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'''Onbin''' (Japanese {{Nihongo||音便|onbin}} "euphony") is a set of [[sound changes]] that occurred in [[Early Middle Japanese]] around the end of the eighth century to the beginning of the tenth century,{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=1, 191-192}} first attested in written texts of the [[Heian period]].{{sfnp|Irwin|2009|pp=64-65}} Onbin changes affected certain consonant-vowel sequences in non-word-initial position, causing them to become replaced with either a single [[vowel]] sound (as in {{lang|ja|o'''i'''te}}, from earlier {{IPA|/o'''ki'''te/}}) or a single [[consonant]] sound (as in {{lang|ja|shi'''n'''de}}, from earlier {{IPA|/si'''ni'''te/}}).{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=192-193}} (In some cases, this also caused a change in the pronunciation of the preceding vowel or following consonant, as in the development of original {{IPA|/te/}} to {{IPA|/de/}} in {{lang|ja|shi'''nd'''e}}.) Onbin played a role in diversifying the [[syllable]] structure of native Japanese words by creating [[Syllable weight|heavy]] syllables that ended in two vowels or in a vowel followed by a consonant.{{sfnp|Otake|2015|p=504}}

Historical onbin changes did not occur systematically,{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=412}} and some sequences could yield multiple outcomes. The non-deterministic nature of the historical sound changes is exemplified by [[Doublet (linguistics)|doublet]]s showing different outcomes of the same original form, such as {{lang|ja|komichi}} (without onbin) versus {{lang|ja|kōji}} (with u-onbin) from original {{IPA|/ko'''mi'''ti/}}, or {{lang|ja|akindo}} (with N-onbin) versus {{lang|ja|akyūdo}} (with u-onbin) from original {{IPA|/aki'''bi'''to/}}. However, some onbin changes have come to be [[Grammaticalization|grammaticalized]] in the [[Japanese conjugation|conjugation of Japanese verbs]]: as a result, certain verbs systematically display an "onbin stem" before certain suffixes in standard modern Japanese. The formation of onbin stems varies between dialects.

==Sound changes==

The outcomes of onbin changes were bound [[Mora (linguistics)|moraic]] phonemes pronounced in the same syllable as the preceding vowel.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=185-199}} Four distinct outcomes can be identified based on modern Japanese [[kana]] spellings: the two [[high vowel]]s {{IPA|/i u/}} and the two moraic consonants {{IPA|/N Q/}}:
*{{Nihongo3||イ音便|i-onbin}}, currently spelled as [[い]] in hiragana and イ in katakana
*{{Nihongo3||ウ音便|u-onbin}}, currently spelled as [[う]] in hiragana and ウ in katakana
*{{Nihongo3||撥音便|hatsuonbin}} or N-onbin, currently spelled as [[ん]] in hiragana and ン in katakana (romanized as syllable-final {{lang|ja|n}})
*{{Nihongo3||促音便|sokuonbin}} or Q-onbin, currently spelled as [[っ]] in hiragana and ッ in katakana (romanized as consonant doubling)

{{harvcoltxt|Frellesvig|2010}} divides i-onbin and u-onbin into two categories based on whether they were originally [[Nasal vowel|nasalized]], and so recognizes six possible outcomes of onbin: {{IPA|/i u ĩ ũ N Q/}}.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=195-193}}

The core set of onbin changes affected non-word-initial syllables that contained the consonants {{IPA|/p k b ɡ m n/}} followed by {{IPA|/i u/}}.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=196}} (In this context, {{IPA|/p/}} represents a consonant phoneme derived from [[Proto-Japonic_language#Consonants|Proto-Japonic]] *p: [[#Phonetic development|its pronunciation in Early Middle Japanese]] is debated. The syllables transcribed here as {{IPA|/pa pi pu pe po/}} are sometimes alternatively romanized as "fa fi fu fe fo" or "ha hi fu he ho": the use of "h" is anachronistic in terms of Early Middle Japanese pronunciation, but corresponds to the modern pronunciation of the kana that were used to spell these syllables in [[historical kana orthography]], before [[Japanese_script_reform#Modern_kana_usage|Japanese script reform]].) Some onbin changes could affect word-final syllables, such as the change of {{IPA|/ki/}} to {{IPA|/i/}} (as in {{IPA|/kisaki/}} to {{IPA|/kisai/}} 'empress') or {{IPA|/ku/}} to {{IPA|/u/}} (as in {{IPA|/kaku/}} to {{IPA|/kau/}} 'in this way'), and occasionally {{IPA|/nu/}} to {{IPA|/N/}}, or {{IPA|/mi mu/}} to {{IPA|/N/}} or {{IPA|/ũ/}} (as in {{IPA|/asomi/}} to {{IPA|/asoN/}} 'courtier').{{sfnp|de Chene|1991|pp=11-15}} In contrast, onbin changes involving {{IPA|/bi bu ɡi ɡu/}} seem to be attested only in the middle of words.{{sfnp|de Chene|1991|pp=11-15}}

These core changes can be summarized as follows:

