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{{Roman government}}
{{Roman government}}
During the transition from [[roman kingdom|monarchy]] to [[roman republic|republic]], the constitutional balance of power shifted from the executive (the [[roman king|king]]) to the [[Roman Senate|senate]]. During the transition from republic to empire, the constitutional balance of power shifted back to the executive (the emperor).
The '''executive magistrates of the Roman Empire''' were elected individuals of the ancient [[Roman Empire]]. During the transition from [[roman kingdom|monarchy]] to [[roman republic|republic]], the constitutional balance of power shifted from the executive (the [[Roman King]]) to the [[Roman Senate]]. During the transition from republic to empire, the constitutional balance of power shifted back to the executive (the [[Roman Emperor]]). Theoretically, the senate elected each new emperor, although in practice, it was the army which made the choice. The powers of an emperor, (his ''[[imperium]]'') existed, in theory at least, by virtue of his legal standing. The two most significant components to an emperor's ''imperium'' were the "tribunician powers" (''potestas tribunicia'') and the "proconsular powers" (''imperium proconsulare'').<ref name="Abbott, 342">Abbott, 342</ref> In theory at least, the tribunician powers (which were similar to those of the [[Plebeian Tribune]]s under the old republic) gave the emperor authority over Rome's civil government, while the proconsular powers (similar to those of military governors, or [[Proconsul]]s, under the old republic) gave him authority over the Roman army. While these distinctions were clearly defined during the early empire, eventually they were lost, and the emperor's powers became less constitutional and more monarchical.<ref name="Abbott, 341">Abbott, 341</ref>


Under the empire, the citizens were divided into three classes, and for members of each class, a distinct career path was available (known as the ''[[cursus honorum]]'').<ref name="Abbott, 374">Abbott, 374</ref> The traditional magistracies were only available to citizens of the senatorial class. The magistracies that survived the fall of the republic were (by their order of rank in the ''cursus honorum'') the [[Roman Consul|Consulship]], [[Praetor]]ship, [[tribune|Plebeian Tribunate]], [[Aedile]]ship, [[Quaestor]]ship, and [[military tribune|Military Tribunate]].<ref name="Abbott, 374">Abbott, 374</ref> If an individual was not of the senatorial class, he could run for one of these offices if he was allowed to run by the emperor, or otherwise, he could be appointed to one of these offices by the emperor. [[Mark Antony]] abolished the offices of [[Roman Dictator]] and [[Magister equitum]] ("Master of the Horse") during his Consulship in 44 BC, shortly after the assassination of [[Julius Caesar]]. The office of [[Interrex]] was also abolished during the transition from republic to empire.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref> In 22 BC the emperor [[Augustus]] appointed P. Aemilius Lepidus and L. Munatius Plancus to the [[Roman censor|Censorship]], and while they began a census that year, they never completed it, and shortly thereafter the office was abolished. The emperor [[Claudius]] attempted to revive the office by appointing himself and L. Vitellius Censor in 47 AD,<ref name="Abbott, 377">Abbott, 377</ref> but after Claudius, no further attempts were made to revive the office.
One political courtesy that dominated the early Principate was the use of constitutional forms to disguise monarchy. For example, while the old [[Executive Magistrates of the Roman Republic|republican executive magistrates]] were technically still "elected", those "elections" were not free. The emperor, in effect, dominated the process by which magistrates were elected.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref> Any individual who wanted to run for office would first have to attain the authorization of the emperor. If a former magistrate wanted to run for office again, he would again need to attain the authorization of the emperor. Thus, the emperor was able to dominate the constitutional apparatus, while presiding over the illusion of a commonwealth. Because of this arrangement, the magistrates lost their independence to the emperor.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref> With the loss of their independence, the magistrates lost their prestige. With the loss of their prestige, the magistrates lost real power.


==The ''Princeps''==
==Roman Emperor==
By virtue of his proconsular powers, the emperor held the same grade of military command authority as did the chief magistrates (the [[Roman Consul]]s and [[Proconsul]]s) under the republic. Since republican Proconsuls had often held their authority for extended periods of time, the prolonged use of this power by the emperor did have precedent. However, the emperor was not subject to the constitutional restrictions that the old Consuls and Proconsuls had been subject to.<ref name="Abbott, 344">Abbott, 344</ref> For example, he was not required to observe [[collegiality]], since he had no colleague, and he could not have his actions [[veto]]ed. Eventually, he was given powers that, under the republic, had been reserved for the '''[[Roman Senate]]''' and the '''[[Roman assemblies]]''', including the right to declare war, to ratify treaties, and to negotiate with foreign leaders.<ref name="Abbott, 345">Abbott, 345</ref> The emperor's degree of Proconsular power gave him authority over all of Rome's military governors. Under the republic, Proconsuls (usually former Consuls) were made governors of the more challenging provinces, and as such, most of the Roman army was under the command of one of the Proconsuls. In contrast, the "Propraetors" (usually former '''[[Praetors]]''') were made governors of the more stable provinces. Under the republic, Praetors were the second highest ranking magistrates after the Consuls, which was why Propraetors were given provinces that were more stable. Under the early empire, the emperor commanded these Proconsular provinces, while the senate commanded the more stable Propraetorial provinces. It was by this that the emperor held command authority over most of the Roman army.
A distinction should be made between the title of ''Princeps'' and the title of "emperor". While the word "emperor" derives from the honorary title ''[[imperator]]'', the word itself did not exist in its modern form until [[Charlemagne]] was crowned "emperor" in the 8th century. While the Roman "emperors" did use the title ''imperator'', it was one of the many designations of their office. A more appropriate term to use when referring to the early emperors would be that of ''Princeps''. This was the title that was used by Augustus. The term, under this usage, simply means "first citizen". The term itself was a device that Augustus used to disguise the reality of monarchy. His successors, up until the accession of Diocletian in 284, would continue the precedent that had been set by Augustus.
[[Image:Bust of augustus.jpg|thumb|left|250px|Augustus, the first Roman Emperor.]]


