rio de Janeiro, against the candidacy of Raul Fernandes.{{sfn|Azzi|1977|p=87-89}}

=== Montagu Report ===
[[File:A Rua 28 de junho de 1924.jpg|thumb|The opposition criticizes the Montagu Mission: "Under English tutelage". "If the constitutional review is not carried out, we will not have a loan"|left]]

The Montagu Mission left the country on 4 March, shortly after delivering the provisional version of its report to the Brazilian government. The most difficult thing was getting Bernardes to agree to the sale of government shares in the Bank of Brazil, 52% of the total. This would guarantee the bank's independence, but Montagu wanted the shares to be sold to British bankers to ensure compliance with the agreement. The [[London]] bankers themselves, in correspondence with Montagu, thought it more prudent to recommend that the Brazilian government sell its shares to its own citizens. Montagu insisted on his position, which was, according to him, his only certainty when leaving London. The only guarantee of a wise financial policy in Brazil would be "with some foreign element, that is, British, in the financial system".{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=90-91, 96-97}}

The other recommendations included abandoning federal subsidies for the protection of coffee, changing the procedures for preparing the federal budget, reducing public spending, especially with the dismissal of civil servants, reducing the external debt of states and municipalities, exempting some foreign investors from taxes, privatize some public companies, such as [[Lloyd Brasileiro]] and [[Estrada de Ferro Central do Brasil|Central do Brasil]],{{sfn|Monteiro|1997|p=69-71}}{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=240-243}} and temporarily suspend the construction project of a steel plant.{{sfn|Saretta|1997|p=228}} This plant was part of the government program, but Montagu argued that it would be an excessive burden on public spending. Sampaio Vidal got a promise from Montagu to finance the project in the future.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=89-90, 92}} The Brazilians accepted most of the demands,{{sfn|Saretta|1997|p=228}} and Bernardes personally guaranteed that he would not take loans from other creditors.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=96}}

In May, at the opening of legislative work, Bernardes proposed a constitutional reform with points that referred to British demands.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=99}} In the following months, the government's allied base reformed the Chamber of Deputies and Senate regulations to facilitate constitutional review.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=80}} The mission's final report was published in ''Jornal do Commercio'' on 29 June 1924,{{sfn|Monteiro|1997|p=69}} to the praise of the pro-Bernardes British and Brazilian press. ''[[La Nación]]'', from [[Buenos Aires]], and ''[[El Mercurio]]'', from Santiago, noted the good reception of the report in the trading of Brazilian bonds on the [[London Stock Exchange|London]] and [[New York Stock Exchange|New York stock exchanges]]. Oppositionists were outraged: the proposals would humiliate Brazil or even transform it into a British colony, with Bernardes as a puppet of foreign interests. Later, the manifesto of the rebellious leader João Francisco Pereira de Souza directly attacked the report, in addition to the increase given to congressmen's salaries while the army suffered cuts.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=243}}{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=100}}

Before the sale of Bank of Brazil shares reached Congress, the British government restricted external loans, making months of negotiations futile. The Brazilian authorities now needed to look for a new solution, without depending on the loan.{{sfn|Franco|Correa do Lago|2011|p=45-46}} Even so, some of the report's proposals ended up being adopted in the reforms for the remainder of Bernardes' presidency.{{sfn|Monteiro|1997|p=70}}

=== The battle of São Paulo ===
{{Main|São Paulo Revolt of 1924}}
[[File:Trincheira dos revoltosos na rua da Liberdade.jpg|thumb|A rebel barricade on Liberdade street, São Paulo|left]]

Informed of the outbreak of an uprising by elements of the army and Public Force in the city of [[São Paulo]], Bernardes declared a state of emergency in the Federal District and the states of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo on 5 July 1924, on the anniversary of the Copacabana Fort revolt.{{sfn|Corrêa|1976|p=114-115}} Planned as a rapid blow, which would occupy the city in a few hours and then march to Rio de Janeiro, the uprising degenerated into [[Urban combat in the São Paulo Revolt of 1924|urban combat in the center of São Paulo]],{{sfn|Corrêa|1976|p=78-79, 116, 119}}{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=128}} with scenes reminiscent of the [[World War I|First World War]].<ref>{{Cite web|last=Lopes|first=Marcus|title=Há 95 anos, bombas caíam sobre São Paulo e arrasavam a cidade|date=2019-08-11|url=https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/brasil-49262059|website=BBC News Brasil}}</ref> Loyalist reinforcements immediately rushed to the city, but some of them defected to the rebel side.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=22}} In the countryside, the government assured control of the [[Paraíba Valley]], the [[Itararé]] branch and the [[Baixada Santista]].{{sfn|Corrêa|1976|p=114-118}}

On 9 July, the leader of the revolt, general [[Isidoro Dias Lopes]], proclaimed himself as head of a "Provisional Government".{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=97}} The revolutionary manifestos clarified that the movement was national in scope, not regional, accused Bernardes of despotism, and called for his resignation.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=24}} The political program in the ''tenentist'' movement, vaguely nationalist in character, demanded freedom of the press, secret ballots and overcoming the old political oligarchies,{{sfn|Malin|2015|p=16}}{{sfn|Pinheiro et al.|2006|p=440-441}} considering itself as a revolutionary movement to overthrow a corrupt and backward regime.{{sfn|Cunha|2011|p=117}} The situation was deteriorating in São Paulo. Revolutionary columns [[São Paulo Revolt of 1924 in the interior|occupied municipalities in the countryside]],{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=386}} factories stopped and hungry mobs looted stores.{{sfn|McCann|2009|p=348-349}} The São Paulo metropolis had a history of labor conflicts and the government feared that the revolt would degenerate into a popular insurrection, culminating in a [[Bolsheviks|Bolshevik]]-style revolution.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=73-74}}

[[File:Incêndio produzido por granada oficinas Duprat (Revista da Semana).jpg|thumb|Ruins of the fire caused by artillery in a factory in São Paulo]]

In the second fortnight, the government forces, under the command of general Eduardo Sócrates, reached 15 thousand men from the army and [[Public Forces (Brazil)|state forces]]{{sfn|Muxfeldt|Giorgis|2022|p=282}} — among them, the Military Brigade of Rio Grande do Sul, in a gesture of rapprochement with Borges de Medeiros.{{sfn|Forno|2017|p=164}} Loyalist artillery [[Bombing of São Paulo|indiscriminately shelled rebel territory]], killing civilians, destroying factories and homes, and creating hundreds of thousands of refugees. At the end of the conflict, the city council counted 503 dead and 4,846 injured, of which two thirds were civilians.<ref>{{harvnb|Assunção|2015}}, Breve contexto histórico e político de 1924 e os antecedentes do movimento.</ref> Requests to halt the bombing on humanitarian grounds were refused by the government.{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=118}} Loyalist pressure expelled the rebels from São Paulo on 27 July, but in the following months thousands of rebels moved to western Paraná, where they [[Paraná Campaign|prolonged the fight]].{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=386-387}}

=== Revolutionary wave ===
The permanent revolutionary threat hovered over the country.{{sfn|Monteiro|1997|p=67}} The "1924 civil war" had two major fronts: one from São Paulo to Paraná and the other in the [[Amazon basin]].{{sfn|Pereira|2021|p=399}} Military revolts spread across the country: in [[Bela Vista, Mato Grosso do Sul|Bela Vista]], [[Mato Grosso]], on [[Tenentist revolts in Mato Grosso#Revolt of the 10th RCI|the 12th]]; [[Aracaju]], in [[Sergipe]], on [[Tenentist revolts in Sergipe|the 13th]]; [[Manaus]], in [[Amazonas (Brazilian state)|Amazonas]], on the 23rd; and [[Belém]], in [[Pará]], on the 26th.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=387-389}} In the cases of [[North Region, Brazil|Northern]] and [[Northeast Region, Brazil|Northeastern Brazil]], the very battalions that were supposed to board for the [[Southeast Region, Brazil|Southeast]] rebelled by the initiative of the lower officialdom. The military high command was forced to cancel the deployment of other battalions to quell the revolts.{{sfn|Pereira|2021|p=323-324}}{{sfn|Maynard|2008|p=38, 93-94}}