{| class="wikitable"
|+ style="text-align: left;" | Core onbin changes{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
! rowspan=2 | Source
! colspan=2 | Outcome (modern hiragana/katakana)
! colspan=3 style="border-left: double darkgray;" | Examples
|-
! vowel
! moraic consonant
! style="border-left: double darkgray;" | source word
! vowel
! moraic consonant
|-
! pi<br>pu
| '''u''' (う&NoBreak;/&NoBreak;ウ)
| '''Q''' (っ/ッ)
| style="border-left: double darkgray;" | ni'''pi₁''' + ta<br>ta'''pu'''to₁-
| ni'''u'''ta<br>ta'''u'''to-
| ni'''t'''ta<br>ta'''t'''to-
|-
! ki
| '''i''' (い&NoBreak;/&NoBreak;イ)
|
| style="border-left: double darkgray;" | yo'''ki₁'''
| yo'''i'''
|
|-
! ku
| '''u''' (う&NoBreak;/&NoBreak;ウ)
|
| style="border-left: double darkgray;" | ta'''ku'''me₂
| ta'''u'''me
|
|-
! bi
| '''ũ''' > u (う&NoBreak;/&NoBreak;ウ)
| '''N''' (ん/ン)
| style="border-left: double darkgray;" | aki₁ + '''bi₁'''to₂
| aki'''ũ'''do
| aki'''n'''do
|-
! bu
| '''ũ''' > u (う&NoBreak;/&NoBreak;ウ)
|
| style="border-left: double darkgray;" | *sa'''bu'''sa'''bu'''-si
| sa'''ũ'''za'''ũ'''-(si)-
|
|-
! gi
| '''ĩ''' > i (い&NoBreak;/&NoBreak;イ)
|
| style="border-left: double darkgray;" | tu'''gi₁'''te
| tu'''ĩ'''de
|
|-
! gu
| '''ũ''' > u (う&NoBreak;/&NoBreak;ウ)
| '''N''' (ん/ン)
| style="border-left: double darkgray;" | ka'''gu'''pasi
| ka'''ũ'''basi
| ka'''n'''basi
|-
! mi<br>mu
| '''ũ''' > u (う&NoBreak;/&NoBreak;ウ)
| '''N''' (ん/ン)
| style="border-left: double darkgray;" | ko₁ + '''mi₁'''ti<br>pi₁ + '''mu'''ka(si)
| ko'''ũ'''di<br>pi'''ũ'''ga
| ko'''n'''di<br>pi'''n'''gasi
|-
! ni<br>nu
|
| '''N''' (ん&NoBreak;/&NoBreak;ン)
| style="border-left: double darkgray;" | si'''ni'''te<br>ki'''nu''' + kaki
|
| si'''n'''de<br>ki'''n'''gai
|}

Subscript numbers distinguish [[Old_Japanese#Syllables|syllables that were different in Old Japanese]], as indicated by [[man'yōgana]], but that merged in the transition to Early Middle Japanese.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=26-30}} {{harvcoltxt|Frellesvig|2010}} considers it likely that onbin changes affected only {{IPA|/pi₁ ki₁ mi₁ bi₁ gi₁/}} and not {{IPA|/pi₂ ki₂ mi₂ bi₂ gi₂/}} (and so took place before their merger),{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=192, 196}} whereas {{harvcoltxt|Unger|1997}} disagrees.{{sfnp|Unger|1997|p=364}} Since syllables with /i₂/ were less frequent, the relevant evidence is limited, and there is a possible case of {{IPA|/ki₂/}} > {{IPA|/i/}} in the word {{Nihongo3|first day of the month|ついたち|tsuitachi}}, normally derived from Old Japanese tuki₂ "moon, month": Frellesvig argues this could be a folk etymology.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=192, 196}}

===Additional changes===

When the consonant in the affected sequence was either nasal {{IPA|/m n/}} or [[Prenasalized consonant|prenasalized]] {{IPA|/b g/}}, onbin produced a nasal output: either a nasalized high vowel {{IPA|/ĩ, ũ/}} or a moraic nasal consonant {{IPA|/N/}}. These nasal sounds caused following {{IPA|/p t k s/}} to be replaced with their prenasalized counterparts, {{IPA|/b d g z/}}.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=189, 197}} By [[Late Middle Japanese]], the nasalized vowels {{IPA|/ĩ, ũ/}} had merged with {{IPA|/i, u/}}, and the change of {{IPA|/p t k s/}} to {{IPA|/b d g z/}} after a nasal sound ceased to apply as an automatic process, although it had lasting effects on the form of some inflectional morphemes and lexicalized compound words.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=184-185, 307-309}}

During Late Middle Japanese, vowel sequences ending in {{IPA|/u/}} (including that derived from earlier {{IPA|/ũ/}}) [[Fusion (phonetics)|fused]] into long vowels (which can be phonologically analyzed as sequences of two identical vowel phonemes in one syllable). If the first vowel was originally {{IPA|/i/}} or {{IPA|/e/}}, the resulting long vowel was preceded by a palatal glide {{IPA|/j/}}. This produced the following outcomes:

{| class="wikitable"
|+ style="text-align: left;" | Fusion of vowel + U{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=319}}
! late Early Middle Japanese
! Late Middle Japanese
! Modern Japanese
|-
|{{IPA|/iu/}}
|{{IPA|/juu/}}
|{{IPA|/juu/}}
|-
|{{IPA|/eu/}}
|{{IPA|/joo/}}
|{{IPA|/joo/}}
|-
|{{IPA|/au/}}
|{{IPA|/ɔɔ/}}
|{{IPA|/oo/}}
|-
|{{IPA|/ou/}}
|{{IPA|/oo/}}
|{{IPA|/oo/}}
|}

Because of this vowel fusion, words with u-onbin, such as {{Nihongo3|amateur|しろうと|shirōto}}, do not always contain the vowel phoneme {{IPA|/u/}} in modern Japanese, although they are still spelled with the kana [[う]]/ウ (u) because of a convention of spelling long {{IPA|[oː]}} non-phonetically in this context.

