Paresi language: Difference between revisions

Paresi
Paresi
Arití
Native to	Brazil
Region	Mato Grosso
Native speakers	1800 (2014)
Language family	Arawakan Southern ? Paresí–Xingu Paresí languages Paresi; ; ; ;
Language codes
ISO 639-3	pab
Glottolog	pare1272
ELP	Paresí

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Paresi (also called Haliti-Paresi or Paresi-Haliti by the speakers themselves) is an Arawakan language spoken in Brazil. There are approximately 2000 Paresi people, and around 1800 (~90% of the population) speak the language. The Paresi live in the state of Mato Grosso, more specifically in nine indigenous territories: Rio Formoso, Utiariti, Estação Parecis, Estivadinho, Pareci, Juininha, Figueira, Ponte de Pedra, and Uirapuru. In terms of endangerment, it is not in immediate danger. It is used in many everyday domains, but there is a lack of transmission to younger generations, as well as an evident language shift to Portuguese. This is a result of Portuguese being used in education and healthcare, as well as the integration of Brazilian culture among the Paresi people, creating changes in their language and cultural practices.^[2]

Background information

History

Paresi speaking people were deeply affected by contact with Portuguese colonizers, whom they first encountered in 1718. For over 100 years, they were enslaved as miners in Mato Grosso. As Paresi speakers lived in rubber-dense areas, many were driven from their homes or taken as guides by prospective tappers in the late 19th century; this exploitation and aggression would drive them almost to extinction in the 20th century. Several Catholic missionaries of the Anchieta congregation forced Paresi children into boarding schools, where attempts were made to suppress their language, and also assumed control of the entire Utiariti area from the local Waimaré people.^[3]

All of this disruption led to several subgroups of Paresis being lost either due to extinction or assimilation into other groups, as well as a shift in most groups towards speaking Brazilian Portuguese rather than Paresi. Some groups however are still making efforts to maintain Paresi traditional cultural practices as well as the language, such as the Kozarene who make traditional beer, and bread, and wear Paresi headdresses, and skirts.^[4]

Language family and stock

Paresi belongs to the Arawak language family, one of the largest and most widespread language families in South America. Payne (1991) used lexical retention to determine language classification, and placed Paresi in the Central branch. Aikhenvald (1999) and Ramirez (2001) group Paresi into the Paresi-Xingu branch.^[5]

Documentation

There has been some documentation for Paresi. A sketch grammar served as a preliminary description of discourse, clause, and word structure.^[6] A preliminary dictionary has been compiled based on the variety spoken in the Utiariti area.^[7]^{[full citation needed]} Phonology work has also been done,^[8]^{[full citation needed]}^[9]^{[full citation needed]}^[10]^{[full citation needed]}^[11]^[12]^{[full citation needed]}^[13]^{[full citation needed]}^[14]^{[full citation needed]} more specifically with the phonetics and phonology of the Waimaré dialect,^[15]^{[full citation needed]} and a phonological description of major Paresi variants using feature geometry.^[16]^{[full citation needed]} Brandão has written a verbal morphology description dealing with verb classes, tense, aspect, and modality.^[17]^{[full citation needed]} A morphosyntax description addressing functional morphemes with respect to negation, aspect, and mood has also been written.^[18] There are other pedagogical materials available^[19]^{[full citation needed]} in addition to student theses written by undergraduate Paresi speakers from the State University of Mato Grosso.

The Museu do Índio has an ongoing language project for Paresi, coordinated by Glauber Romling. The goal of the project is to involve the indigenous community by offering basic archival and linguistic training to analyze speech data in the form of mythical tales and sociolinguistic interviews.

Phonology

Consonants

There are 17 contrastive consonant phonemes in Paresi, with three marginal phonemes that only appear in very restricted contexts. These marginal phonemes are analyzed to be their own phonemes, because unlike other palatalized consonant allophones in the language, these phonemes can appear word-initially before /a/, which would not trigger palatalization.

Adapted from Brandão (2014)^[20]
	Labial	Dental	Alveolar	Palato-Alveolar	Velar	Glottal
Nasal	m ⟨m⟩		n ⟨n⟩
Plosive	b ⟨b⟩		t ⟨t⟩	tʲ ⟨ty⟩	k ⟨k⟩
Affricate			t͡s ⟨ts⟩	(t͡ʃ) ⟨tx⟩
Fricative	f ⟨f⟩	θ ⟨z⟩		(ʃ) ⟨x⟩		h ⟨h⟩
Flap			ɾ ⟨r⟩
Lateral			l ⟨l⟩	(lʲ) ⟨ly⟩
Approximant	w ⟨w⟩			j ⟨y⟩

Vowels

There are 6 contrastive vowel phonemes in Paresi, although the nasalized vowels are restricted in the contexts in which they may occur and are occasionally emphatic allophones of their oral equivalents, the front nasal vowels are the only ones with distributions complementary to their respective oral vowels. Paresi exhibits a form of rhinoglottophilia in that vowels adjacent to a glottal fricative onset to a final syllable are nasalized and exhibit breathy phonation.