The emperor's [[tribune|tribunician powers]] (''potestas tribunicia'') gave him power over Rome's civil apparatus, although perhaps the most useful facet of the tribunician power was the prestige associated with the office.<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref><ref name="Abbott, 356">Abbott, 356</ref> The [[Plebeian Tribune]] had been the magistrate most responsible for the political enfranchisement of the [[Plebeian]] (commoner) class during the early republic. The emperor's tribunician powers also gave him the power to preside over, and thus to dominate, the assemblies and the senate.<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref> When an emperor was vested with the tribunician powers, his office and his person became sacrosanct.<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref> It became a capital offense to harm, to attempt to harm, or to obstruct the emperor, and in time, this power provided the basis for laws that made it a capital offense, publishable by death, to even speak ill of the emperor.<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref> His sacrosanctity also gave him the authority to order the use of capital punishment against any individual. Under the republic, Plebeian Tribunes held these same powers, but what made the emperor unique was that he possessed these powers for life, and thus he could never be held accountable for his actions, did not need to stand for reelection every year,<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref> and could not have his actions vetoed.
===The 'election' of a new ''Princeps''===
Theoretically, the senate would elect each new ''Princeps''. In practice, however, each sitting ''Princeps'' would appoint his successor. After the death of that particular ''Princeps'', it would be up to the army to either ratify or reject that appointment. If an individual had the support of the army, the senate would acquiesce under the vestiges of an independent election.


The emperor also had the authority to carry out a range of duties that, under the republic, had been performed by the [[Roman Censors]]. Such duties included the authority to farm out tax collection, to grant public contracts, to regulate public morality (''[[Censorship]]''), and to conduct a [[census]]. As part of the census, the emperor had the power to grant citizenship to any individual, and to assign individuals to a new social class (the three imperial classes were the [[Roman senator|senators]], the [[Equestrian (Roman)|equestrians]], and the [[plebeians]]), which, therefore, gave the emperor unchallenged control over senate membership.<ref name="Abbott, 354">Abbott, 354</ref> The emperor also had the power to interpret laws and to set precedents, which he did by issuing either an ''edicta'', ''decreta'', or a ''rescripta''.<ref name="Abbott, 349">Abbott, 349</ref> ''Edicta'' usually addressed matters associated with the army, treasury, or food supply. The ''decreta'' were judicial decisions. The ''rescripta'' were issued in response to important questions asked by private citizens.<ref name="Abbott, 349">Abbott, 349</ref> Under the republic, the ''[[aerarium Saturni]]'' held the state treasury, but only the senate had control over this treasury. While the imperial senate retained control over the ''aerarium Saturni'', this control declined over time.<ref name="Abbott, 352">Abbott, 352</ref> The emperor [[Augustus]] established two new treasuries, which future emperors would always control, called the ''fiscus Caesaris'' and the ''[[aerarium militare]]''. The ''[[fiscus Caesaris]]'' replaced the ''aerarium Saturni'', and thus became the principal treasury in Rome.<ref name="Abbott, 352">Abbott, 352</ref> The ''aerarium militare'' was of minor importance, and its only significant function was to hold funds that were to be used to pay soldiers.<ref name="Abbott, 353">Abbott, 353</ref> In addition, the emperor controlled the [[Religion in ancient Rome|religious institutions]], since, as emperor, he was always ''[[Pontifex Maximus]]'' and a member of each of the four major priesthoods.<ref name="Abbott, 345">Abbott, 345</ref>
Since the powers of a ''Princeps'' (technically) existed through the virtue of his legal standing, those powers were his only so long as he was alive. His grade of power, called ''imperium'', existed by virtue of law. ''Imperium'' should be distinguished from ''regnum'', which is extra-legal, and can be passed to an heir upon an individual's death. Thus, a ''Princeps'' would usually ensure that his chosen successor had the legal standing necessary to become ''Princeps''. To do this, he would ensure that his chosen heir held the legal powers of ''potestas tribunicia'' (in effect, perpetual tribunician powers) and ''imperium proconsulare'' (perpetual command over all the provincial governors).<ref name="Abbott, 342">Abbott, 342</ref> Only the senate could grant those powers. After a ''Princeps'' died, the senate would ratify the legal standing of the new ''Princeps''.
[[Image:aug11 01.jpg|thumb|left|350px|Augustus, the first Roman Emperor.]]

The involvement of the senate did nothing more than disguise monarchy behind a cloak of republicanism. By going through this process, the new ''Princeps'' would have legal standing that he, in reality, did not need.

Technically, it was the consent of the senate that made an individual a ''Princeps''. In practice, however, the only consent that was necessary was that of the [[roman army|army]].<ref name="Abbott, 341">Abbott, 341</ref> If an individual who had been chosen as an heir did not have the support of the army, the army would install its own ''Princeps''. If other armies did not want that particular individual to become ''Princeps'', they would use the force of their arms to 'veto' the installation of that particular individual. During the early empire, this was often a prelude to civil war. Thus, the provincial armies became the 'electoral bodies' which would 'elect' new ''Princeps''.

===Powers held by the ''Princeps''===
The legal standing upon which the power of the ''Princeps'' rested was his proconsular ''imperium'' and his tribunician powers. His proconsular ''imperium'' gave him the power to command the entire Roman army. His tribunician powers gave him power over the civil apparatus in Rome, and made his office and his person sacrosanct.

====Consular and proconsular powers====

By virtue of his [[proconsul]]ar ''imperium'' (''imperium proconsulare''), the ''Princeps'' held the same grade of ''imperium'' as did the consuls. This very fact vested in him the same degree of authority as was held by the consuls. Since republican proconsuls often held their ''imperium'' for extended periods of time, the prolonged use of this power was not a violation of the old [[Constitution of the Roman Republic|republican constitution]]. However, since the ''Princeps'' was (often) not a consul, he was not subject to the constitutional restrictions of that office.<ref name="Abbott, 344">Abbott, 344</ref> For example, he was not required to observe [[collegiality]] (since he had no colleague), and he could not have his actions [[veto]]ed. His proconsular ''imperium'', in conjunction with the unrestrained nature of his office, gave him unmatched prestige. And in Roman politics, prestige usually resulted in real power.

Eventually, the grade of ''imperium'' that was bestowed upon a ''Princeps'' would include powers that, under the republic, had been reserved for the senate and [[roman assemblies|assemblies]]. These included the right to declare war, the right to ratify treaties, and the right to negotiate with foreign leaders.<ref name="Abbott, 345">Abbott, 345</ref> The decision to include these powers in his grade of ''imperium'' was simply a recognition of powers which he already had, by virtue of his consular, tribunician and censorial powers over the senate.

His proconsular ''imperium'' gave him command of, and authority over, all the proconsuls. Under the republic, proconsuls (who were usually former consuls) would be made governors of the more challenging provinces. In contrast, propraetors (who were usually former praetors, but who had not yet attained the rank of consul) were made governors of the more stable provinces. This arrangement was a consequence of the fact that the proconsuls were typically more experienced than were the propraetors. Therefore, their grade of (consular) ''imperium'' was superior to the grade of ''imperium'' held by the propraetors (praetorial ''imperium'').