Sergipe and Amazonas had ephemeral revolutionary governments, lasting 21 and 30 days respectively.{{sfn|McCann|2009|p=350-351}} In the latter, the rebels controlled most of the Amazonas Flotilla and Fort Óbidos, in the most strategic stretch of the [[Amazon River]]. However, the failure of the revolt in Belém trapped them in their territory in the Amazon.{{sfn|Pereira|2021|p=321, 348, 376}} General [[João de Deus Mena Barreto]] went up the river with a loyalist detachment from the Army and Navy. The Óbidos garrison abandoned the city after a brief air raid and the government in Manaus surrendered to the authorities. Power was not returned to the deposed governor, César do Rego Monteiro, but handed over to a federal intervener. The arguments of senator Barbosa Lima's intervention bill were the same as those of the rebels regarding the authoritarianism of the deposed government and delays in payments to civil servants.{{sfn|Pereira|2021|p=399-412}}

=== The loyalist support base ===
[[File:Comemorações do 15 de Novembro no Palácio do Catete (1924).jpg|thumb|Military officers and politicians show solidarity with Bernardes on 15 November]]

Parallel to the battles in São Paulo and other cities, the new state of emergency was more repressive than previous periods.{{sfn|Aragão|2011|p=132, 343}} News about the revolts were censored.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=101}}{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=49}} Mass arrests without investigation filled Rio's prisons. The prisoners were journalists, workers sympathetic to the revolution, especially [[Anarchism in Brazil|anarchists]], but also beggars, unemployed people and others captured in "canoes": sweeps of certain streets at specific times. Political prisoners shared prison cells with common criminals. Conditions could be very precarious, and due to lack of space, many remained in the holds of prison ships or on islands in [[Guanabara Bay]].{{sfn|Romani|2011b|p=168, 170-172}}{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=103}}{{sfn|Dulles|1973|p=242}} Arrests and torture of rebels, supporters, suspects and their relatives were repeated throughout the country.{{sfn|McCann|2009|p=353}}

Many conspiracies were discovered by political police before they materialized.{{sfn|Aragão|2011|p=120}}{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=286}} Bomb attacks occurred in September, and on 20 October the police arrested Protógenes Guimarães, head of a revolutionary movement in the navy.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=238-239}} On 4 November, rebels took control of the battleship ''[[Brazilian battleship São Paulo|São Paulo]]'', which, however, was almost out of ammunition as a precautionary measure,{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=249-252}} and could do nothing other than head into exile in [[Montevideo]].{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=394}}

The government's biggest concern was in Rio Grande do Sul,{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=239-240}} where a [[Rio Grande do Sul Revolt of 1924|new revolt]] broke out at the end of October. On one side, the ''tenentists'' and the opposition from Rio Grande do Sul, and on the other, the state and federal governments.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=389-390}}{{sfn|Muxfeldt|Giorgis|2022|p=293-294}} This revolt failed to threaten the state's largest military hub, [[Santa Maria, Rio Grande do Sul|Santa Maria]].{{sfn|Alves|2014|p=20}} In western Paraná, the remnants of the revolt in São Paulo resisted in a long trench war{{sfn|Muxfeldt|Giorgis|2022|p=285}} against general [[Cândido Rondon]], who commanded a force of 12 thousand men.{{sfn|Heller|2006|p=92}}

On 15 November, the anniversary of the [[Proclamation of the Republic (Brazil)|Proclamation of the Republic]] and the second anniversary of Bernardes' term, there were many tributes to the president at the Catete Palace. Security measures were strict: only ministers and high-ranking figures were allowed to park in the garden's avenues, and even people passing by tram in front of the palace were searched.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=285-289}} State governors made their loyalty clear. In July, the top brass of the Armed Forces also confirmed their support for the government. The ''tenentists'' could have the urban middle classes on their side, but they were completely abandoned by the political class, which closed ranks in defense of order, fearful of popular unrest.{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=289}}{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=103}} The federal and state governments, the rural and urban oligarchies and a large part of the army formed a ''status quo'' united front. Empowered by the state of emergency,{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=392}} they were willing to sacrifice political liberalism to crush their enemies.{{sfn|Lynch|2014|p=158}}

=== Umberto of Savoy's visit ===
[[File:Comitiva italiana no couraçado São Paulo.jpg|thumb|Umberto of Savoy, Pietro Badoglio and Félix Pacheco on board the battleship ''São Paulo''|left]]

[[Salvador, Bahia|Salvador]], Bahia, received official visits from prince [[Umberto II of Italy|Umberto of Savoy]], heir to the [[King of Italy|Italian throne]], on 26–30 July and 9–18 September.{{sfn|Boaventura|2015|p=193}}{{sfn|Cattarulla|2020|p=25}} The Italian diplomatic mission visited Brazil and three other South American countries, Argentina, Chile and Uruguay, to represent [[Benito Mussolini]]'s regime to the respective governments and the [[Italian diaspora|diaspora]].{{sfn|Cattarulla|2020|p=23-24}} The prince wanted to visit São Paulo,{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=311-312}} a logical destination due to the large concentration of [[Italian Brazilians|Italian immigrants]], but the ongoing revolt ruled out this option. Rio de Janeiro was also excluded, as it was still considered unstable. Bahia, on the other hand, was safe and the Calmon government enjoyed the confidence of the president.{{sfn|Cattarulla|2020|p=25}}{{sfn|Boaventura|2015|p=189-190}} The Minister of Foreign Affairs, aboard the battleship ''São Paulo'', represented the Brazilian government on the second visit.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=311-312}}{{sfn|Boaventura|2015|p=196}}

Despite advertising to attract more immigrants, Italian immigration to São Paulo decreased significantly between 1925 and 1929.{{sfn|Dulles|1973|p=281}} [[Pietro Badoglio]], the Italian ambassador to Brazil, was not pleased with the transfer of the prince's trip and much less so with the government's bombing of São Paulo, which heavily hit Italian neighborhoods: [[Mooca (district of São Paulo)|Mooca]] and [[Brás]].{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=311-312}} Foreign consulates in Brazil received criticism and requests for neutrality from their citizens during the 1924 revolt, often without response.{{sfn|Campos|2019|p=40}} The destruction of British property and the censorship of American journalists completed the damage caused by the revolts on Brazil's image abroad.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=311-312}} The country's image was eroded by the contrast between internal authoritarianism and active participation in the League of Nations, where Brazilian diplomats worked on issues such as the distribution of passports to refugees and ethnic minorities. In 1924 Brazil became the first country to operate a legation with embassy status in Geneva.{{sfn|Campos|2019|p=12-13, 39-40}}

{{Clear}}

=== Deflationary adjustment ===
[[File:Armazém regulador do café de Campinas.jpg|thumb|Coffee held in one of the "regulatory warehouses" in 1924]]

Direction of the country's economic policy took a turn at the end of 1924:{{sfn|Saretta|1997|p=229}} in November{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=107}} the federal government abandoned the defense of coffee, leaving the task to the states (especially São Paulo),{{sfn|Monteiro|1997|p=71}}{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=291}} and in 27 December Sampaio Vidal and Cincinato Braga were dismissed and replaced by Aníbal Freire, from Pernambuco, at the Ministry of Finance, and James Darcy, from Rio Grande do Sul, at the Bank of Brazil.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=106}} The immediate pretext was the criticism received by the contract between the federal government and the Bank of Brazil in the Chamber of Deputies' Finance and Justice Committee, on the 17th. Deputy Aníbal Freire pointed out that several provisions of the contract were not based on the decree that established it. Sampaio Vidal and Cincinato Braga, who had already been questioned by the president about money issuance, asked for dismissal.{{sfn|Magalhães|1973|p=182}} The government broke with São Paulo on the economy,{{sfn|Pinheiro et al.|2006|p=442}}{{sfn|Cardoso et al.|2006|p=105}} without losing them as allies in politics, as Minas Gerais and São Paulo shared immediate interests.{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=293-294}}

The appointments and the abandonment of the federal defense of coffee were complementary. Coffee prices were rising and the crop was smaller, but coffee growers, with little liquidity and waiting for stocks to be released, wanted a new valuation method.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=107-108}} At the same time, the government was failing to meet its economic goals. Inflation continued to rise, and food prices were worrying. The growth in exports was offset by the parallel rise in imports. The Bank of Brazil's issuances reached 400 billion réis in June, although not directly for the payment of coffee notes. Spending on military revolts exceeded the legal limit (600 billion) and circulation reached 753 billion at the beginning of October.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=101-105}}