	Front	Back
High	i ⟨i⟩, ĩː ⟨ĩ⟩
Mid	e ⟨e⟩, ẽː ⟨ẽ⟩	o ⟨o⟩
Low	a ⟨a⟩

Morphology

Paresi is a polysynthetic language, whose morpheme boundaries are clear-cut and easy to parse. Affixes are very productive in the language, with prefixes being attached mainly to verbs, and to some nouns to form stative predicates. Different sets of suffixes exist for nouns and verbs; nominal suffixes encode possession and plurals, and verbal suffixes encode aspect, valency changes, and number. Personal and clausal clitics are quite numerous, with personal clitics marking possession and the subject, and clausal enclitics signalling future, past, or irrealis.^[21] Adnominal (appearing before nouns) and adverbial demonstratives are also extensive, with a 4-way split in adnominal demonstratives: proximal, medial, distal, and non-visual, as well as a distinction in number.

Personal Pronouns

	Singular	Plural
1st person	natyo	witso
2nd person	hitso	xitso
3rd person	hatyo, eze	hatyonae, ezenae

The third person pronouns are identical to the proximal and medial demonstratives, eze and hatyo. Little syntactic distinction exists between the two save for the fact that hatyo may be cliticized to /ha-/ to reflect a third person singular reflexive, otherwise the third person personal pronouns are identical to demonstratives.

(1)

hatyo-nae

3SG-PL

kakoa

COM

ali

here

witso

1PL

hoka

CON

wi-tyaona-ita

1PL-live-IFV

'We came with them to live here.'

Pronominal Clitics

		Set A		Set B
		Singular	Plural	Singular	Plural
1st person		na-	za-	no-	wi-
2nd person		ha-	wa-	hi-	xi-
3rd person	V	∅-	-ha	∅-
3rd person	N	∅-	-ha/-nae	e-

Pronominal clitics reflect subject agreement on verbs, with Set A marking subject agreement on agentive verbs, and Set B marking subject agreement on non-agentive verbs and possession on nouns. The suffix /-nae/ is a generic plural that is used with the third person plural, with /-ha/ being specific. Because these clitics are mandatory, Paresi is a strongly pro-drop language and subject pronouns are optional.

(2)

(natyo)

(1SG)

no-ka-nakaira-ene

1SG-ATTR-food-3OBJ

'I ate it.'

Valency Change

Paresi has three forms of valency decreasing for verbs morphologically:

the inactive inchoative /-oa/
the reflexive /-wi/
the reciprocal /-kakoa/

The suffix /-oa/ is used to express the middle voice for some transitives, the reflexive for various verbs of changing the position of one’s body or taking care of one’s self, and the passive for several verbs of harm or detriment.

(3)

hati-kanatse

house-mouth

ma-txihola-ty-oa

NEG-door-TH-MM

‘The door of the house opened’

(4)

katxolo

dog

etolits-oa

lie.down-MM

‘The dog lays down (the dog lays itself down)’

(5)

hala-halo-ty-oa-heta

paint-FEM-TH-MM-PERF

‘She painted herself’

(6)

tyalok-oa

bite-MM

‘Get bitten’

The suffix /-wi/ is a much more straightforward reflexive, and is exclusively used with verbs that would normally have two very distinct arguments, unlike those made reflexive by /-oa/. The reciprocal /-kakoa/ may be used with doubled plural morphology to indicated multiple reciprocal pairs, and may also attach to a noun in addition to a verb to indicate the reciprocal participants making it a “discontinuous reciprocal”.

Valency is increased by attaching either the causative prefix /a-/, or the causative suffix /-ki/, or both. Causatives may also be formed periphrastically with the verb /moka/.

Verbal Modality

Paresi modality and expression of verbal reality is intertwined with the evidentiality of said verbs. Paresi has three counterfactual modalities:

frustrative (an action that was unfortunately not achieved, or did not go as expected)
dubitative (an action may or may not be true)
desiderative (the action is desired by the speaker)

Of those three, the first two distinguish evidentiality and certainty.

The frustrative marker /zaore~zakore/ is used to indicate that an action did not or could not be achieved or finished, and comes before the clause that expresses said action, or acts as a particle and indicates an undesirable outcome.