==In verbs and adjectives==
{{Further|Japanese grammar#Euphonic changes (音便, onbin)|Japanese dialects|}}

===Verb stems===
{{Further|Japanese_conjugation#Perfective}}

As a result of onbin changes, consonant-stem verbs developed variant "onbin stems" used before certain suffixes (in modern Japanese, the past {{lang|ja|-ta}}, gerund {{lang|ja|-te}}, conditional {{lang|ja|-tara}}, and representative {{lang|ja|-tari}}{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=398}}). Consonant-stem verbs are those that can be analyzed as having underlying stems that end in a consonant (in modern Japanese, any of {{IPA|/w t k b ɡ m n r s/}}): these verbs take the suffix {{lang|ja|-u}} in the dictionary form, in contrast to vowel-stem verbs, which have stems that end in either {{IPA|/e/}} or {{IPA|/i/}} and take the suffix {{lang|ja|-ru}} in the dictionary form.{{sfnp|Ito|Mester|2015|p=364-366}} In Japanese grammatical terminology, consonant-stem verbs are called {{nihongo|five-grade|五段|godan}} verbs, because their inflected forms make use of the five kana that represent the stem-final consonant plus each of the five Japanese vowels ({{IPA|/a i u e o/}}). Verbs with stems ending in {{IPA|/enwiki/w/}} show an additional complication: stem-final {{IPA|/enwiki/w/}} is deleted before suffixes that start with {{IPA|/i u e o/}}, since Japanese phonotactics only allow {{IPA|/enwiki/w/}} to occur before the vowel {{IPA|/a/}}. In terms of historical development, verb stems that end in {{IPA|/enwiki/w/}} originally ended in the consonant *p.

The onbin stem developed from the Early Middle Japanese infinitive ({{lang|ja|ren'yōkei}}) form, which ended in {{IPA|/i/}}.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=230-232}} When the infinitive form of a consonant-stem verb ended in one of the syllables {{IPA|/pi ki bi ɡi mi ni/}}, it could undergo the [[#Sound changes|onbin sound changes described above]]. In addition, it came to be possible for {{IPA|/ri ti si/}} to undergo analogous changes in this context: thus, {{IPA|/ri ti/}} could become {{IPA|/Q/}} (as in {{IPA|/torite/}} > {{IPA|/toQte/}}, {{IPA|/motite/}} > {{IPA|/moQte/}}) and {{IPA|/si/}} could become {{IPA|/i/}} (as in {{IPA|/idasite/}} > {{IPA|/idaite/}}). {{harvcoltxt|Frellesvig|1995}} argues that verbs with stems ending in {{IPA|/r t s/}} developed onbin stems purely as a result of the morphological process of analogy, rather than as a result of the same phonetic processes as the other onbin changes.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 230}}

In modern Standard Japanese, the form of a verb's onbin stem can typically be predicted from the underlying stem-final consonant: {{IPA|/w r t/}} give {{IPA|/Q/}}, {{IPA|/b m n/}} give {{IPA|/N/}} (with voicing of the following {{IPA|/t/}} to {{IPA|/d/}} in the suffix), {{IPA|/k/}} gives {{IPA|/i/}}, and {{IPA|/ɡ/}} gives {{IPA|/i/}} (with voicing of the following {{IPA|/t/}} to {{IPA|/d/}} in the suffix). Verbs with underlying stems ending in {{IPA|/s/}} do not show onbin in contemporary standard speech, but instead use {{IPA|/si/}} ({{lang|ja|-shi-}}) before the relevant suffixes.

{| class="wikitable"
|+ style="text-align: left;" | Examples of grammatical onbin in verb stems
! rowspan=2 | stem consonant
! rowspan=2 | onbin type
! colspan=3 | Examples
|-
! Verb stem
! Onbin stem
! Gerundive
|-
| {{IPA|/enwiki/w/}} (original p)
| rowspan=3 | {{IPA|/Q/}} {{lang|ja|-t-t-}}
| {{lang|ja|moraw-}}
| {{lang|ja|morat-}}
| {{lang|ja|morat-te}}{{sfnp|Ito|Mester|2015|p=370}}
|-
| {{IPA|/r/}}
| {{lang|ja|hasir-}}
| {{lang|ja|hasit-}}
| {{lang|ja|hasit-te}}{{sfnp|Ito|Mester|2015|p=370}}
|-
| {{IPA|/t/}}
| {{lang|ja|mot-}}
| {{lang|ja|mot-}}
| {{lang|ja|mot-te}}{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=400}}
|-
| {{IPA|/b/}}
| rowspan=3 | {{IPA|/N/}} {{lang|ja|-n-d-}}
| {{lang|ja|asob-}}
| {{lang|ja|ason-}}
| {{lang|ja|ason-de}}{{sfnp|Ito|Mester|2015|p=370}}
|-
| {{IPA|/m/}}
| {{lang|ja|nom-}}
| {{lang|ja|non-}}
| {{lang|ja|non-de}}{{sfnp|Ito|Mester|2015|p=370}}
|-
| {{IPA|/n/}}{{ref|n-stem|[a]}}
| {{lang|ja|shin-}}
| {{lang|ja|shin-}}
| {{lang|ja|shin-de}}{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=400}}
|-
| {{IPA|/k/}}
| {{IPA|/i/}} {{lang|ja|-i-t-}}
| {{lang|ja|kak-}}
| {{lang|ja|kai-}}
| {{lang|ja|kai-te}}{{sfnp|Ito|Mester|2015|p=370}}
|-
| {{IPA|/ɡ/}}
| {{IPA|/i/}} {{lang|ja|-i-d-}}
| {{lang|ja|oyog-}}
| {{lang|ja|oyoi-}}
| {{lang|ja|oyoi-de}}{{sfnp|Ito|Mester|2015|p=370}}
|}

: {{note label|n-stem|[a]}} {{nihongo3|to die|死ぬ|shinu}} is the only n-stem verb in modern Japanese.