Augustus was given a grade of ''imperium'' that was superior to that of all proconsuls. Thus, he had the legal standing to command all of those proconsuls (and probably by extension, all of the propraetors as well). Since the proconsuls commanded the challenging provinces, most of the Roman army existed in those provinces. Thus, by commanding the proconsuls, Augustus acquired command over most of the Roman army. Since propraetoral provinces had little military value, Augustus gave command of these provinces to the senate as a 'concession'. This was an attempt to further perpetuate the illusion of shared power between the ''Princeps'' and the senate. Ultimately, this resulted in the dual system of imperial and senatorial provinces.

====Tribunician powers====

Whereas proconsular ''imperium'' gave a ''Princeps'' authority over Rome's military apparatus, his [[tribune|tribunician powers]] (''potestas tribunicia'') gave him power over Rome's civil apparatus. Perhaps the most useful facet of the tribunician power was its prestige.<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref> This prestige derived from the populist history of the office.<ref name="Abbott, 356">Abbott, 356</ref> During the early republic, the tribunate was the principle weapon which the People of Rome used to acquire real political power. During the later republic, it was often used to protect the people from the abuses of the state. By acquiring unmatched tribunician powers, the popularity of the tribunate further expanded the popularity of the sitting ''Princeps''.

His tribunician powers gave the ''Princeps'' the legal standing to preside over (and thus to dominate) the assemblies and the senate.<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref> In effect, however, he already held those powers through other means. It is also true that his tribunician powers allowed him to veto any act of the popular assemblies or of the senate. However, the assemblies quickly became powerless, and obstruction against a ''Princeps'' was unlikely in the senate.<ref name="Abbott, 356">Abbott, 356</ref>

When a ''Princeps'' was vested with the tribunician powers, his office and his person became sacrosanct.<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref> It was a capital offense to harm (or to attempt to harm) the ''Princeps''. It was also a capital offense (publishable by death) to obstruct the ''Princeps'', or even to speak ill of him.<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref> His sacrosanctity also gave him the authority to order the use of capital punishment against any individual. Such orders could not be appealed. Under the republic, tribunes held these same powers. What was unique, however, was the fact that the ''Princeps'' possessed these powers for life, and it was unlikely that anyone would ever attempt to obstruct him.

A distinction must be made between an individual acting as a tribune, and an individual holding tribunician power. Under the republic and ''Principate'', a tribune's term in office would expire after a year. After his term ended, he would be required to wait for ten years before seeking the tribunate again. Any tribune could veto the action of another tribune.

In contrast, the ''Princeps'' held ''tribunician powers''. The difference was significant.<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref> The ''Princeps'' would usually hold these powers for life. Therefore, he would not need to stand for reelection every year.<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref> Since he did not ever need to stand for reelection, he could not violate the ten year requirement. In addition, while a tribune could have his acts vetoed by another tribune, one who held ''tribunician power'' (who did not technically hold the office of tribune) could not have his actions vetoed. This distinction, however, probably had no practical meaning. The prestige of the ''Princeps'' made it unlikely that a magistrate would attempt to obstruct one of his actions.<ref name="Abbott, 357">Abbott, 357</ref>

==== Additional powers ====
The ''Princeps'' had the authority to carry out a range of duties that, under the republic, had been performed by the censors. Such duties included the authority to farm out tax collection and to grant public contracts. He could also regulate public morality (''[[censorship]]''), as Augustus did when he attempted to prohibit divorce and encourage marriage. In addition, the ''Princeps'' could conduct a [[census]]. As part of the census, he had the power to grant citizenship to any individual, and to assign individuals to a new social class (the three imperial classes were the [[Roman senator|senators]], the [[Equestrian (Roman)|equites]], and the [[plebeians]]). This power, therefore, gave the ''Princeps'' unchallenged control over senate membership.<ref name="Abbott, 354">Abbott, 354</ref>

The ''Princeps'' had the power to interpret laws, and to set precedents. To do this, the ''Princeps'' would issue either an ''edicta'', ''decreta'', or a ''rescripta''.<ref name="Abbott, 349">Abbott, 349</ref> ''Edicta'' usually addressed matters associated with the army, treasury, or food supply. The ''decreta'' were judicial decisions. The ''rescripta'' were issued in response to important questions asked by private citizens.<ref name="Abbott, 349">Abbott, 349</ref>

Under the republic, the ''aerarium Saturni'' held the state treasury. Only the senate had control over the treasury. Under the early ''principate'', the senate retained control over the ''aerarium Saturni''. Over time, however, the senate's control over the ''aerarium Saturni'' declined.<ref name="Abbott, 352">Abbott, 352</ref> The emperor Augustus had established two new treasuries. These treasuries were the ''fiscus Caesaris'' and the ''aerarium militare''. The ''fiscus Caesaris'' replaced the ''aerarium Saturni'', and thus became the principle treasury in Rome.<ref name="Abbott, 352">Abbott, 352</ref> Since the ''Princeps'' controlled this treasury, he was technically not violating tradition (as he would if he had taken outright control of the ''aerarium Saturni''). The ''aerarium militare'' was of minor importance. Its only significant function was to hold funds that would be used to pay soldiers.<ref name="Abbott, 353">Abbott, 353</ref>

In addition, the ''Princeps'' dominated the [[roman religion|religious institutions]]. His ''imperium'' gave him the rank of ''[[pontifex maximus]]'', and entitled him to membership in each of the four major priesthoods. Therefore, he could appoint priests, control temples, and oversee the religious institutions.<ref name="Abbott, 345">Abbott, 345</ref> By dominating both the political and religious institutions, the ''Princeps'' became the true master of the state.