Bernardes began to disagree with the defenders of money issuance in the old debate about coffee valuation.{{sfn|Perissinotto|1993|p=178-180}} The Bank of Brazil's behavior was criticized by defenders of orthodox economics, including deputy Antônio Carlos. In January, Antônio Carlos revealed to Montagu that Bernardes disapproved of the coffee valuation scheme and blamed money issuance for the devaluation of the exchange rate. The Montagu Mission agreed with the criticisms of the defense of coffee, as it subjected the money in circulation to strong and random pressures. Letting the Bank of Brazil continue to issue would prevent a future reopening of negotiations with the British. Without informing Sampaio Vidal and Cincinato Braga, Bernardes and orthodox politicians planned deflationary measures. The support received from the political class after the military revolts gave the president room to implement unpopular policies.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=103-106}}

The new economic policy was strongly recessive.{{sfn|Franco|Correa do Lago|2011|p=46}} The Bank of Brazil raised the interest rate on lending operations to other banks and reduced their amount. Treasury bills were withdrawn from circulation.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=110}} Surplus money was incinerated.{{sfn|Magalhães|1973|p=183}} A monetary contraction on that scale had not been seen since [[Joaquim Murtinho]]'s tenure as Finance Minister, at the turn of the century.{{sfn|Franco|Correa do Lago|2011|p=46}} Monetary restrictions were accompanied by a reinforced tightening against budget deficit.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=110}} In January 1925, most public works projects were suspended.{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=151}} 

Eight federal coffee warehouses were sold to the state of São Paulo,{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=293}} which founded the São Paulo Institute for Permanent Coffee Defense. From December 1925, agreements between the states defined the product's shipment quotas.{{sfn|Cardoso et al.|2006|p=263-266}} The federal government would still participate in coffee operations through a National Fund, financed by a road tax, to support state programs.{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=291-292}}

== 1925 ==

=== Educational reform ===
In January 1925, Bernardes enacted the so-called Rocha Vaz Reform,{{sfn|Arce|2007|p=10}} which sought to centralize and standardize secondary and higher schools.{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=293-294, 298-299}} The reform established the National Department of Education, considered by some authors to be a precursor to the current [[Ministry of Education (Brazil)|Ministry of Education]], although its attributions were limited.<ref>{{Cite web|last1=Camargo|first1=Angélica Ricci|last2=Gabler|first2=Louise|year=2022|website=Arquivo Nacional, Dicionário Primeira República|title=Departamento Nacional do Ensino|url=https://mapa.an.gov.br/index.php/dicionario-primeira-republica/1112-departamento-nacional-do-ensino|access-date=2024-06-07}}</ref> The National Congress diluted the reform's changes, whose strongest effect ended up being just the moralization of teaching{{sfn|Bomeny|2015|p=8-9}} through the inclusion of moral and civic education in the secondary education curriculum. The government agreed with the Church that political, economic and social issues were, deep down, moral.{{sfn|Arce|2007|p=10}}

=== Exile of prisoners ===
[[File:Grupo de prisioneiros em Clevelândia.jpg|thumb|Sick prisoners in Clevelândia|left]]

The year 1925 began with a state of emergency in force in the Federal District, Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Mato Grosso, Paraná, Santa Catarina, Rio Grande do Sul, Sergipe, Pará and Amazonas.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Decreto nº 16.765 de 1 de janeiro de 1925|url=https://www2.camara.leg.br/legin/fed/decret/1920-1929/decreto-16765-1-janeiro-1925-500210-publicacaooriginal-1-pe.html}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Decreto nº 16.767 de 2 de janeiro de 1925|url=https://www2.camara.leg.br/legin/fed/decret/1920-1929/decreto-16767-2-janeiro-1925-508522-publicacaooriginal-1-pe.html}}</ref> The addition of Bahia, on 21 February,<ref>{{Cite web|title=Decreto nº 16.816 de 21 de fevereiro de 1925|url=https://www2.camara.leg.br/legin/fed/decret/1920-1929/decreto-16816-21-fevereiro-1925-517591-publicacaooriginal-1-pe.html}}</ref> left the state of emergency at its maximum territorial extent, simultaneously in force in the capital and ten states. Again there was an extension until the end of the year.{{sfn|Gasparetto|2018|p=264}} Congress voted massively in favor of the state of emergency,{{sfn|Gasparetto|2018|p=275}} and according to historian Neil Macaulay, it "said amen to everything".{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=49}} But its minority was the last organized opposition, presenting amnesty bills and using the platform to report on the revolts and denounce torture of prisoners.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=392-393}}

The year also began with the recent transformation of two remote and isolated places into political prisons: the oceanic island of [[Trindade and Martim Vaz|Trindade]] and the [[Penal colony of Clevelândia|Cleveland Agricultural Center]], on Brazil's border with [[French Guiana]].{{Efn|In Trindade "[https://www.agazeta.com.br/colunas/herbert-soares/ilha-da-trindade-isolado-territorio-do-es-ja-foi-uma-prisao-federal-1119 the first political, civilian and military prisoners arrived in December 1924]. The first ship with prisoners for Clevelândia arrived at the [[Oyapock River]] on 26 December.}} Clevelândia was suggested by the Minister of Agriculture as a way of keeping quiet the insistent requests for ''habeas corpus''. He argued based on the Prophylaxis Service of Pará, which attested to the healthiness of the place.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=442}}{{sfn|Heller|2006|p=153}} Biographer Bruno de Almeida Magalhães claimed that "some prisoners perished", but "the legend about Clevelândia" has already been "unquestionably refuted". The specialized bibliography contradicts this defense, demonstrating a high mortality rate among prisoners due to ill-treatment and tropical diseases. Carlo Romani even described Clevelândia as a concentration camp.<ref name="assunção7" />{{Efn|"In the report ''Journey to the Cleveland Colonial Nucleus'', produced by the Bernardes government, it is stated that, of the 946 prisoners, 408 were from Catanduvas, 419 were from Rio de Janeiro and 119 were from Amazonas. Of the total, 491 died and 262 escaped, and the most common diseases in the prison were bacillary dysentery, malaria and tuberculosis". {{Cite thesis|last=Brito|first=Edson Machado de|year=2008|title=Do sentido aos significados do presídio de Clevelândia do Norte: repressão, resistência e disputa política no debate da imprensa|url=https://sapientia.pucsp.br/bitstream/handle/13059/1/Edson%20Machado%20de%20Brito.pdf|publisher=Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo}} p. 31.}}

[[File:139 - Roncador, seção do 3º GIAP em ação contra Catanduvas.jpg|thumb|Loyalist artillery in action in Catanduvas]]

Most deaths in Clevelândia were due to bacillary dysentery brought by war prisoners from [[Catanduvas, Paraná|Catanduvas]], in the [[Paraná Campaign]].{{sfn|Heller|2006|p=155}} Waging a conventional trench warfare, the defenders of Catanduvas exposed themselves to the loyalist army, which employed the same tactics.{{sfn|Diacon|1998|p=426}} The government, unlike the ''tenentists'', had "ammunition factories, money factories and enough illiterates to throw against our machine guns", in the words of captain [[Luís Carlos Prestes]], commander of the remnants of the revolt in Rio Grande do Sul.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=332}}

=== The Prestes Column ===
{{Main|Coluna Prestes{{!}}Prestes Column}}
[[File:Estado de sítio no Brasil de 1922 a 1926.jpg|thumb|Date of the first promulgation of the state of emergency in each state|left]]

The goverment's victory in Catanduvas allowed the expulsion of the other ''tenentists'' from Brazilian territory. On 29 April, the remnants of the revolts in São Paulo and Rio Grande do Sul escaped to Paraguay. The Bernardes government "emerged from its severe trial stronger than ever".{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=89-93}} The president received from the Foreign Minister a telegram from general Rondon announcing that "order has been reestablished in Paraná and Santa Catarina and, perhaps, throughout Brazil". Bernardes was not so optimistic.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=369-370}} In May the rebels, reorganized into the "[[Coluna Prestes|Prestes Column]]", crossed the border into Mato Grosso and reignited the war.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=102}} With 800 to 1,400 men, the column did not have enough strength to march against Rio de Janeiro.{{sfn|Xavier|2016|p=195}} Deep in the vast and disconnected interior of the country, the rebels evaded the loyalist pursuing columns,{{sfn|Diacon|1998|p=410, 415}} which sent thousands of soldiers into campaign.{{sfn|McCann|2009|p=353}}