A few verbs have an exceptionally formed onbin stem. For example:
* the verb {{Nihongo3|to go|行く|iku}} (stem {{lang|ja|ik-}}) has an onbin stem in {{IPA|/Q/}}, e.g. {{Nihongo||行った|itta}}, rather than the expected {{IPA|/i/}}.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=400}}
* the verbs {{Nihongo3|to ask|問う|tou}}{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=400}} and {{Nihongo3|to request|請う|kou}} (stems {{lang|ja|tow-}}, {{lang|ja|kow-}}, originally {{IPA|/top/}}-, {{IPA|/kop/}}-) have u-onbin stems, e.g. {{Nihongo||問うた|tōta}}, {{Nihongo||請うた|kōta}}, rather than the expected {{IPA|/Q/}}.

Dialects show some differences in the formation of onbin stems. Some dialects regularly use u-onbin (with fusion of {{IPA|/iu eu au ou/}} to {{IPA|/juu joo oo oo/}}) for verb with underlying stems that end in {{IPA|/enwiki/w/}} (where standard Japanese has Q-onbin) or verbs with underlying stems that end in {{IPA|/m b/}} (where standard Japanese has N-onbin).
* Use of u-onbin for verbs with stems that end in {{IPA|/enwiki/w/}} (original {{IPA|/p/}}) is a feature of dialects spoken in western regions, such as [[Kansai_dialect#Verbs|Kansai]] (including Kyoto) and Kyushu.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=398-400}} For example, in the Kyoto dialect the verb {{Nihongo3|to buy||kau}} (stem {{lang|ja|kaw-}}) has the past form {{lang|ja|kōta}},{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=349}} in contrast to standard Japanese {{lang|ja|katta}}. The 17th-century ''[[Arte da Lingoa de Iapam]]'' by [[João Rodrigues Tçuzu|João Rodrigues]] identified the use of u-onbin in this context as a feature of the Japanese spoken in Kyoto, in contrast to the use of Q in the Kanto dialect.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=397}}
* Use of u-onbin for verbs with stems that end in {{IPA|/m b/}} is found on Kyushu and in the far west of Honshu; in contrast, in Kyoto and most of Kansai, these verbs currently show consonantal onbin as in the standard language.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=398}} For example, in some dialects the verb {{Nihongo3|to call||yobu}} (stem {{lang|ja|yob-}}) has the gerund form {{lang|ja|yōde}}, in contrast to {{lang|ja|yonde}} (used in standard Japanese and in the Kyoto dialect).{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=398-400}} The voicing of the suffix {{lang|ja|-te}} to {{lang|ja|-de}} indicates that these u-onbin forms originally contained nasalized {{IPA|/ũ/}}.
* Use of i-onbin for verbs with stems that end in {{IPA|/s/}} survives dialectally in some regions, including much of Kansai (although not in Kyoto).{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=398}} Thus, forms such as {{lang|ja|daite}} can occur in place of standard {{lang|ja|dashite}} for the gerund of the verb {{Nihongo3|to put out||dasu}} (stem {{lang|ja|das-}}).
* Some dialect forms show consonantal onbin in verbs with stems ending in {{IPA|/k/}} or {{IPA|/g/}}, where standard Japanese has i-onbin.{{sfnp|Irwin|2009|p=61}}{{sfnp|Martin|1987|pp=136-137}}

The use of onbin stems in inflected verb forms never become normative in [[Literary language|literary]] written [[Classical Japanese]]. It is difficult to tell how frequent they were in speech at various historical periods.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=232}}

{{harvcoltxt|Poser|1986}}, citing {{harvcoltxt|Wenck|1959}}, gives the following chronology for the written attestation of onbin in verb forms:{{sfnp|Poser|1986|p=177}}
* {{IPA|/ri/}} to {{IPA|/Q/}}: seen from the late 9th century.
* {{IPA|/ki gi/}} to {{IPA|/i/}}: rarely seen until the mid 10th century, from which point it is found regularly.
* {{IPA|/wi/}} (original {{IPA|/pi/}}) to {{IPA|/Q/}}: seen from the first half of the 11th century.
* {{IPA|/ti/}} to {{IPA|/Q/}}: seen sporadically from 11th century, becoming regular at the end of the 16th century.

However, {{harvcoltxt|Frellesvig|1995}} suggests that onbin changes must have been active well before these dates, arguing that they precede [[#Phonetic development|the intervocalic merger]] of {{IPA|/p/}} and {{IPA|/enwiki/w/}} (dated at the latest to the end of the 10th century) and most likely began in the early 9th century or even the late 8th century.{{sfnp|Irwin|2009|p=65}}

===Adjective endings===
{{Further|Japanese adjectives#i-adjective|Japanese grammar#Adjectival verbs and nouns|Japanese grammar#Polite forms of adjectives}}

Two suffixes used in the inflection of adjectives underwent onbin changes. The [[Old_Japanese#Adjectives|Old Japanese]] adnominal ending {{lang|ojp|-ki}} developed by onbin into the Late Middle Japanese and Modern Japanese nonpast ending {{lang|ja|-i}},{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=340}} as in {{lang|ja|takai}}, the nonpast form of the adjective stem {{Nihongo3|tall||taka-}}.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=394}} The adjectival infinitive ending {{lang|ojp|-ku}} developed an onbin variant {{lang|ja|-u}}: however, {{lang|ja|-ku}} remains the normal form of this ending in Standard Japanese. The use of {{lang|ja|-u}} (which fuses with the preceding vowel) as an adjectival infinitive ending is a characteristic of the language spoken in the Kansai (including Kyoto) and Kyushu regions. Using the adjective {{lang|ja|taka-}} again as an example, the Kansai dialect form {{lang|ja|takō}} corresponds to the Standard Japanese infinitive {{lang|ja|takaku}}.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=394}} The pronunciation of the adjectival infinitive ending as {{lang|ja|-u}} in Kyoto vs. {{lang|ja|-ku}} in the Kanto region is mentioned as a dialectal difference in Rodrigues' ''Arte da Lingoa de Iapam''.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=397}} The variant ending {{lang|ja|-u}} shows some limited use in Standard Japanese as part of the rarely used "super-polite" construction (which occurs when the adjective is followed by the copula {{lang|ja|gozaimasu}}) and in a few isolated, fixed expressions: its use in these contexts can be attributed to borrowing from the Kyoto dialect.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=349-350, 394}}