==Republican executive magistrates under the empire==
==Republican executive magistrates under the empire==
The first step in a political career was election to the Quaestorship,<ref name="Abbott, 374">Abbott, 374</ref> although candidates for the Quaestorship had to be at least twenty-four years old. After they served as Quaestor, they had to wait for at least one year before they could seek election to a higher office, which was usually either the Plebeian Tribunate or the Aedileship.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref> After this, they had to wait for another year before they could seek election to a higher office, which was typically the Praetorship.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref> Members of [[Patrician (ancient Rome)|Patrician]] (aristocratic) families could seek election to the Praetorship after serving as Quaestor,<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref> and they did not have to serve as Plebeian Tribune or Aedile before this. However, since one had to be at least thirty years old before they could run for the Praetorship, Patricians ultimately had no true advantage over Plebeians. After an individual served as Praetor, they had to wait for another two years before they could seek election to the Consulship, and so, while it was not specifically mandated, candidates for the Consulship usually had to be at least thirty-three years old.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref> After a magistrate's term in office expired, they could run again for the same office almost immediately.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref>
Under the empire, the citizens were divided into three classes. These three classes were the senatorial order, the equestrian order, and the plebeians. A distinct career path was available to any citizen who sought a career in public service. Each of the three classes had their own separate career path (which was known as the ''[[cursus honorum]]'').<ref name="Abbott, 374">Abbott, 374</ref> The [[Executive Magistrates of the Roman Republic|executive magistracies of the old republic]] were only available to citizens of the senatorial class. The executive magistracies that survived the fall of the republic were (by their order of rank per the ''cursus honorum'') the consulship, praetorship, tribunate of the plebs, quaestorship, aedileship, and military tribunate.<ref name="Abbott, 374">Abbott, 374</ref> An individual could only be of the senatorial class if they were the son of a senator. An individual who was of either the equestrian or plebeian class could only become a senator if the ''Princeps'' allowed them to stand for election to the quaestorship. If such an individual stood for election as quaestor, and won, they (and their sons) would become members of the senatorial class. Otherwise, an individual could be appointed to the senate by the ''Princeps''. If an individual was appointed to the senate by the ''Princeps'', they (and their sons) would become members of the senatorial class.
[[Image:DSC04500i Istanbul - Museo archeol. - Diocleziano (284-205 d.C.) - Foto G. Dall'Orto 28-5-2006.jpg|thumb|right|350px|Roman Emperor Diocletian, who ultimately abolished the Principate.]]
[[Image:Istanbul - Museo archeol. - Diocleziano (284-305 d.C.) - Foto G. Dall'Orto 28-5-2006.jpg|thumb|right|250px|Roman Emperor Diocletian, who ultimately abolished the Principate.]]


During the transition from republic to empire, no office lost more power or prestige than the [[Roman Consul|Consulship]], which was due, in part, to the fact that the substantive powers of republican Consuls were all transferred to the emperor. In addition, the fact that one had to be nominated by the emperor before they could run for any office weakened the independence, and thus the prestige, of the Consulship. In addition, the Consulship lost further prestige from the fact that Consuls usually resigned before their terms ended. Imperial Consuls could preside over the senate, could act as judges in certain criminal trials, and had control over public games and shows. In general, Consular authority did not extend beyond the civil administration of Italy or the senatorial provinces.<ref name="Abbott, 376">Abbott, 376</ref>
The office at the bottom of the ''cursus honorum'' was the quaestorship.<ref name="Abbott, 374">Abbott, 374</ref> Candidates for the quaestorship had to be at least twenty-four years old. After they served as quaestor, they had to wait for at least one year before they could seek election to a higher office. This next office would usually either be the tribunate of the plebs, or the aedileship.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref> After serving as plebeian tribune or aedile, an individual would have to wait for another year before they could seek election to a higher office. Usually, this next step would be the praetorship.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref> Members of [[patrician]] families could seek election to the praetorship after serving as quaestor.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref> They did not have to serve as plebeian tribune or aedile before standing for election to the praetorship. However, since one had to be at least thirty years old before they could run for the praetorship, these individuals had no advantage over individuals of plebeian ancestry. After an individual served as praetor, they would have to wait for another two years before they could seek election to the consulship. Thus, while it was not specifically mandated, candidates for the consulship would usually be at least thirty-three years old.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref> After a magistrate's term in office expired, they could run again for the same office almost immediately.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref>


[[Julius Caesar]] had increased the number of [[Praetors]] to sixteen,<ref name="Abbott, 376">Abbott, 376</ref> but Caesar's successor, the emperor Augustus, reduced this number to twelve. The number of Praetors reached its maximum of eighteen under the emperor [[Claudius]].<ref name="Abbott, 377">Abbott, 377</ref> The chief Praetor in Rome, the Urban Praetor (''praetor urbanus''), outranked all other Praetors, and for a brief time, they were given power over the treasury. Praetors also presided over the "permanent jury courts" (''quaestio perpetua'').<ref name="Abbott, 377">Abbott, 377</ref> The irrelevancy of the Praetorship became obvious when the emperor [[Hadrian]] issued a decree (the ''edictum perpetuum''),<ref name="Abbott, 377">Abbott, 377</ref> which robbed the Praetors of their authority to issue edicts and transferred most of their judicial powers to either the Consuls or to district court judges.
===Consuls===
During the transition from republic to empire, no office lost more power or prestige than the [[roman consul|consulship]]. The substantive powers of republican consuls were transferred to the ''Princeps''. In addition, one had to be nominated by the ''Princeps'' before they could run for any office. The result was a loss of the consul's independence, and thus of both his power and his prestige. In addition, the consuls would usually resign before the end of their term. This also had the effect of weakening the consuls. With weaker consuls, the senate itself became weakened. With a weaker senate, the ''Princeps'' became even more powerful. The authority (and thus the prestige) of the consulship became so degraded that the consuls became, in some respects, glorified aediles. Under the republic, aediles held such a low rank that they were never even given automatic membership in the senate. Imperial consuls could preside over the senate, could act as judges in certain criminal trials, and had control over public games and shows. In general, consular authority did not extend beyond the civil administration of Italy or the senatorial provinces.<ref name="Abbott, 376">Abbott, 376</ref>


Under the empire, the [[Plebeian Tribune]]s remained sacrosanct,<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref> and, in theory at least, retained the power to summon, or to veto, the senate and the assemblies.<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref> The emperor, who held tribunician powers, dominated the College of Tribunes, and while technically any member of the college could veto any other member, no Tribune dared to oppose the emperor. The Tribune's power over the assemblies meant almost nothing, since the assemblies themselves had no real power, and thus the only real influence that a Tribune had come in the form of the occasional veto over the senate. The Tribunes did also have the power to impose fines, and citizens retained a theoretical right to appeal criminal and civil decisions to a Tribune.<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref>
Under the republic, the duration of a consular term was one year. Each consular term would begin on January 1, and end on December 31. Under the empire, the length of a consular term was technically not altered. However, consuls would usually abdicate their office before their term expired. This allowed new consuls to be 'elected', who would then finish out that particular term.<ref name="Abbott, 376">Abbott, 376</ref> Up until the death of the emperor [[Nero]], consuls usually abdicated their office after six months. After Nero's death, however, the consuls began abdicating their office after only a couple of months.<ref name="Abbott, 376">Abbott, 376</ref> The precedent of consular resignations probably began due to pressures exerted by the ''Princeps'' upon the consuls. If a magistrate did not retain favor with the ''Princeps'', that particular ''Princeps'' might not nominate them for further office. Once this precedent was set, the precedent itself added further pressure on consuls to resign before the end of their term. This development caused the consuls, and thus the senate, to become even more servile to the ''Princeps''.After consular resignations became common, elections would be held for replacements in early January.<ref name="Abbott, 376">Abbott, 376</ref> The first consuls to serve in a given year were called ''consules ordinarii''. Their replacements during that year would be called ''consules suffecti''.<ref name="Abbott, 376">Abbott, 376</ref>