(7)

kazatya

jacuba

wi-tsere-hena

1PL-drink-TRS

zakore

FRUST

a-heka-e-tsa

CAUS-be.drunk-CAUS-TH

witso

1PL

‘We were drinking jacuba, and unfortunately we got drunk.’

The other frustrative marker /motya/ indicates that the verb contradicts one’s assumptions or expectations drawn from visual evidence. If one were to see that the sky was cloudy, and from that expected it to rain, but then it did not, they would utter the following:

(8)

motya

FRUST

atyo

TOP

ite

FUT

one-hena

water-TRS

wi-hiye

1PL-BEN

‘Apparently it was going to rain (but it did not).’

The two dubitative markers, /zamani/ and /kala/ are different in levels of certainty, the formers marks something that the speaker is quite uncertain of, while the latter indicates a non-absolute, but high degree of certainty, the speaker may have even witnessed the event personally.

(9)

Sandro

zamani

DUB

Valeria

kokoa

COM

ka-itsani

ATTR-child

aoka-ha

say-PL

‘They say Valeria is pregnant by Sandro (but I doubt it).’

(10)

Kala

DUB

Enoharetse

tyaona-ita

live-IFV

eye

this

ha-wawa-hare-nae

3S-be.alone-MASC-PL

‘Enoharetse was already living alone here (I think).’

Finally, there is the desiderative marker /katsani/ indicating a first person wish.

Syntax

Paresi is a nominative-accusative language, in that subjects of transitive and intransitive verbs are marked identically, and the object of a transitive differently. Paresi does not overtly mark case, but indicates subjects and objects primarily through word order: sentences where the object is not a pronoun are usually ordered Subject-Object-Verb,

(11)

Paula

iyakaniti

pictures

hotikitsa

show

‘Paula showed pictures.’

and sentences with a pronominal object are typically ordered Subject-Verb-Object.

(12)

Baba

father

aotyaitsa

teach

natyo

me

hoka

then

‘Then my father taught me.’

Since the person and number of subjects are always marked with verb prefixes, subjects that have already been introduced are mostly omitted. If the object is established and third person, then it is also usually dropped in favour of the object suffix -ene, so sentences are frequently OV, SV, or simply V.

(13)

No-kanakair-ene

1SG-eat-3OBJ

‘I ate it.’

However, as Paresi is a very topic-focused language, the most relevant information, be that object or subject, tends to be put first in a sentence, making OSV a very common word order in Paresi, leading to some ambiguity if the arguments are not of different persons or numbers.

(14)

Katxolohokotsetxoa_O

small.dog

ala

FOC

ani_S

wasp

xakatetya_V

sting

‘The wasp was stinging the dog.’

These cases can be disambiguated with the topic marker atyo, which marks a new conversational subject, or the focus marker ala, which usually marks an object that has been moved to first position. These, however, are optional, so in subject and object must occasionally be discerned by context.

(15)

Wi-halanatse_O

our-dog

menetse_S

anaconda

toka-olatya_V

hold-tie

‘An anaconda held and tied our dog.’

Paresi sentences also very occasionally have OVS word order:

(16)

Kala

DUB

koloho_O

forest

miyatya_V

destroy

mahalitihare_S

non-native

hoka

then

‘Then the non-native destroyed the forest.’

Semantics

Numerals

The first four numbers in Paresi are lexical items (listed below), and anything above 4 is counted using base-5, using body parts (ie: fingers, toes, hands, feet).^[22]

Numeral	Paresi
1	hatita
2	hinama
3	hanama
4	zalakakoa

(17)

hinama-li

two-CLF:round

ala

FOC

konare

cará.fish

Ø-noloka

3SG-pull

‘She caught two cará fishes.’

(18)

kahi-ti

hand-UNPOSS

halakoa

one.side

kahe

hand

haiya,

IND2

kahi-ti

hand-UNPOSS

tyotya

everything/all

‘Sometimes five days (one hand), or ten days (all the hands).’

Quantifiers

Paresi has the following quantifiers:

tyotya 'all'
kahare 'many, a lot'
inira 'few'
taita 'only’

The first three can appear independently as pronouns, and all four modify nouns. Tyotya, kahare, and inira can appear both before and after nouns, whereas inira can only appear before nouns. Unlike demonstratives, these quantifiers can also take personal clitics and aspect markers, which are normally only found on verbs.^[22]

(19)

kozaka-ene

already-PST

ali-yere-nae

here-NMLZ-PL

tyotya

everything/all

Ø-zane

3SG-go

‘The people from here, all of them were already gone.’

(20)

kozaka-ene

already-PST

ali-yere-nae

here-NMLZ-PL

tyotya

everything/all

Ø-zane

3SG-go

‘The people from here, all of them were already gone.’