==Phonetic development==
Onbin sound changes likely had their roots in earlier phonetic variation in the pronunciation of [[Old Japanese]] consonants and vowels.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=196}} Namely, the Old Japanese consonants {{IPA|/p k/}} might have varied phonetically between voiceless stops {{IPA|[p k]}}, voiced stops {{IPA|[b g]}}, voiceless fricatives {{IPA|[ɸ x]}}, and voiced [[continuants]] {{IPA|[β ɣ]}}.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=38}} The consonants {{IPA|/b g/}} were prenasalized and possibly could vary between stops {{IPA|[ᵐb ᵑg]}} and continuants {{IPA|[ᵐβ ᵑɣ]}}; vowels before {{IPA|/b g m n/}} were likely phonetically nasalized.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=38, 196-197}} The high vowels {{IPA|/i u/}} could possibly be reduced to coarticulations [ʲ ʷ] on the preceding consonant.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=196-197}}

Between vowels in the middle of a word, original {{IPA|/p/}} merged with the phoneme {{IPA|/enwiki/w/}} around the second half of the tenth century{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=311}} or during the 11th century.{{sfnp|Takayama|2015|p=640}} After this merger, {{IPA|/enwiki/w/}} eventually was lost before any vowel other than {{IPA|/a/}}. At the start of a word, original {{IPA|/p/}} had come to be regularly pronounced as a voiceless labial fricative {{IPA|[ɸ]}} by the end of the 16th century{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=311-312}} (later on, a 17-18th century sound change turned {{IPA|[ɸ]}} into {{IPA|[h]}} before any vowel other than {{IPA|/u/}}{{sfnp|Takayama|2015|p=641}}). It was once widely thought that {{IPA|/p/}} was completely replaced with {{IPA|[ɸ]}} already in Old Japanese, but {{harvcoltxt|Frellesvig|2010}} argues that this assumption is not well justified.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=37, 204}} According to the traditional assumption, the intervocalic merger with {{IPA|/enwiki/w/}} was a change of {{IPA|[ɸ]}} to {{IPA|[w]}}.{{sfnp|Hamano|2000|pp=208}} According to a competing hypothesis, word-medial intervocalic {{IPA|/p/}} was phonetically realized as {{IPA|[b]}} or {{IPA|[β]}} in Early Middle Japanese prior to its merger with {{IPA|[w]}}.{{sfnp|Hamano|2000|pp=208, 219}}{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=205}}

There is disagreement about the exact phonetic path by which onbin developed. Consonantal variants of verbal onbin stems are attested later than the vocalic variants, but this does not necessarily mean that consonantal onbin are chronologically more recent sound changes: it could simply mean that the varieties of speech in which they arose were not well represented in writing until later on.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=230}}

The development of the consonantal onbin N and Q can be explained in terms of vowel deletion. In theory, vowel deletion could also have been a step in the development of vocalic onbin, if this was preceded by coarticulation of the consonant-vowel sequence, and followed by vocalization of the consonant left behind. For example, the change of {{IPA|/ki/}} to {{IPA|/i/}} could have occurred by means of coarticulation of {{IPA|/ki/}} to {{IPA|[kʲi~ɡʲi~ɣʲi~ʝi]}}, followed by vowel deletion, producing a syllable-final consonant {{IPA|[kʲ~ɡʲ~ɣʲ~ʝ]}}, followed by vocalization of syllable-final {{IPA|[kʲ~ɡʲ~ɣʲ~ʝ]}} to {{IPA|[i]}} {{IPA|/i/}}.

However, only a minority of analysts have supposed that {{IPA|/ki/}} and {{IPA|/gi/}} became {{IPA|/i/}} by means of vowel loss followed by vocalization of the resulting syllable-final consonant.{{sfnp|Poser|1986|p=174}}

Many accounts postulate that i- and u-onbin developed in at least some cases from the deletion of consonants between vowels. If this is the correct explanation for the origin of u-onbin from sequences involving original labial consonants ({{IPA|/p b m/}}), then the deletion of these consonants must have been preceded by a sound change that turned {{IPA|/pi bi mi/}} into {{IPA|/pu bu mu/}} in contexts where onbin would occur. Such a change does appear to be attested by spelling variations in texts from the 11th and 12th centuries,{{sfnp|Ashworth|1976|p=28}} although the interpretation of this evidence is debated. The hypothesis of intervocalic consonant deletion implies that in cases where i-onbin or u-onbin is derived from a consonant-vowel sequence that originally started with a nasal or prenasalized consonant, the change of following {{IPA|/p t k s/}} to prenasalized (modern voiced) {{IPA|/b d g z/}} was not caused by assimilation between adjacent consonants; rather, it may have arisen by 'rightward' (progressive) spreading of nasality from a phonetically nasalized vowel that originally preceded the deleted consonant.{{sfnp|Poser|1986|pp=175-176}} The following examples illustrate ways i- and u-onbin might have developed per this approach:
* {{IPA|/tobite/ [tõᵐbite] > [tõᵐbute] > [tõmute] > [tõute] > [tõũte] > [tõũde]}}{{sfnp|Ashworth|1976|p=36}}
* {{IPA|/kakite/ [kakite] > [kagite] > [kaɣite] > [kaite] /kaite/}}{{sfnp|Unger|2004|p=329}}
* {{IPA|/kagite/ [kãgite] > [kãɣite] > [kãite] > [kãĩde] /kaide/}}{{sfnp|Unger|2004|p=329}}
* {{IPA|/jomite/ > /jomute/ [jomute] > [jõute] > [jõũde] /joode/}}{{sfnp|Unger|2004|p=329}}