When Augustus became emperor, forty [[Quaestor]]s were elected each year, but Augustus reduced this number to twenty.<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref> Augustus then divided the college of Quaestors into two divisions, and assigned one division the task of serving in the senatorial provinces, and the other the task of managing civil administration in Rome.<ref name="Abbott, 379">Abbott, 379</ref> The Quaestors who were assigned to the provinces (''quaestores pro praetore'') managed funds given to the province by the senate or the emperor. The two Urban Quaestors (''quaestores urbani'') had authority over the treasury in Rome (''aerarium Saturni''), which functioned as a depository for both state funds and official documents. In 56 AD the Quaestors lost their authority over state funds, but retained their authority over official documents.<ref name="Abbott, 379">Abbott, 379</ref> Julius Caesar had increased the number of [[Aedile]]s to six,<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref> and while Augustus retained this number, he also transferred control of the grain supply from the Aediles to a board of commissioners. It wasn't until after they lost the power to maintain order in the city, however, that they truly became powerless, and the office disappeared entirely during the 3rd century.<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref>
One could only stand for election to the consulship upon being nominated by the ''Princeps''. The consuls of the late republic were elected in July, took office on New Year’s Day, and left office on the last day of December. In contrast, imperial consuls were elected in the autumn before the year in which they would serve, and would take office on New Year’s Day. Whereas republican consuls needed time to prepare for office, imperial consuls (who had no real power) did not require as much time for preparation. Under the republic, each year would be named after the consuls of that year. For example, the year 205 BC was named ''The year of the consulship of [[Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus]] and [[Publius Licinius Crassus Dives (consul 205 BC)|Publius Licinius Crassus]]''. Under the empire, the years would be named after the ''consules ordinarii'' for that given year.<ref name="Abbott, 376">Abbott, 376</ref> Thus, the ''consules ordinarii'' probably had a certain level of prestige that the ''consules suffecti'' did not have.<ref name="Abbott, 376">Abbott, 376</ref>


==See also==
===Praetors, Tribunes, Quaestors and Aediles===
{{div col |colwidth=15em}}
[[Julius Caesar]] had increased the number of [[praetors]] to sixteen.<ref name="Abbott, 376">Abbott, 376</ref> The emperor Augustus reduced this number to twelve. The number of praetors reached its maximum of eighteen under the emperor [[Claudius]].<ref name="Abbott, 377">Abbott, 377</ref> The chief praetor in Rome, the ''praetor urbanus'', outranked all other praetors. The second highest ranking praetor was the ''praetor peregrinus''. For a brief time, the praetors were given power over the treasury. The power of the praetors was at its apex, however, when they presided over the ''quaestio perpetua'' ("permanent jury courts").<ref name="Abbott, 377">Abbott, 377</ref> The irrelevancy of the praetorship reached a new level when the emperor [[Hadrian]] issued a decree called the ''edictum perpetuum''.<ref name="Abbott, 377">Abbott, 377</ref> This decree robbed the praetors of their authority to issue edicts. It also transferred most of their judicial powers to either the consuls or to district court judges.


Under the empire, the [[tribune]]s remained sacrosanct.<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref> In theory, they retained the power to summon (or to exercise a veto over) the senate and the assemblies.<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref> The ''Princeps'', who held tribunician powers, completely dominated the college of tribunes. Technically, any member of the college of tribunes could veto an act of any of his colleagues. However, no tribune would dare act against the wishes of a ''Princeps''. The tribune's power over the assemblies meant almost nothing, since the assemblies themselves had no real power. The only real influence that a tribune had came in the form of the occasional veto over the senate. The tribunes did also have the power to impose fines. In addition, tribunes retained the power of ''provocatio''. ''Provocatio'' was a legal doctrine, which give tribunes the authority to intervene whenever a magistrate was about to impose a punishment on a citizen.<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref> With the consolidation of power into the office of ''Princeps'', however, the tribunes held almost no practical power.<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref>

When Augustus became ''Princeps'', forty [[quaestor]]s were elected each year. Augustus changed the law, so that only twenty quaestors would be elected each year.<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref> Augustus divided the college of quaestors into two divisions. One division would serve in the senatorial provinces. The other division would assist in the administration of the central government.<ref name="Abbott, 379">Abbott, 379</ref> One quaestor was assigned to each senatorial province. Sicily was given a second quaestor. In total, twelve quaestors were assigned to the senatorial provinces. Of the remaining eight quaestors, two (the ''quaestores urbani'') were given jurisdiction inside the city of Rome. Finally, the two consuls and the ''Princeps'' were each assigned two quaestors.<ref name="Abbott, 379">Abbott, 379</ref> The quaestors who were assigned to the provinces (''quaestores pro praetore'') would manage funds given to the province by senate (or by the ''Princeps''). In general, their functions were similar to the functions of provincial quaestors under the republic. The two urban quaestors (''quaestores urbani'') had authority over the treasury in Rome. The treasury (''aerarium Saturni'') functioned as a depository for both state funds and official documents (such as the decrees of the senate). In 56 AD, the quaestors lost their authority over state funds, but retained their authority over official documents. The two quaestors who served the ''Princeps'' would act as the personal secretaries of that ''Princeps''. The four quaestors who served a consul would act as the direct subordinate of that consul.<ref name="Abbott, 379">Abbott, 379</ref>

Julius Caesar had increased the number of [[aedile]]s to six.<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref> Under Augustus, control over the grain supply was transferred from the aediles to a board of commissioners. They then lost the power to maintain order in the city. After they lost this power, they became powerless. The office disappeared during the middle of the third century.<ref name="Abbott, 378">Abbott, 378</ref>

===Abolished offices===
[[Mark Antony]] abolished the offices of [[roman dictator|dictator]] and [[master of the horse]] during his consulship in 44 BC. This occurred shortly after Julius Caesar's assassination. Caesar was assassinated, in part, because of his perceived abuses of the office of dictator. The office of [[interrex]] was also abolished during the transition from republic to empire.<ref name="Abbott, 375">Abbott, 375</ref>

In 22 BC, Augustus appointed P. Aemilius Lepidus and L. Munatius Plancus to the [[Roman censor|censorship]]. The two censors began a census that year, but never completed it. Shortly thereafter, the office was abolished. The emperor Claudius attempted to revive the office by appointing himself and L. Vitellius censor in 47 AD.<ref name="Abbott, 377">Abbott, 377</ref> After Claudius, however, no further attempts were made to revive the office.