(21)

tyotya

all

haliti

Paresi.Indian

Ø-tyaon-ita-ene

3SG-live-IFV-PST

'All the Paresi people lived there.'

Kahare ‘many, a lot’ can take both countable nouns and uncountable nouns. Examples (24) and (25) show kahare taking clitics and aspect markers respectively.

(22)

hatyohiyeta

then

kahare

many

zoima

child

Ø-tyaona-te

3SG-be.born-FUT

hitiya

again

‘Then, many children were born.’

(23)

oliti

game

kahare

many

Ø-aitsa-ha-ita-ha

3SG-kill-PL-IFV-PL

‘They killed a lot of game.’

(24)

wi-kahare

1PL-a.lot

'There were a lot of us.'

(25)

kahare-hena

a.lot-TRS

haiya

IND2

haliti

person

ena

man

ohiro

woman

zoaha

and

Ø-waiyore-ta

3SG-know-IFV

'Many Paresi people, men, and women, know.'

Inira appears before nouns and can also take the plural –nae, shown in Example (26).

(26)

waiye-hare

good-MASC

Ø-bete-hena

3SG-sell-TRS

hoka

CON

Ø-iya-h-ita-ha

3SG-buy-PL-IFV-PL

inira-nae

few-PL

atyo

TOP

'They sold beautiful things, but they bought few things.'

(27)

no-zakaihaka-tya

1SG-tell.story-TH

inira

few

'I will tell a little bit of the story.'

Taita can come before or after the noun, but does not appear as its own independent pronoun. In (29), taita is being used as a non-verbal predicate.

(28)

imoti

non-Indian

taita

only

ali

here

tyaona

COP

'Here there were only non-Indian people.'

(29)

hatyo

that

taita

only

'That is it.'

References

^ Paresi at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
^ Brandão (2014), p. 14–15.
^ Brandão (2014), p. 11-12.
^ Brandão (2014), p. 12-13.
^ Brandão (2014), p. 5-7.
^ Rowan & Burgess (1969).
^ Rowan (1978).
^ Rowan (1961).
^ Rowan (1963).
^ Rowan (1964a).
^ Rowan (1964b).
^ Rowan (1967).
^ Rowan (1972).
^ Rowan (1977).
^ Drude (1995).
^ Rowan & Silva (2009).
^ Brandão (2010).
^ Silva (2013).
^ Paresi & Januário (2011).
^ Brandão (2014), p. 29.
^ Brandão (2014), p. 81.
^ ^a ^b Brandão (2014).

Rowan, Orland; Burgess, Eunice (1969), Gramática Parecis (PDF) (in Portuguese)
Brandão, Ana Paula Barros (2014). A reference grammar of Paresi-Haliti (Arawak) (PhD thesis). The University of Texas at Austin. hdl:2152/24847.
Silva, Glauber Romling (2013). Morfossintaxe da língua Paresi-Haliti (PDF) (PhD thesis) (in Portuguese). Rio de Janeiro: Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro.

External links

ELAR Documentation and description of Paresi-Haliti (Arawak)

[e18-1] Paresi at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)

[FOOTNOTEBrandão201414–15-2] Brandão (2014), p. 14–15.

[FOOTNOTEBrandão201411-12-3] Brandão (2014), p. 11-12.

[FOOTNOTEBrandão201412-13-4] Brandão (2014), p. 12-13.

[FOOTNOTEBrandão20145-7-5] Brandão (2014), p. 5-7.

[FOOTNOTERowanBurgess1969-6] Rowan & Burgess (1969).

[FOOTNOTERowan1978-7] Rowan (1978).

[FOOTNOTERowan1961-8] Rowan (1961).

[FOOTNOTERowan1963-9] Rowan (1963).

[FOOTNOTERowan1964a-10] Rowan (1964a).

[FOOTNOTERowan1964b-11] Rowan (1964b).

[FOOTNOTERowan1967-12] Rowan (1967).

[FOOTNOTERowan1972-13] Rowan (1972).

[FOOTNOTERowan1977-14] Rowan (1977).

[FOOTNOTEDrude1995-15] Drude (1995).

[FOOTNOTERowanSilva2009-16] Rowan & Silva (2009).

[FOOTNOTEBrandão2010-17] Brandão (2010).

[FOOTNOTESilva2013-18] Silva (2013).

[FOOTNOTEParesiJanuário2011-19] Paresi & Januário (2011).

[FOOTNOTEBrandão201429-20] Brandão (2014), p. 29.

[FOOTNOTEBrandão201481-21] Brandão (2014), p. 81.

[FOOTNOTEBrandão2014-22] Brandão (2014).

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