At the end of June, pursued by [[Bertoldo Klinger]]'s loyalists, the column entered Goiás.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=123}} In August, planning to enter Bahia along the east bank of the [[São Francisco River]], the column entered Minas Gerais, but turned back when it encountered loyalist forces on the river. In the Northeast, the rebels hoped to receive civil and military support to strengthen themselves for a possible offensive against Rio de Janeiro, taking advantage of the recent civil war in Bahia.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=137-138, 155}} Governor Calmon had tried to extirpate the power of colonel Horácio de Matos, lord of a "state within the state" in [[Chapada Diamantina]]. An expedition of a thousand ''[[Jagunço|jagunços]]'' and Public Force soldiers was repelled by Matos' militiamen in [[Lençóis]], and in February 1925 federal intermediation ended the conflict. Bernardes, linked to Matos through minister Francisco Sá, used the Minister of Agriculture, the governor's brother, to pressure for an end to the conflict. Horácio de Matos imposed his conditions, humiliating the state government.{{sfn|Pang|1979|p=182-186}}

[[File:Coluna Miguel Costa-Prestes chefes revolucionários.png|thumb|Leaders of the Prestes Column]]

In November the column entered [[Maranhão]], even foreseeing the possibility of an "effective and lasting possession" of the state.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=171-172}} The following month, it invaded [[Piauí]], anticipating a capture of the state capital, [[Teresina]], against the demoralized loyalists. 90% of the population left the city, and general João Gomes proposed abandoning it and reconquering it with artillery, in a similar way to São Paulo. Governor Matias Olímpio de Melo persevered in resisting in his capital and telegraphed to Rio de Janeiro, turning to minister Félix Pacheco and fellow Piauí's congressmen to put pressure on Bernardes. Encountering strong resistance, constant rain, and a malaria epidemic, the rebels lifted the siege on 30 December and continued east.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=174-180}}{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=456}}

=== Survival of the regime ===
[[File:Desenho da acusação no caso Conrado Niemeyer.jpg|thumb|Death of businessman Conrado Niemeyer at the 4th Police Bureau, according to the prosecution report|left]]

Teresina was the only large city attacked by the Prestes Column. The rebels, pushed into the countryside, avoided civilization and military centers, without threatening the federal capital. The Bernardes government remained in total control.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=398, 401}}{{sfn|Alves|2014|p=21}} The army, since Catanduvas, was no longer a serious danger.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=93}} What the column achieved was to discredit the army and the central government. The officers of the federal force showed little courage to fight against their fellow rebel comrades. Only state forces and [[Patriotic Battalions|patriotic battalions]] gained prestige. The population resisted by evading the [[Sortition Law|military lottery]]: 73,250 young men were called up to the army in 1925, of which 59,638 did not present themselves.{{sfn|McCann|2009|p=353-355}} Historiography usually narrates the Prestes Column in terms of the failure of the army's persecution.{{sfn|Diacon|1998|p=410}} But the loyalist campaign also had another aspect: massive federal contingents operated in regions almost devoid of agents of central power. The federal government found itself empowered to intervene in interior affairs.{{sfn|Diacon|1998|p=433-436}}

Rio de Janeiro continued to be the main source of concern.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=371}} In May, army deserters attempted to take over the 3rd Infantry Regiment, a mere five kilometers from the Catete Palace.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=111}} In July, businessman Conrado Niemeyer, arrested on charges of supplying explosives to conspirators, allegedly committed suicide by jumping out of one of the Central Police windows.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=654}} The fear of conspiracies even brought down the head of the 4th Police Bureau, who was interrogated and expelled in September for a suspicious trip to São Paulo. Carlos Reis was replaced by Francisco Chagas.{{sfn|Cunha|2011|p=151-152}}

In the rest of the country, small revolts still broke out in solidarity with the Prestes Column.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=399}} Still in May, incidents in São Paulo and [[Barretos]].{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=395}} In October, a [[Rio Grande do Sul Revolt of 1925|border incursion by exiled rebels]] into Rio Grande do Sul.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=448-450}} Brazilian consulates in Bolivia, Paraguay, Argentina and Uruguay collaborated with intelligence agents from the Armed Forces to monitor exiled ''tenentist'' communities and curb arms smuggling.{{sfn|Xavier|2016}}

== 1926 ==

=== Northeastern campaigns ===
[[File:Regresso do batalhão baiano.jpg|thumb|Return to Salvador of a Public Force battalion that fought the ''tenentists'']]

At the beginning of 1926, the Prestes Column crossed [[Ceará]], [[Rio Grande do Norte]], [[Paraíba]] and [[Pernambuco]], reaching the border with Bahia, on the banks of the São Francisco River, on 25 February.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=207}} The month was a tense atmosphere in [[Recife]], with military patrols on the streets and rumors of a rebel invasion or the cancellation of [[Brazilian Carnival|Carnival]]. Artists and intellectuals from five northeastern states (including [[Gilberto Freyre]]'s speech) held a congress in the capital of Pernambuco to discuss their region's decadence. On the 18th, shortly after [[Ash Wednesday]], Cleto Campelo, a lieutenant of the Recife garrison, and 26 other revolutionaries started their own revolt and tried to join the Prestes Column, but were intercepted in [[Gravatá]].{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=399}}{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=193-195}} The previous month, the leaders of the 1926 Sergipe revolt, imprisoned in the same barracks where they made the first attempt, rebelled once again, but were immediately defeated.{{sfn|Maynard|2008|p=10}}

General command of the loyalist forces in the Northeastern theater fell to general João Gomes, replaced in April by Álvaro Mariante.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=187-188}} The government turned to all possible allies — priests, local oligarchs and warlords, and ''jagunços''. Even the [[Cangaço|''cangaceiro'']] [[Lampião]] received the rank of army captain,{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=279}} embarrassing the opposition in Congress and the governments of four states that had signed an agreement to hunt him down.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=186}} Modern weapons were freely handed to irregular forces (patriotic battalions), and in this way, Mauser rifles used by the army fell into the hands of criminals.{{sfn|Mello|1974|p=93}} The year 1926 was a heyday for countryside banditry.{{sfn|Mello|1974|p=87}}

The war was increasingly violent. In [[Piancó]], Paraíba, the rebels executed the political leader and leader of the loyalist resistance, Father Aristides. Groups of ''jagunços'' set up ambushes against the Prestes Column.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=204}} Government propaganda labeled the rebels as bandits and thugs. In much of the country, populations received the column with apprehension or even hostility, due to its requests for food and supplies.{{sfn|Blanc|2024|p=55-56}} Both sides committed violence against the populations of the countryside. In June, an American consul commented that in Bahia, "federal and state troops committed depredations far worse than any attributed to the rebels".{{sfn|Blanc|2024|p=108-109}} In a letter to Luís Carlos Prestes, Father [[Padre Cícero|Cícero Romão Batista]] recognized the patriotism of the rebellion, but recommended its surrender: "you must still reflect on widowhood and orphanhood which, with penalizing abundance, spread everywhere".{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=509}}{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=204}}

When it attempted an incursion into northern Minas Gerais, from May to April, the column encountered government reinforcements, concentrated across the densest railway network in that state, and had to retreat.{{sfn|Diacon|1998|p=435}} In secret, its leadership decided to emigrate.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=214-215}} In June, the government reinforced Salvador, informed of the presence of rebels 170km from the city, but this was a screening operation. Maneuvering through Pernambuco, Piauí and the extreme northwest of Bahia, the rebels entered Goiás on 20 August.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=219-220}}

=== Command changes in the police ===
[[File:Marechal Fontoura presta depoimento no caso Conrado Niemeyer.jpg|thumb|Marshal Fontoura, retired, testifies about the Niemeyer case in 1927|left]]