An alternative hypothesis derives the i-onbin outcome of original {{IPA|/gi/}} from vocalization of a syllable-final moraic palatal nasal {{IPA|[ɲ]}},{{sfnp|de Chene|1991|pp=2, 8}} as in {{IPA|[kõᵑgʲite] > [kõɲde] > [kõĩde]}}.{{sfnp|Vance|1982|p=336}} De Chene 1991 argues that the u-onbin outcomes of original {{IPA|/mu mi bu bi gu/}} are likewise best explained by an initial development of {{IPA|/mu mi bu bi/}} to moraic {{IPA|[m]}} and of {{IPA|/gu/}} to moraic {{IPA|[ŋ]}}, followed by vocalization of moraic {{IPA|[m]}} and {{IPA|[ŋ]}} to {{IPA|[u]}} (in cases where they did not alternatively become {{IPA|/N/}}).{{sfnp|de Chene|1991|p=8}} Accordingly, De Chene interprets the use in Heian-era texts of the "mu" kana in the spelling of words like "yomutaru" (from original "yomitaru") as an orthographic device representing moraic {{IPA|/m/}}.{{sfnp|de Chene|1991|pp=6-7}} De Chene argues that deriving {{IPA|[u]}} from vocalization of earlier moraic {{IPA|[m ŋ]}} helps explain why {{IPA|[u]}} is found as an outcome of original {{IPA|/ga/}} in the word kagahuru > kauburu (ᵑga > ŋ > u){{sfnp|de Chene|1991|p=11}} and why word-final {{IPA|/bu bi gu gi/}} never show onbin outcomes, but word-final {{IPA|/ki ku/}} can.{{sfnp|de Chene|1991|pp=11-15}}
* {{IPA|/jomitaru/ > /jomdaru/}}{{sfnp|de Chene|1991|pp=6-7}} > {{IPA|/joudaru/~/joNdaru/}}
* {{IPA|/waragutu/ > [waraŋdu] > /waraudu/~/waraNdu/}}{{sfnp|de Chene|1991|pp=3, 10}}

Instead of vowel or consonant deletion, Frellesvig 2010 prefers to explain onbin as a consequence of phonetic reduction of both the consonant and vowel, resulting in their fusion into a single phonetic segment (e.g. {{IPA|/mi/ > [mʲː], /pi/ > [βʲː]}}):{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=197}} that could then be phonologically reinterpreted as a single phoneme (vocalic or consonantal). The following example illustrates this approach to explaining onbin:
* {{IPA|/tugite/ [tũᵑɣʲːdʲe] > [tũĩⁿdʲe]}}{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=198}}

===Reduction to mere prenasalization===

The onbin sound changes discussed above turned consonant-vowel sequences (such as {{IPA|/bi ɡi mi ni/}} or {{IPA|/bu ɡu mu nu/}}) into single segments (such as {{IPA|/ĩ ũ N/}}) that still counted as a mora when measuring the length of a word. However, some words appear to show a similar but distinct outcome, where a sequence such as {{IPA|/mi/}} or {{IPA|/ni/}} was reduced to prenasalization of the following consonant without leaving a moraic phoneme behind. These outcomes might be the result of sporadic reductions that were similar to onbin changes but occurred earlier, during time periods when syllables were only permitted to end in a short vowel. Reduction of the genitive particle ''no'' or the dative particle ''ni'' may be the origin of [[rendaku]], or voicing of the second element of a Japanese compound word, which occurs often but not automatically.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=40-43, 198}}

Examples:
*Old Japanese {{IPA|/abiki/}} 'trawling' from *{{IPA|/a'''mi'''-piki/}} 'net-pull(ing)', {{IPA|/kizi/}} from {{IPA|/ki'''gi'''si/}} 'pheasant', {{IPA|/jamadi/}} from *{{IPA|/jama-'''mi'''ti/}} 'mountain-path'{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=40-43, 198}}
*Early Middle Japanese {{IPA|/de/}} from {{IPA|/'''ni'''te/}} and {{IPA|/nado/}} from {{IPA|/na'''ni'''-to/}}.{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=198}}

==Examples==

Many examples are compound words, which may or may not exhibit rendaku (voicing of the first consonant of the second element of the compound).