==See also==
{{columns
|col1 =
* [[Roman Kingdom]]
* [[Roman Kingdom]]
* [[Roman Republic]]
* [[Roman Republic]]
* [[Roman Empire]]
* [[Roman Law]]
* [[Roman Law]]
* [[Plebeian Council]]
* [[Plebeian Council]]
* [[Centuria]]
* [[Centuria]]
|col2 =
* [[Curia]]
* [[Curia]]
* [[Roman consul]]
* [[Praetor]]
* [[Roman censor]]
* [[Quaestor]]
* [[Quaestor]]
* [[Aedile]]
|col3 =
* [[Roman Dictator]]
* [[Master of the Horse]]
* [[Roman Senate]]
* [[Roman Senate]]
* [[Cursus honorum]]
* [[Cursus honorum]]
* [[Byzantine Senate]]
* [[Byzantine Senate]]
* [[Pontifex Maximus]]
* [[Pontifex Maximus]]
|col4 =
* [[Princeps senatus]]
* [[Princeps senatus]]
* [[Interrex]]
* [[Interrex]]
* [[Procurator]]
* [[Promagistrate]]
* [[Acta Senatus]]
* [[Acta Senatus]]
* [[Executive Magistrate of Bangladesh]]
}}
{{div col end}}

==Notes==
{{reflist|30em}}
==References==
==References==
{{refbegin}}
<div class="references-small">
* Abbott, Frank Frost (1901). ''A History and Description of Roman Political Institutions''. Elibron Classics (ISBN 0-543-92749-0).
* Abbott, Frank Frost (1901). ''A History and Description of Roman Political Institutions''. Elibron Classics ({{ISBN|0-543-92749-0}}).
* Byrd, Robert (1995). ''The Senate of the Roman Republic''. U.S. Government Printing Office, Senate Document 103-23.
* Byrd, Robert (1995). ''The Senate of the Roman Republic''. U.S. Government Printing Office, Senate Document 103-23.
* Cicero, Marcus Tullius (1841). ''The Political Works of Marcus Tullius Cicero: Comprising his Treatise on the Commonwealth; and his Treatise on the Laws. Translated from the original, with Dissertations and Notes in Two Volumes''. By Francis Barham, Esq. London: Edmund Spettigue. Vol. 1.
* Cicero, Marcus Tullius (1841). ''The Political Works of Marcus Tullius Cicero: Comprising his Treatise on the Commonwealth; and his Treatise on the Laws. Translated from the original, with Dissertations and Notes in Two Volumes''. By Francis Barham, Esq. London: Edmund Spettigue. Vol. 1.
* Lintott, Andrew (1999). ''The Constitution of the Roman Republic''. Oxford University Press (ISBN 0-19-926108-3).
* [[Andrew Lintott|Lintott, Andrew]] (1999). ''The Constitution of the Roman Republic''. Oxford University Press ({{ISBN|0-19-926108-3}}).
{{refend}}
</div>
* Polybius (1823). ''The General History of Polybius: Translated from the Greek''. By Mr. Hampton. Oxford: Printed by W. Baxter. Fifth Edition, Vol 2.
* Polybius (1823). ''The General History of Polybius: Translated from the Greek''. By [[James Hampton (priest)|James Hampton]]. Oxford: Printed by W. Baxter. Fifth Edition, Vol 2.
* Taylor, Lily Ross (1966). ''Roman Voting Assemblies: From the Hannibalic War to the Dictatorship of Caesar''. The University of Michigan Press (ISBN 0-472-08125-X).
* [[Lily Ross Taylor|Taylor, Lily Ross]] (1966). ''Roman Voting Assemblies: From the Hannibalic War to the Dictatorship of Caesar''. The University of Michigan Press ({{ISBN|0-472-08125-X}}).

==Notes==
{{reflist|4}}


==Further reading==
==Further reading==
{{refbegin}}
<div class="references-small">
* Ihne, Wilhelm. ''Researches Into the History of the Roman Constitution''. William Pickering. 1853.
* Ihne, Wilhelm. ''Researches Into the History of the Roman Constitution''. William Pickering. 1853.
* Johnston, Harold Whetstone. ''Orations and Letters of Cicero: With Historical Introduction, An Outline of the Roman Constitution, Notes, Vocabulary and Index''. Scott, Foresman and Company. 1891.
* Johnston, Harold Whetstone. ''Orations and Letters of Cicero: With Historical Introduction, An Outline of the Roman Constitution, Notes, Vocabulary and Index''. Scott, Foresman and Company. 1891.
* Mommsen, Theodor. ''Roman Constitutional Law''. 1871-1888
* Mommsen, Theodor. ''Roman Constitutional Law''. 1871-1888
Line 135: Line 70:
* F. Millar, ''The Emperor in the Roman World'', (Duckworth, 1977, 1992).
* F. Millar, ''The Emperor in the Roman World'', (Duckworth, 1977, 1992).
* A. Lintott, "The Constitution of the Roman Republic" (Oxford University Press, 1999)
* A. Lintott, "The Constitution of the Roman Republic" (Oxford University Press, 1999)
{{refend}}
</div>


===Primary sources===
===Primary sources===
Line 142: Line 77:


===Secondary source material===
===Secondary source material===
* [http://www.constitution.org/cm/ccgrd_l.htm Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness of the Romans and their Decline, by Montesquieu]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20111106175219/http://mailer.fsu.edu/~njumonvi/montesquieu_romans.htm Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness of the Romans and their Decline, by Montesquieu]
* [http://www.uah.edu/student_life/organizations/SAL/texts/misc/romancon.html The Roman Constitution to the Time of Cicero]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20080829134354/http://www.uah.edu/student_life/organizations/SAL/texts/misc/romancon.html The Roman Constitution to the Time of Cicero]
* [http://www.nytimes.com/2006/09/30/opinion/30harris.html?_r=1&oref=slogin What a Terrorist Incident in Ancient Rome Can Teach Us]