On 8 April, the newspapers announced the dismissal of Carneiro de Fontoura as police chief of the Federal District. The reason was his dismissal of Renato Bittencourt, from the 17th Police Bureau. Under orders from the Minister of Justice, Bittencourt had repressed points of the ''[[Jogo do bicho|Jogo do Bicho]]'' hitherto untouched by the police. Marshal Fontoura claimed that the dismissal was purely disciplinary, but he did not convince Bernardes. A dossier had reached the president's hands linking the marshal to the great bosses of ''Jogo do Bicho'', such as João Pallut, Pereira, Cavanellas, Cropalatos, Metelle and Alvin. His monthly bribes, according to the dossier, were distributed among the highest levels of the Central Police. Mário de Lacerda, 2nd Auxiliary Police Chief, was appointed by the criminal Guimarães das Linhas, in favor of whom he protected the clubs and large societies that hosted gambling. João Pallut, according to chief Bittencourt's testimony, met Fontoura in the main hall of the Central Police. Soon afterwards, the marshal nullified the transfers of police officers requested by Bittencourt.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=519-523}}

Officially, the dismissal was "by request". Fontoura retaliated with a letter to the president, with copies given to newspapers, in which he refused the "generous offer he [Bernardes] made to me of a commission in Europe as a reward for the services I rendered to the country".{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=519}} The 4th Police Bureau monitored Fontoura's home.{{sfn|Cunha|2011|p=154}} Bernardes appointed as the new police chief the former criminal prosecutor of São Paulo Carlos da Silva Costa, an experienced public prosecutor and responsible for prosecuting those involved in the 1924 revolt. For the government, he was a cultured man, who abhorred violence; to the opposition, "a darkness man".{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=524}}{{sfn|Bretas|1997|p=33}}

The situation was calmer in Rio de Janeiro, and the new police chief sought to calm public opinion and resume routine police work, without employing the powers of the state of emergency.{{sfn|Bretas|1997|p=33}} Still in force, the emergency was extended until the end of the year.{{sfn|Gasparetto|2018|p=265}} For the 4th Auxiliary Police Bureau, Silva Costa appointed lieutenant colonel Bandeira de Mello, critical of previous administrations: "the political police among us caused an almost complete paralysis of the true investigation work, and had the effect of relaxing discipline".{{sfn|Bretas|1997|p=33}} The number of conspiracies decreased significantly in 1926,{{sfn|Cunha|2011|p=156}} but the American military attaché commented that "the [[Brazilian Army Aviation (1919–1941)|army's air service]] remains paralyzed", as "Mr. Bernardes does not have confidence in a large army contingent and does not want to take the risk of being bombed".{{sfn|McCann|2009|p=319}}

=== Withdrawal from the League of Nations ===
[[File:Countries in the League of Nations, 1921.jpg|thumb|Member countries of the League of Nations in 1921, before Brazil's withdrawal and Germany's admission]]

The biggest change in [[Foreign relations of Brazil|Brazilian foreign relations]] during the Bernardes presidency was the withdrawal from the [[League of Nations]], on 10 June 1926.{{sfn|Malin|2015|p=21-22}} This was the culmination and defeat of Brazil's campaign to obtain a permanent seat on the institution's Deliberative Council.<ref name="vidigal" /> Germany's request to join the League (and the Council) in 1925 was the opportunity that Bernardes chose to seek a permanent seat. As a form of pressure, Brazil announced its veto on the admission of Germany in March,{{sfn|Santos|2003|p=96-99}}<ref name="vidigal" /> arguing based on equality between nations in the League and criticism of what was seen as the "Europeanization" of the organization.{{sfn|Campos|2019|p=205}} Brazil claimed to represent the American continent, but diplomats from Latin American countries asked for the veto to be lifted.<ref name="vidigal" /> Bernardes overestimated the country's importance, as Germany's diplomatic normalization in the [[Locarno Treaties]] was a much greater concern for the European powers,<ref name="vidigal" /> who treated Brazil with disdain and disinterest.{{sfn|Pinheiro et al.|2006|p=431}} The Council formed a commission to reorganize its composition, in practice, to exclude Brazil.{{sfn|Santos|2003|p=104}}

The next move was the threat of leaving the League, in order to discredit the organization. Brazil seemed to have some chances, as France originally supported its candidacy for a permanent seat until changing its stance for geopolitical reasons. When the threat was not taken seriously, the country had to keep its word and leave the League.{{sfn|Campos|2019|p=205}} According to the organization's rules, the withdrawal would only take place two years later.<ref name="vidigal" /> The bibliography on the subject was mainly based on the president's opponents, and concluded that the Brazilian exit from the League was a diplomatic fiasco,{{sfn|Santos|2003|p=106}} in which Bernardes, driven by considerations of internal public opinion, imposed his will against the recommendation of diplomats. More recent studies argue that the president was informed about geopolitics, wanting to show abroad that Brazil had its own opinion,{{sfn|Campos|2019|p=203-206}} and that the fiasco also involved the international system as a whole.{{sfn|Santos|2003|p=106}} According to biographer Bruno de Almeida Magalhães, the moment "was perhaps the only time that Bernardes enjoyed popularity" during his term.{{sfn|Magalhães|1973|p=197}}

=== Results in the economy ===
[[File:Teares de uma fábrica de linhas em Alagoas.jpg|thumb|Thread factory in Pedra Branca, Alagoas|left]]

Productive activity bore the burden of the recessive policy of 1925–1926. Industrial production, recovering since 1922, stagnated at the 1924 level, which had already been low due to the fighting in São Paulo. Imports of capital goods, also growing since 1923, plummeted 26% in 1926. Numerous bankruptcies occurred in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. But the orthodox adjustment fulfilled its objectives: the exchange rate appreciated by 40% between August and October 1925 alone and prices fell by 18.1% in 1926, after an average growth of 17.2% in the previous four years.{{sfn|Franco|Correa do Lago|2011|p=46}}{{sfn|Saretta|1997|p=230}}{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=111-113}}

This was not purely a merit of the government.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=113}} International trade and investment were recovering, coffee prices were high, Brazil had a balance of payments surplus and foreign credit opportunities were opening up.{{sfn|Franco|Correa do Lago|2011|p=46}} Foreign loans remained inaccessible in 1925; according to the British ambassador, there was an Anglo-American agreement "not to lend money to Brazil until its internal position improves". From May to June of the following year, having proven its fiscal and monetary discipline, the Brazilian government obtained a loan of 60 million US dollars from [[Dillon, Read & Co.|Dillon Read]] bankers, from [[New York City|New York]], to pay off the Treasury's debts and provide the Bank of Brazil with international reserves.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=115, 117}}{{sfn|Magalhães|1973|p=184}}

Despite austerity, the government managed to encourage agriculture, especially the production of cotton, whose prices were high, and tobacco.{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=151}} The official discourse recalled that cotton was not only an export product, but also a raw material for the national industry.{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=267}} On 19 July 1926, the government increased the import tax on sewing threads, concerned with competition faced by the Cia. Agro-Fabril Mercantil factory, in the municipality of [[Água Branca, Alagoas|Água Branca]], Alagoas.<ref>{{Cite web|website=Tribuna do Sertão|date=2016-06-05|title=Fábrica centenária continua fechada|url=https://tribunadosertao.com.br/noticias/2016/06/05/34182-fabrica-centenaria-continua-fechada|access-date=2024-07-16}}</ref> Institutions such as the [[National Museum of Brazil|National Museum]], [[Rio de Janeiro Botanical Garden|Botanical Garden]] and Biological Institute had their economic and scientific side promoted.{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=259-260}} The government created experimental stations for cotton, tobacco and wheat crops, three farms for seed dissemination, two forestry gardens and eight agricultural patronages.{{sfn|Magalhães|1973|p=187}}

Financial difficulties slowed the construction of railways, but the government still tried to stimulate the sector by charging "railway obligations", an additional 10% on the current tariffs. This fee financed several government incentives for the acquisition of rolling stock and tracks.{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=269}} Three thousand kilometers of railways were built during the period.{{sfn|Magalhães|1973|p=188}} The presidential messages to Congress also mentioned the measures studied to decongest cabotage and international shipping ports. As for highways, Bernardes preferred that they were built by the states, but facilitated by the federal government.{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=270-271}}