===U-onbin===

Examples from core sources (as per Frellesvig's categorization), excluding morphological onbin in verb and adjective inflection:
{| class="wikitable"
! source
! Old Japanese
! outcome
! Modern Japanese
! alternative outcomes
|-
| rowspan=2 |pi
| siro-'''pi₁'''to₂<br>'white-person'
| siro'''u'''to
| {{Nihongo3|layman, novice|素人|shirōto}}{{sfnp|Vance|2022|p=441}}
| shiroto, shirabito
|-
| kuro-'''pi₁'''to₂<br>'black-person'
| kuro'''u'''to
| {{Nihongo3|professional, expert|玄人|kurōto}}{{sfnp|Vance|2022|p=441}}
| kuroto
|-
| pu
| ta'''pu'''-to₁-
| ta'''u'''to-{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=193}}
| {{Nihongo3|noble, exalted|尊い|tōtoi}}
| ta'''t'''to-
|-
| ku
| ta'''ku'''me<br>'wholly'
| ta'''u'''me{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
|
|
|-
| bi
| aki₁ + pi₁to₂ > aki-'''bi'''to<br>'trade-person'
| aki'''ũ'''do
| {{Nihongo3|trader|商人|akyūdo}}
|aki'''n'''do{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
|-
| bu
| *sa'''bu'''sa'''bu'''-si
| sa'''ũ'''za'''ũ'''-(si)-{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
| 騒々しい?
|
|-
| rowspan=3 | gu
| ka + -kupasi > ka-'''gu'''pasi
| ka'''ũ'''basi
| {{Nihongo3|fragrant|香ばしい|kōbashii}}
| ka'''n'''basi{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
|-
| wara + kutu > wara-'''gu'''tu<br>'straw'+'footwear'
| wara'''ũ'''du
| {{Nihongo3|straw sandals|草鞋|warōzu}} (obsolete)
| warazu, waranzu, waraji, waranji
|-
| sita + kutu > sita-'''gu'''tu<br>'below, under'+'footwear'
| sita'''ũ'''du
| {{Nihongo||しとうず|shitōzu|type of sock}}
| sitagutu
|-
| rowspan=6 | mi
| ko₁-'''mi'''₁ti<br>'small+road'
| ko'''ũ'''di
| {{Nihongo3|lane, alley|小路|kōji}}{{sfnp|Vance|2022|p=443}}
| ko'''n'''di{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
|-
| te-'''mi₁'''du<br>'hand+water'
| te'''ũ'''du
| {{Nihongo3|washwater; lavatory|手水|chōzu}}
| temizu
|-
| ka'''mi₁'''-so<br>'paper+hemp(?)'
| ka'''ũ'''zo
| {{Nihongo3|Japanese paper mulberry|楮|kōzo}}{{sfnp|Vance|2022|p=443}}
|
|-
| ka'''mi₁'''-tu-ke₂no₁<br>'high/upper Keno'
| ka'''ũ'''duke(no)
| {{Nihongo3||上野|Kōzuke}} (place name){{sfnp|Vance|2022|p=444}}
|
|-
| ka'''mi₁'''-pe₁ (or ka'''mi₁'''-be₁)<br>'upper+side'
| ka'''ũ'''be
| {{Nihongo3|head|首|kōbe}}{{sfnp|Vance|2022|p=445}}
|
|-
| ka'''mi₂'''-ga'''mi₂'''(si)
| ko'''ũ'''go'''ũ'''(si)
| {{Nihongo3|divine|神々しい|kōgōshii}}
|
|-
| rowspan=2 | mu
| pi₁-'''mu'''ka(si)
| pi'''ũ'''ga
| {{Nihongo3||日向|Hyūga}} (place name)
| pi'''n'''gasi{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
|-
| ka'''mu'''-pe₁ (or ka'''mu'''-be₁)<br>'god-house'
| ka'''ũ'''be
| {{Nihongo3||神戸|Kōbe}} (place name){{sfnp|Vance|2022|p=445}}
|
|}

From other sequences:
{| class="wikitable"
|+ style="text-align: left;" | Specific words
! source
! Old Japanese
! outcome
! Modern Japanese
! alternative outcomes
|-
| wi > u
| mawide
| maude{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=193}}
| {{Nihongo|visit (to a shrine)|詣(で)|-mōde}}
|-
| wo > u
| mawos-
| maus-{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=193}}
| {{Nihongo3|to say|申す|mōsu}}
|-
| ga > ũ
| kagapuri
| kaũburi{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=193}}
| {{Nihongo3|crown, order, rank|冠|kōburi}}
| kaburi, kamuri, kanburi, kanmuri
|-
| pa > u
| papaki
| pauki
| {{Nihongo3|broom|箒|hōki}}
|}

===I-onbin===

Examples from core sources (as per Frellesvig's categorization), excluding morphological onbin in verb and adjective inflection:
{| class="wikitable"
! source
! Old Japanese
! outcome
! Modern Japanese
! alternative outcomes
|-
| rowspan=5 | ki
| yaki₁ + pa > ya'''ki'''-ba <br>'burned-edge'
| ya'''i'''ba{{sfnp|Martin|1987|p=598}}
| {{Nihongo3|forged blade, sword|刃|yaiba}}
|
|-
| tu'''ki₁''' + kaki₁
| tuigaki{{sfnp|Martin|1987|pp=126, 554}}
| {{Nihongo3|mud wall with a roof|築垣|tsuigaki}} (archaic)
|-
| tu'''ki''' + fidi
| tuizi{{sfnp|Martin|1987|p=126}}
| {{Nihongo3|roofed mud wall|築地|tsuiji}}
|-
| su'''ki''' + ka'''ki'''
| suigai{{sfnp|Martin|1987|p=126}}
| {{Nihongo3|a type of fence|透垣|suigai}} (archaic){{sfnp|Hepburn|1894|p=616}}
| suigaki
|-
| sa'''ki'''-tu koro
| saitukoro~saitugoro{{sfnp|Martin|1987|p=126}}
| saitsukoro "previously" (archaic reading of 先頃){{sfnp|Hepburn|1894|p=521}}
|-
| rowspan=2 | gi
| tu'''gi₁'''te
| tu'''ĩ'''de{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
| {{Nihongo3|order|序で|tsuide}}{{sfnp|Martin|1987|p=554}}
|
|-
| tu'''gi'''-matu
| tu'''i'''matu
| 続松 (ついまつ) (archaic)
|
|}

===N-onbin (hatsuonbin)===
{{Further|Classical_Japanese#Classical_auxiliary_verb_む_(mu)_rule}}