{{Roman Constitution}}
{{Roman Constitution}}



{{Ancient Rome topics}}
{{Ancient Rome topics}}

[[Category:Roman Kingdom]]
[[Category:Roman Republic]]
[[Category:Roman Empire]]
[[Category:Roman law| ]]
[[Category:Roman law| ]]
[[Category:Government of the Roman Empire]]

Latest revision as of 12:36, 11 December 2023

Politics of ancient Rome
Periods
Constitution
Political institutions
Assemblies
Ordinary magistrates
Extraordinary magistrates
Public law
Senatus consultum ultimum
Titles and honours

The executive magistrates of the Roman Empire were elected individuals of the ancient Roman Empire. During the transition from monarchy to republic, the constitutional balance of power shifted from the executive (the Roman King) to the Roman Senate. During the transition from republic to empire, the constitutional balance of power shifted back to the executive (the Roman Emperor). Theoretically, the senate elected each new emperor, although in practice, it was the army which made the choice. The powers of an emperor, (his imperium) existed, in theory at least, by virtue of his legal standing. The two most significant components to an emperor's imperium were the "tribunician powers" (potestas tribunicia) and the "proconsular powers" (imperium proconsulare).[1] In theory at least, the tribunician powers (which were similar to those of the Plebeian Tribunes under the old republic) gave the emperor authority over Rome's civil government, while the proconsular powers (similar to those of military governors, or Proconsuls, under the old republic) gave him authority over the Roman army. While these distinctions were clearly defined during the early empire, eventually they were lost, and the emperor's powers became less constitutional and more monarchical.[2]

Under the empire, the citizens were divided into three classes, and for members of each class, a distinct career path was available (known as the cursus honorum).[3] The traditional magistracies were only available to citizens of the senatorial class. The magistracies that survived the fall of the republic were (by their order of rank in the cursus honorum) the Consulship, Praetorship, Plebeian Tribunate, Aedileship, Quaestorship, and Military Tribunate.[3] If an individual was not of the senatorial class, he could run for one of these offices if he was allowed to run by the emperor, or otherwise, he could be appointed to one of these offices by the emperor. Mark Antony abolished the offices of Roman Dictator and Magister equitum ("Master of the Horse") during his Consulship in 44 BC, shortly after the assassination of Julius Caesar. The office of Interrex was also abolished during the transition from republic to empire.[4] In 22 BC the emperor Augustus appointed P. Aemilius Lepidus and L. Munatius Plancus to the Censorship, and while they began a census that year, they never completed it, and shortly thereafter the office was abolished. The emperor Claudius attempted to revive the office by appointing himself and L. Vitellius Censor in 47 AD,[5] but after Claudius, no further attempts were made to revive the office.

Roman Emperor

[edit]

By virtue of his proconsular powers, the emperor held the same grade of military command authority as did the chief magistrates (the Roman Consuls and Proconsuls) under the republic. Since republican Proconsuls had often held their authority for extended periods of time, the prolonged use of this power by the emperor did have precedent. However, the emperor was not subject to the constitutional restrictions that the old Consuls and Proconsuls had been subject to.[6] For example, he was not required to observe collegiality, since he had no colleague, and he could not have his actions vetoed. Eventually, he was given powers that, under the republic, had been reserved for the Roman Senate and the Roman assemblies, including the right to declare war, to ratify treaties, and to negotiate with foreign leaders.[7] The emperor's degree of Proconsular power gave him authority over all of Rome's military governors. Under the republic, Proconsuls (usually former Consuls) were made governors of the more challenging provinces, and as such, most of the Roman army was under the command of one of the Proconsuls. In contrast, the "Propraetors" (usually former Praetors) were made governors of the more stable provinces. Under the republic, Praetors were the second highest ranking magistrates after the Consuls, which was why Propraetors were given provinces that were more stable. Under the early empire, the emperor commanded these Proconsular provinces, while the senate commanded the more stable Propraetorial provinces. It was by this that the emperor held command authority over most of the Roman army.

Augustus, the first Roman Emperor.

The emperor's tribunician powers (potestas tribunicia) gave him power over Rome's civil apparatus, although perhaps the most useful facet of the tribunician power was the prestige associated with the office.[8][9] The Plebeian Tribune had been the magistrate most responsible for the political enfranchisement of the Plebeian (commoner) class during the early republic. The emperor's tribunician powers also gave him the power to preside over, and thus to dominate, the assemblies and the senate.[8] When an emperor was vested with the tribunician powers, his office and his person became sacrosanct.[8] It became a capital offense to harm, to attempt to harm, or to obstruct the emperor, and in time, this power provided the basis for laws that made it a capital offense, publishable by death, to even speak ill of the emperor.[8] His sacrosanctity also gave him the authority to order the use of capital punishment against any individual. Under the republic, Plebeian Tribunes held these same powers, but what made the emperor unique was that he possessed these powers for life, and thus he could never be held accountable for his actions, did not need to stand for reelection every year,[8] and could not have his actions vetoed.

The emperor also had the authority to carry out a range of duties that, under the republic, had been performed by the Roman Censors. Such duties included the authority to farm out tax collection, to grant public contracts, to regulate public morality (Censorship), and to conduct a census. As part of the census, the emperor had the power to grant citizenship to any individual, and to assign individuals to a new social class (the three imperial classes were the senators, the equestrians, and the plebeians), which, therefore, gave the emperor unchallenged control over senate membership.[10] The emperor also had the power to interpret laws and to set precedents, which he did by issuing either an edicta, decreta, or a rescripta.[11] Edicta usually addressed matters associated with the army, treasury, or food supply. The decreta were judicial decisions. The rescripta were issued in response to important questions asked by private citizens.[11] Under the republic, the aerarium Saturni held the state treasury, but only the senate had control over this treasury. While the imperial senate retained control over the aerarium Saturni, this control declined over time.[12] The emperor Augustus established two new treasuries, which future emperors would always control, called the fiscus Caesaris and the aerarium militare. The fiscus Caesaris replaced the aerarium Saturni, and thus became the principal treasury in Rome.[12] The aerarium militare was of minor importance, and its only significant function was to hold funds that were to be used to pay soldiers.[13] In addition, the emperor controlled the religious institutions, since, as emperor, he was always Pontifex Maximus and a member of each of the four major priesthoods.[7]

Republican executive magistrates under the empire

[edit]

The first step in a political career was election to the Quaestorship,[3] although candidates for the Quaestorship had to be at least twenty-four years old. After they served as Quaestor, they had to wait for at least one year before they could seek election to a higher office, which was usually either the Plebeian Tribunate or the Aedileship.[4] After this, they had to wait for another year before they could seek election to a higher office, which was typically the Praetorship.[4] Members of Patrician (aristocratic) families could seek election to the Praetorship after serving as Quaestor,[4] and they did not have to serve as Plebeian Tribune or Aedile before this. However, since one had to be at least thirty years old before they could run for the Praetorship, Patricians ultimately had no true advantage over Plebeians. After an individual served as Praetor, they had to wait for another two years before they could seek election to the Consulship, and so, while it was not specifically mandated, candidates for the Consulship usually had to be at least thirty-three years old.[4] After a magistrate's term in office expired, they could run again for the same office almost immediately.[4]

Roman Emperor Diocletian, who ultimately abolished the Principate.