Brazil's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew at an annual average of 3.7% in the quadrennium 1922–1926.<ref>{{Cite web|website=Acervo O Globo|title=Em foco: PIB dos presidentes do Brasil|url=https://acervo.oglobo.globo.com/fotogalerias/pib-dos-presidentes-do-brasil-17334767}}</ref> According to statistics gathered in 1988, the budget deficit of 456.1 billion réis in 1922 fell to 311 billion in 1923, 41.4 billion in 1924 and 18.4 billion in 1925, rising to 219.9 billion in 1926.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=192-193}} The exchange rate in pence per milreis was 6.56 in November 1922, fell to 4.84 in November of the following year and reached a maximum of 7.75 in July 1926.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=188}} The cost of living in Rio de Janeiro, as a percentage of the 1939 value, was 67 in 1922, rose to 114.6 until 1925 and fell to 93.9 in 1926.{{sfn|Fritsch|1988|p=176}}

=== Constitutional reform ===
[[File:Assinatura da revisão constitucional de 1926.jpg|thumb|Vice president Estácio Coimbra signing the amendments in the Senate]]

On 3 September 1926, Congress approved the only revision to the [[Brazilian Constitution of 1891|1891 Constitution]],{{sfn|Castro|Santos|2021|p=121}} having been processed in Congress in two rounds, in 1925 and 1926, under a full state of emergency, military revolts and presidential succession.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=67-68}} The topic did not move public opinion, but it was of interest to the government, business community, and the political class.{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=424}} Bernardes reversed the idea that the crisis would justify not changing the republican political status.{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=302}} The initiative came from him, who hosted the review committee meetings at Catete.{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=146}} For this reason, Senator Moniz Sodré called the proposal unconstitutional.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=69}} But the opposition minority could do little, as it did not amount to a quarter of the deputies.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=81}}

The Montagu Mission had a clear influence on the sections referring to the budget:{{sfn|Monteiro|1997|p=70}} the laws would have to deal exclusively with revenue and expenses allocated to services already created, prohibiting "budget tails".{{Efn|"[https://www.consultordoprefeito.org/single-post/2018/06/07/princ-c3-adpio-da-exclusividade-e-a-cauda-or-c3-a7ament-c3-a1ria Because they contained topics that were foreign to revenue forecasting and expense fixing, such as forecast salary increases for civil servants, increased taxes and tax exemptions, the budgets at that time were called long-tailed budgets.]", or budget tails.}} Likewise, Congress would be barred from granting unlimited credits. It received the prerogatives to legislate on labor issues, the organization of judicial court secretariats and the limitation of trade in the name of the public good. The president gained partial veto power over bills; until then, he could only sanction or veto bills entirely.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=93-94}}

Foreigners lost the privilege of entering Brazil's territory without a passport in times of peace. They could no longer exploit mineral deposits of public interest and could be deported by the federal Executive if they were considered "dangerous to public order or harmful to the interests of the Republic". Bernardes cited the case of the [[Foreign battalions in the São Paulo Revolt of 1924|immigrant battalions who fought for the 1924 rebels]], calling them "ungrateful and dangerous guests".{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=94-95}}{{sfn|Calmon|1939|p=334}}

In the name of relieving the work of the Supreme Court,{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=74-75}} the jurisdiction of federal courts was limited in relation to local courts, and of the Supreme Court as an appeals court in relation to the federal trial courts.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=113-114}} Congress gained the prerogative to determine, through [[Ordinary law|ordinary laws]], when federal trial court sentences could be appealed to the Supreme Court, depriving the Judiciary of its independence to define the appeals system.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=101, 114}}

[[File:O Malho 7 de junho de 1924.jpg|thumb|''O Malho'', June 1924: "With the proposed constitutional review, the Union will supervise state accounts"|180px]]

According to the fifth paragraph of article 60, in the new wording: "No judicial recourse is permitted, to federal or local justice, against intervention in the States, the declaration of a state of emergency and the verification of powers, recognition, inauguration, legitimacy and loss of term of members of the Legislative or Executive Branch, federal or state wise". These cases were seen as political and arbitrary issues, within the jurisdiction of the Executive and Legislative branches.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=104-105}} The second item of the sixth article, with very general provisions on federal intervention, was replaced by a list of cases in which it could be requested.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=91-92}}{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=147}} Added to this, ''habeas corpus'' was restricted to its classic interpretation, protecting only freedom of movement. Brazilian doctrine had used this measure to protect all individual freedoms (freedom of the press, association and representation, inviolability of homes, etc.).{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=112-113}}{{sfn|Castro|Santos|2021|p=122-123, 137}} An amendment rejected by the Senate went so far as to completely prohibit ''habeas corpus'' for those detained due to the state of emergency.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=105}}

The amendments on the responsibilities of the Judiciary were controversial. On the one hand, congressmen such as senator [[Epitácio Pessoa]] argued that they would exempt the courts from tarnishing their impartiality with political interests.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=106}} On the other, Moniz Sodré deemed possible abuses by the Judiciary, when involved in political matters, to be less worrying than abuses of authority by the Executive and Legislative branches under a state of emergency.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=108}} Individuals harmed by these acts could no longer resort to ''habeas corpus''.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=113}} The Executive still ran the risk of later falling into [[high crimes and misdemeanors]], but this would not restore the rights of the injured person.{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=108}}

The reform's result was the strengthening of central power and the president.{{sfn|Malin|2015|p=21}}{{sfn|Carone|1978|p=292}} Notably, the reform bill frequently mentioned "national integrity", unlike the drafters of the 1891 Constitution, who sought to emphasize the "federal republic".{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=92}} The Judiciary was weakened in favor of the two other branches,{{sfn|Ribeiro|1967|p=113}} frustrating the liberals' ambition to use the Supreme Court as a "[[Moderating power (Empire of Brazil)|Moderating Power]]".{{sfn|Lynch|2014|p=154}}

Part of the historiography states that the reform was used against the opposition,{{sfn|Souza|2017|p=290}} an accusation that historian Hélio Silva sought to refute by arguing that the reform was only achieved at the end of Bernardes' term, its more specific conditions for federal intervention made it difficult for subsequent governments to apply the measure and its narrower definition of ''habeas corpus'' was the norm in other countries. The main changes of the reform persisted in the following constitutions.{{sfn|Silva|2004|p=146-148}} In turn, Domingos Meirelles argued that the reform had the "purpose of eliminating acquired rights", in which "individual freedoms guaranteed by the Magna Carta of 1891 will be completely swept away".{{sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=16, 572}} Historian Pedro Calmon praised the reform for breaking the "rigidity of the liberal Constitution of 1891, giving it a modern, social democratic flavor", despite the bad occasion, carrying it out "in a closed environment, without the enthusiasm of debates and the diversity of ideas".{{sfn|Calmon|1939|p=334-335}}

=== Presidential succession ===
[[File:Artur Bernardes e Washington Luís.jpg|thumb|Bernardes and Washington Luís|180px]]

The transition of power from Artur Bernardes to [[Washington Luís]], on 15 November 1926, was peaceful, very different from what had happened four years earlier.{{sfn|Calmon|1939|p=336}} Negotiations had begun late, in the third year of Bernardes' term.{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=62}} Catete, Minas Gerais and São Paulo were able to decide the successor with only minor resistance. Possible enemies were demobilized by repression.{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=296-297}} The leader of the majority in the Chamber of Deputies, the Minas Gerais deputy Antônio Carlos, went to São Paulo in May 1925. With governor [[Carlos de Campos]], he arranged the candidacy of the São Paulo senator Washington Luís,{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=401}} an ally of Bernardes in 1922.{{sfn|Calmon|1939|p=336}} The only problem came from [[Melo Viana]], governor of Minas Gerais since 1924. Viana even imagined himself as Bernardes' candidate for president, criticizing Washington Luís' candidacy and rhetorically flirting with the opposition by suggesting an amnesty for the rebels. The president solved the problem by nominating him as a candidate for vice president. The Luís-Viana ticket was made official at a national convention, in September 1925, and [[1926 Brazilian presidential election|elected on 1 March 1926]],{{sfn|Calmon|1939|p=336}}{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=401}}{{sfn|Malin|2015|p=22}} with 98% of the votes.{{sfn|Viscardi|2019|p=65}}

In the second half of the year, months before the end of Bernardes' presidency, journalists tested the limits of censorship. The Rio police confiscated copies of ''A Noite'' due to the audacious content of Viriato Corrêa's series of reports on the Prestes Column. In September, the Ministry of Justice banned reports covering the topic, but it was too late. The repercussions were immense and the ''tenentists'' solidified, at least in part of public opinion, an heroic and revolutionary image.{{sfn|Blanc|2024|p=114-118}} The column continued its march, but these were its final moments. The government did not want to allow it to escape into exile and in September it deployed reinforcements from the Public Force of São Paulo in Goiás. It was not enough; On 22 October, the column had returned to Mato Grosso and was 400 kilometers from the border with Bolivia.{{sfn|Macaulay|1977|p=222-223}} Parallel to this campaign, a [[Lightning Column|final revolt broke out in Rio Grande do Sul]] on 14 November, on the eve of Washington Luís' inauguration.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=400}}

The inauguration once again took place under a state of emergency, as occurred four years ago.{{sfn|Gasparetto|2018|p=265}} Of the 1,460 days of the quadrennium, 1,287 were spent under a state of emergency in force at some location in Brazil's territory, or 88.15% of the period.{{sfn|Peixoto|2017|p=1118}} This was a longer period than the states of emergency declared by previous presidents combined.{{Efn|295 days under [[Floriano Peixoto]], 268 days under [[Hermes da Fonseca]], 132 days under [[Epitácio Pessoa]], 121 days under [[Rodrigues Alves]], 104 days under [[Prudente de Morais]] and 71 days under [[Venceslau Brás]], for a total of 991 days between 1889 and 1922. {{Cite thesis|last=Aragão|first=Isabel Lopez|year=2021|title=Identidade militar-revoltosa e exílio: perseguição, articulação e resistência (1922-1930)|url=http://www.ppghsuerj.pro.br/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Tese-Isabel-Lopez-Aragao.pdf|publisher=Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro|type=Thesis}} p. 105.}} The new president's first moments eased political tensions: the government progressively ended the state of emergency, released political prisoners and suspended censorship. The Prestes Column went into exile. There was, however, no amnesty.{{sfn|Carone|1983|p=404-405}}{{Sfn|Meirelles|2002|p=629, 635-636}}