During the transition from republic to empire, no office lost more power or prestige than the Consulship, which was due, in part, to the fact that the substantive powers of republican Consuls were all transferred to the emperor. In addition, the fact that one had to be nominated by the emperor before they could run for any office weakened the independence, and thus the prestige, of the Consulship. In addition, the Consulship lost further prestige from the fact that Consuls usually resigned before their terms ended. Imperial Consuls could preside over the senate, could act as judges in certain criminal trials, and had control over public games and shows. In general, Consular authority did not extend beyond the civil administration of Italy or the senatorial provinces.[14]

Julius Caesar had increased the number of Praetors to sixteen,[14] but Caesar's successor, the emperor Augustus, reduced this number to twelve. The number of Praetors reached its maximum of eighteen under the emperor Claudius.[5] The chief Praetor in Rome, the Urban Praetor (praetor urbanus), outranked all other Praetors, and for a brief time, they were given power over the treasury. Praetors also presided over the "permanent jury courts" (quaestio perpetua).[5] The irrelevancy of the Praetorship became obvious when the emperor Hadrian issued a decree (the edictum perpetuum),[5] which robbed the Praetors of their authority to issue edicts and transferred most of their judicial powers to either the Consuls or to district court judges.

Under the empire, the Plebeian Tribunes remained sacrosanct,[15] and, in theory at least, retained the power to summon, or to veto, the senate and the assemblies.[15] The emperor, who held tribunician powers, dominated the College of Tribunes, and while technically any member of the college could veto any other member, no Tribune dared to oppose the emperor. The Tribune's power over the assemblies meant almost nothing, since the assemblies themselves had no real power, and thus the only real influence that a Tribune had come in the form of the occasional veto over the senate. The Tribunes did also have the power to impose fines, and citizens retained a theoretical right to appeal criminal and civil decisions to a Tribune.[15]

When Augustus became emperor, forty Quaestors were elected each year, but Augustus reduced this number to twenty.[15] Augustus then divided the college of Quaestors into two divisions, and assigned one division the task of serving in the senatorial provinces, and the other the task of managing civil administration in Rome.[16] The Quaestors who were assigned to the provinces (quaestores pro praetore) managed funds given to the province by the senate or the emperor. The two Urban Quaestors (quaestores urbani) had authority over the treasury in Rome (aerarium Saturni), which functioned as a depository for both state funds and official documents. In 56 AD the Quaestors lost their authority over state funds, but retained their authority over official documents.[16] Julius Caesar had increased the number of Aediles to six,[15] and while Augustus retained this number, he also transferred control of the grain supply from the Aediles to a board of commissioners. It wasn't until after they lost the power to maintain order in the city, however, that they truly became powerless, and the office disappeared entirely during the 3rd century.[15]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ Abbott, 342
  2. ^ Abbott, 341
  3. ^ a b c Abbott, 374
  4. ^ a b c d e f Abbott, 375
  5. ^ a b c d Abbott, 377
  6. ^ Abbott, 344
  7. ^ a b Abbott, 345
  8. ^ a b c d e Abbott, 357
  9. ^ Abbott, 356
  10. ^ Abbott, 354
  11. ^ a b Abbott, 349
  12. ^ a b Abbott, 352
  13. ^ Abbott, 353
  14. ^ a b Abbott, 376
  15. ^ a b c d e f Abbott, 378
  16. ^ a b Abbott, 379

References

[edit]
  • Abbott, Frank Frost (1901). A History and Description of Roman Political Institutions. Elibron Classics (ISBN 0-543-92749-0).
  • Byrd, Robert (1995). The Senate of the Roman Republic. U.S. Government Printing Office, Senate Document 103-23.
  • Cicero, Marcus Tullius (1841). The Political Works of Marcus Tullius Cicero: Comprising his Treatise on the Commonwealth; and his Treatise on the Laws. Translated from the original, with Dissertations and Notes in Two Volumes. By Francis Barham, Esq. London: Edmund Spettigue. Vol. 1.
  • Lintott, Andrew (1999). The Constitution of the Roman Republic. Oxford University Press (ISBN 0-19-926108-3).
  • Polybius (1823). The General History of Polybius: Translated from the Greek. By James Hampton. Oxford: Printed by W. Baxter. Fifth Edition, Vol 2.
  • Taylor, Lily Ross (1966). Roman Voting Assemblies: From the Hannibalic War to the Dictatorship of Caesar. The University of Michigan Press (ISBN 0-472-08125-X).

Further reading

[edit]
  • Ihne, Wilhelm. Researches Into the History of the Roman Constitution. William Pickering. 1853.
  • Johnston, Harold Whetstone. Orations and Letters of Cicero: With Historical Introduction, An Outline of the Roman Constitution, Notes, Vocabulary and Index. Scott, Foresman and Company. 1891.
  • Mommsen, Theodor. Roman Constitutional Law. 1871-1888
  • Tighe, Ambrose. The Development of the Roman Constitution. D. Apple & Co. 1886.
  • Von Fritz, Kurt. The Theory of the Mixed Constitution in Antiquity. Columbia University Press, New York. 1975.
  • The Histories by Polybius
  • Cambridge Ancient History, Volumes 9–13.
  • A. Cameron, The Later Roman Empire, (Fontana Press, 1993).
  • M. Crawford, The Roman Republic, (Fontana Press, 1978).
  • E. S. Gruen, "The Last Generation of the Roman Republic" (U California Press, 1974)
  • F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World, (Duckworth, 1977, 1992).
  • A. Lintott, "The Constitution of the Roman Republic" (Oxford University Press, 1999)

Primary sources

[edit]

Secondary source material

[edit]


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