== Notes ==
{{Notelist}}

==References==
=== Citations ===
{{Reflist|20em}}

=== Bibliography ===
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|title=A Revisão Constitucional de 1926 e a tutela dos direitos individuais: um ensaio sobre os efeitos da limitação do ''habeas corpus'' na prática jurisprudencial do STF
|url=https://revistas.ufpr.br/historiadodireito/article/download/83092/45876
|journal=História do Direito
|volume=2 |issue=3 |pages=118–142
|publisher=Universidade Federal do Paraná
|place=Curitiba
}}
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|year=1976
|title=A rebelião de 1924 em São Paulo
|publisher=Hucitec
|series=Estudos Brasileiros 2
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}}
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|last=Cunha
|first=Ângela Britto da
|year=2011
|title="A sala de detidos": atuação e ascenção da polícia política da capital federal do Brasil, 1920-1937
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|last=Diacon
|first=Todd
|year=1998
|title=Searching for a lost army: recovering the history of the federal army's pursuit of the Prestes Column in Brazil, 1924–1927
|journal=The Americas
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|last=Dieppe
|first=Carla Ferreira
|year=2017
|title=A censura da notícia no final da Primeira República
|url=https://www.revistas.usp.br/anagrama/article/view/141635/136655
|journal=Revista Anagramas
|volume=11
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|last=Dulles
|first=John W. F.
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|year=1973
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|publisher=University of Texas Press
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|last=Ferreira
|first=Marieta de Moraes (coord.)
|year=1989
|title=A República na velha província: oligarquias e crise no Estado do Rio de Janeiro (1889-1930)
|place=Rio de Janeiro
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|last1=Ferreira
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|last2=Pinto
|first2=Surama Conde Sá
|chapter=A crise dos anos 1920 e a Revolução de 1930
|editor1=Jorge Ferreira 
|editor2=Lucilia de Almeida Neves
|year=2018
|title=O Brasil Republicano vol. 1: o tempo do liberalismo oligárquico
|publisher=Civilização Brasileira
|place=Rio de Janeiro
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|last=Forno
|first=Rodrigo dal
|year=2017
|title=A revolta tenentista de 1924 e a participação da Aliança Libertadora no Rio Grande do Sul
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|journal=Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico do Rio Grande do Sul
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|first1=Gustavo H. B.
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|first2=Luiz Aranha
|year=2011
|title=A economia da República Velha, 1889-1930
|url=https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/176071/1/td588.pdf
|journal=Texto para discussão
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|publisher=Departamento de Economia da PUC-Rio
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|last=Fritsch
|first=Winston
|year=1988
|title=External constraints on economic policy in Brazil, 1889–1930
|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK
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*{{Cite journal
|author=Winston Fritsch
|year=1993
|title=1922: a crise econômica
|url=https://periodicos.fgv.br/reh/article/view/1947/1086
|journal=Estudos Históricos
|place=Rio de Janeiro
|publisher=CPDOC FGV
|volume=6|issue=11|pages=3–8
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}}
*{{Cite thesis
|last=Galvão
|first=Laila Maia
|year=2013
|title=História constitucional brasileira na Primeira República: um estudo da intervenção federal no Estado do Rio de Janeiro em 1923
|url=https://repositorio.ufsc.br/bitstream/handle/123456789/103496/317562.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
|degree=Dissertation
|publisher=Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina
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|last=Gasparetto Júnior
|first=Antonio
|year=2018
|title=Recursos Extremos da Administração Estatal: as declarações de estado de sítio na Primeira República brasileira
|url=https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/bitstream/ufjf/8939/1/antoniogasparettojunior.pdf
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|last=Heller
|first=Milton Ivan
|year=2006
|title=De Catanduvas ao Oiapoque: o martírio de rebeldes sem causa
|publisher=Instituto Histórico e Geográfico do Paraná
|place=Curitiba
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|first1=Christian Edward Cyril
|last2=Souza Neto
|first2=Cláudio Pereira de
|year=2012
|title=O constitucionalismo da inefetividade: a Constituição de 1891 no cativeiro do estado de sítio
|url=https://www.e-publicacoes.uerj.br/quaestioiuris/article/view/9874/7736
|journal=Quaestio Iuris
|volume=5 |issue=2
|publisher=Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro
|ref={{harvid|Lynch|Souza|2021}}
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|last=Lynch
|first=Christian Edward Cyril
|year=2014
|title=Da monarquia à república - História institucional e pensamento político brasileiro (1822-1930)
|publisher=Alameda
|place=São Paulo
|edition=1
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|last=Macaulay
|first=Neil
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|year=1977
|title=A Coluna Prestes: revolução no Brasil
|publisher=DIFEL
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*{{Cite book
|last=Magalhães
|first=Bruno de Almeida
|year=1973
|title=Arthur Bernardes, Estadista da República
|publisher=José Olympio
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*{{Cite journal
|last=Maciel
|first=Laura Antunes
|year=2021
|title=Os limites da liberdade: lei de imprensa e embates políticos no Rio de Janeiro da Primeira República
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|journal=Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura
|volume=48
|issue=1
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|last=Malin
|first=Mauro
|year=2015
|chapter=BERNARDES, Artur
|url=https://cpdoc.fgv.br/sites/default/files/verbetes/primeira-republica/BERNARDES,%20Artur.pdf
|title=Dicionário histórico-biográfico da Primeira República (1889 - 1930)
|publisher=CPDOC FGV
|place=Rio de Janeiro
|isbn=9788522516582
}}
*{{Cite thesis
|last=Maynard
|first=Andreza Santa Cruz
|year=2008
|title=A caserna em polvorosa: a revolta de 1924 em Sergipe
|url=https://repositorio.ufpe.br/bitstream/123456789/7247/1/arquivo3298_1.pdf
|degree=Dissertation
|publisher=Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Universidade Federal de Pernambuco
}}
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|last=McCann
|first=Frank
|author-link=Frank McCann
|year=2009
|title=Soldados da Pátria: história do Exército Brasileiro, 1889–1937
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|translator=Laura Pereira Motta
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|last=Meirelles
|first=Domingos João
|year=2002
|title=As noites das grandes fogueiras: uma história da Coluna Prestes
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|edition=9
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|last=Mello
|first=Frederico Pernambucano de
|year=1974
|title=Aspectos do banditismo rural nordestino
|url=https://periodicos.fundaj.gov.br/CIC/article/view/131/63
|journal=Ciência Trópico
|volume=2|issue=1
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|last=Mesquitta
|first=Claudia
|year=2015
|chapter=PRATA, Alaor
|url=https://cpdoc.fgv.br/sites/default/files/verbetes/primeira-republica/PRATA,%20Alaor.pdf
|title=Dicionário histórico-biográfico da Primeira República (1889 - 1930)
|publisher=CPDOC FGV
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|isbn=9788522516582
}}
*{{Cite journal
|last=Monteiro
|first=Norma de Goés
|year=1997
|title=Arthur da Silva Bernardes
|url=http://atom.ufv.br/uploads/r/arquivo-central-e-historico-da-ufv-ach-ufv/5/1/0/5107eca891523119570218a2a52a0bc3796b8ae18d06bb799209b3139b1df199/Revista_Brasileira_de_Estudos_Pol__ticos__UFMG___84___Jan_de_1997red..pdf
|journal=Revista Brasileira de Estudos Políticos
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|issue=84
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*{{Cite book
|last1=Muxfeldt
|first1=Virgílio Ribeiro
|last2=Giorgis
|first2=Luiz Ernani Caminha
|year=2022
|title=O Exército Republicano
|url=https://www.acadhistoria.com.br/livros/ExRepublicano.pdf
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|year=1979
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|publisher=Civilização Brasileira
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|first=Rodrigo Luz
|year=2017
|title=O Supremo Tribunal Federal e o estado de sítio na República Velha
|url=https://www.e-publicacoes.uerj.br/quaestioiuris/article/view/22705/20496
|journal=Quaestio Iuris
|volume=10
|issue=2
|publisher=Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro
}}
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|last=Pereira
|first=Pablo Nunes
|year=2021
|title=Os almirantes dos rios: relações sociais, poder e combate na Amazônia (1868-1924)
|url=https://pphist.propesp.ufpa.br/ARQUIVOS/teses/2021/2021_03_NUNES_Pablo_Tese.pdf
|degree=
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|last=Perissinotto
|first=Renato Monseff
|year=1993
|title=Classe dominante e política econômica na economia cafeeira (1906-1930)
|url=https://periodicos.fclar.unesp.br/perspectivas/article/view/777/638
|journal=Perspectivas: Revista de Ciências Sociais
|volume=16
|publisher=Unesp
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|year=2006
|title=O Brasil republicano, v. 9: sociedade e instituições (1889-1930)
|publisher=Bertrand Brasil
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|edition=8
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|last=Pivatto
|first=Priscila Maddalozzo
|year=2006
|title=Discursos sobre o Estado de Sítio na Primeira República Brasileira: uma abordagem a partir das teorias de linguagem de Mikhail Bakhtin e Pierre Bourdieu
|url=http://www.dominiopublico.gov.br/download/teste/arqs/cp077281.pdf
|degree=Dissertation
|publisher=Departamento de Direito da Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro
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|last=Ribeiro
|first=Marly Martinez
|year=1967
|title=Revisão constitucional de 1926
|url=https://periodicos.fgv.br/rcp/article/view/58945/57399
|journal=Revista de Ciência Política
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|volume=1|issue=4
}}
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|last=Romani
|first=Carlo
|year=2011a
|title=Clevelândia, Oiapoque: cartografias e heterotopias na década de 1920
|url=https://www.scielo.br/j/bgoeldi/a/ZSwk9JGYfFbRTfCm48qF8Yb/?format=pdf&lang=pt
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|volume=6
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|author=Carlo Romani
|year=2011b
|title=Antecipando a era Vargas: a Revolução Paulista de 1924 e a efetivação das práticas de controle político e social
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|journal=Topoi
|volume=12 |issue=23
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}}
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|first=Norma Breda dos
|year=2003
|title=Diplomacia e fiasco. Repensando a participação brasileira na Liga das Nações: elementos para uma nova interpretação
|url=https://www.scielo.br/j/rbpi/a/JZKHQvrbfbV6gsQWGdXbwky/?format=pdf&lang=pt
|journal=Revista brasileira de política internacional
|volume=46|issue=2
}}
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|last=Santos
|first=Myrian Sepúlveda dos
|year=2006
|title=Os porões da República: a Colônia Correcional de Dois Rios entre 1908 e 1930
|url=https://www.scielo.br/j/topoi/a/MD5ZxXHBbSKVrWNDnNbfDsh/?format=pdf
|journal=Topoi
|volume=7
|issue=13
|pages=445–476
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|first=Fausto
|year=1997
|chapter=A política econômica na década de 1920
|title=A década de 1920 e as origens do Brasil moderno
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|editor2=Wilma Peres da Costa
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|publisher=Editora Unesp
|isbn=8571391653
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|last=Silva
|first=Hélio
|year=1971
|title=1922: sangue na areia de Copacabana
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|edition=2
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*{{Cite book
|author=Hélio Silva
|year=2004
|title=Artur Bernardes
|series=Os Presidentes
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|isbn=85-7368-751-7
|ref={{harvid|Silva|2004}}
}}
*{{Cite book
|last=Silva
|first=Beatriz Coelho
|year=2015
|chapter=Imposto de Renda
|url=https://cpdoc.fgv.br/sites/default/files/verbetes/primeira-republica/IMPOSTO%20DE%20RENDA.pdf
|title=Dicionário histórico-biográfico da Primeira República (1889 - 1930)
|publisher=CPDOC FGV
|place=Rio de Janeiro
|isbn=9788522516582
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*{{Cite thesis
|last=Souza
|first=Fabíula Sevilha de
|year=2017
|title=Astros, órbitas e poderes: modernidade, desenvolvimentismo e modernização na Primeira República
|url=https://repositorio.ufmg.br/bitstream/1843/BUOS-AUHHY4/1/aop_sevilha_fabiula_tese_versao_final.pdf
|degree=
|publisher=Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
}}
*{{Cite journal
|last1=Travassos
|first1=Ibrahim Soares
|last2=Souza
|first2=Bartolomeu Israel de
|last3=Silva
|first3=Anieres Barbosa da
|year=2013
|title=Secas, desertificação e políticas públicas no semiárido nordestino brasileiro
|url=https://periodicos.ufpb.br/index.php/okara/article/download/10741/9184/27205
|journal=Revista OKARA: Geografia em debate
|volume=7|issue=1|pages=147–164
|place=João Pessoa
|publisher=DGEDC/CCEN/UFPB
}}
*{{Cite book
|last1=Vidigal
|first1=Carlos Eduardo
|last2=Doratioto
|first2=Francisco
|author-link2=Francisco Doratioto
|year=2014
|title=História das relações internacionais do Brasil
|publisher=Saraiva
|place=São Paulo
|isbn=978-85-02-61819-0
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*{{Cite book
|last=Viscardi
|first=Cláudia Maria Ribeiro
|year=2019
|title=O teatro das oligarquias : uma revisão da "política do café com leite"
|publisher=Fino Traço
|place=Belo Horizonte
|isbn=978-85-8054-031-4
}}
*{{Cite journal
|last=Xavier
|first=Mateus Fernandez
|year=2016
|title=A Coluna Prestes e as relações Brasil-Argentina na década de 1920
|url=https://www.cartainternacional.abri.org.br/Carta/article/view/261/304
|journal=Revista Carta Internacional
|place=Belo Horizonte
|volume=11
|issue=1
|pages=188–220
}}
{{Refend}}

{{Artur Bernardes}}
{{Presidents of Brazil}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:Presidency of Bernardes, Artur}}
[[Category:1922 establishments in Brazil]]
[[Category:1926 disestablishments in Brazil]]
[[Category:1920s in Brazil]]
[[Category:Presidencies of Brazil|Bernardes, Artur]]