Examples from core sources (as per Frellesvig's categorization), excluding morphological onbin in verb and adjective inflection:
{| class="wikitable"
! source
! Old Japanese
! outcome
! Modern Japanese
! alternative outcomes
|-
| ni
| nani
| na'''N'''
| 何
|-
| nu
| ki'''nu''' + kaki
| ki'''n'''gai{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
|-
| mi
| wo'''mi₁'''na
| wo'''N'''na
| {{Nihongo3|woman|女|onna}}
| wo'''u'''na (archaic)
|-
| rowspan=2 | mu
| ka'''mu'''kapu
| ka'''N'''gapu
| {{Nihongo3|think, consider|考える|kangaeru}}
|-
| ka'''mu'''-nagi<br>ka'''mu'''-nusi
| ka'''N'''nagi{{sfnp|de Chene|1991|p=9}}<br>ka'''N'''nusi
| {{Nihongo3|shrine maiden, medium|巫|kannagi}}<br>{{Nihongo3|a Shinto priest|神主|kannushi}}
| ka'''u'''nagi
|-
| bi
| aki₁ + pi₁to₂ > aki-'''bi'''to<br>'trade-man'
| aki'''N'''do
| {{Nihongo3|merchant|商人|akindo}}{{sfnp|Vance|2022|p=441}}
| aki'''u'''do > akyūdo{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
|-
| rowspan=2 | gu
| ka + -kupasi > ka-'''gu'''pasi
| ka'''N'''basi
| {{Nihongo3|fragrant|芳しい|kanbashii}}
| ka'''ũ'''basi{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
|-
| wara + kutu > wara-'''gu'''tu<br>'straw'+'footwear'
| wara'''N'''du
| waranzu, waranji{{Nihongo||()||straw sandals}} (obsolete)
| warazu, waraji, wara'''u'''du > warōzu
|}

From other sequences:
{| class="wikitable"
! source
! Old Japanese
! outcome
! Modern Japanese
! alternative outcomes
|-
| di > N
| kaditori
| kandori{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=193}}
|
|
|-
| ga > N
| kagapuri
| > kaũburi{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|p=193}}
| kanburi, kanmuri 冠
| kōburi, kaburi, kamuri
|-
| ma > N
| sama
| saN{{sfnp|de Chene|1991|p=15}}
|
|
|-
| mo > N
| nemoko₂ro₂
| neNgoro
| {{Nihongo3|courteous|懇ろ|nengoro}}
|
|}

===Q-onbin (sokuonbin)===

Examples from core sources (as per Frellesvig's categorization), excluding morphological onbin in verb and adjective inflection:
{| class="wikitable"
! source
! Old Japanese
! outcome
! Modern Japanese
! alternative outcomes
|-
| rowspan=2| pi
| *ni'''pi₁'''-ta{{sfnp|Irwin|2009|pp=63}}<br>'new + field'
| ni'''t'''ta{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
| {{Nihongo3||新田|Nitta}} (a surname)
| ni'''u'''ta
|-
| wo-'''pi₁'''to₂<br>'man + person'
| wo'''t'''to{{sfnp|Irwin|2009|pp=63}} (OJ attested or not?)
| {{Nihongo3|husband|夫|otto}}
|
|-
| pu
| ta'''pu'''-to₁-
| ta'''t'''to-{{sfnp|Frellesvig|2010|pp=193, 195}}
| {{Nihongo3|noble, exalted|尊い|tattoi}}
| ta'''u'''to-
|}

From other sequences:
{| class="wikitable"
! source
! Old Japanese
! outcome
! Modern Japanese
|-
| rowspan=2| ri
| *kari-ta
| katta{{sfnp|Irwin|2009|pp=63}}
| {{Nihongo||刈田郡|Katta-gun|[[Katta District, Miyagi|Katta district]]}} (place name)
|-
| pori-su
| possu
| {{Nihongo3|to desire, attempt|欲する|hossuru}}{{sfnp|Martin|1987|p=693}}
|-
| ru
| urutapu
| uttaPu{{sfnp|Irwin|2009|pp=63}}
| {{Nihongo3|to sue, complain|訴える|uttaeru}}
|-
| rowspan=2 | ti
| *moti-para
| moppara{{sfnp|Irwin|2009|pp=63}}
| 専ら もっぱら wholly?
|-
| *uti-te
| utte{{sfnp|Irwin|2009|pp=63}}
|-
| tu
| *yatu-ko₁
| yakko{{sfnp|Irwin|2009|pp=63}}
| {{Nihongo3|servant, footman|奴|yakko}}
|-
| wara
| *kapa-warapa
| kappa
| {{Nihongo||河童 (かっぱ)|kappa}}
|}

==References==
{{Reflist|30em}}

==Bibliography==
{{refbegin}}
* {{citation
| last = Ashworth
| first = David
| title= Historical Perspective on Voicing and the Gerund in Japanese
| journal = Papers in Japanese Linguistics
| volume = 5
| year = 1976
| pages = 27-39
}}
* {{citation
| last = de Chene
| first = Brent
| title= The ''Onbin'' of ''g''-initial syllables
| journal = Journal of Japanese Linguistics
| volume = 13
| year = 1991
}}
* {{cite book
| last = Frellesvig
| first = Bjarke
| title = A History of the Japanese Language
| date = 2010
| publisher = Cambridge University Press
}}
* {{citation
|last=Hamano
|first=Shoko
|year=2000
|title=Voicing of Obstruents in Old Japanese: Evidence from the Sound-Symbolic Stratum
|journal=Journal of East Asian Linguistics
|volume=9
|issue=3
|pages=207–225
}}
* {{citation
| last = Hepburn
| first = J. C.
| title = A Japanese-English and English-Japanese dictionary
| edition = Fifth
| year = 1894
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=p7tIAQAAMAAJ
}}
* {{cite web
| last = Irwin
| first = Mark
| title = Mora Obstruent Allomorphy in Sino-Japanese Morphemes
| year = 2009
| url = https://www.researchgate.net/publication/216842981_Mora_Obstruent_Allomorphy_in_Sino-Japanese_Morphemes
}}
*{{citation
|last1=Ito
|first1=Junko
|last2=Mester
|first2=Armin
|year=2015
|chapter=Word formation and phonological processes
|editor-last=Kubozono
|editor-first=Haruo
|title=Handbook of Japanese Phonetics and Phonology
|location=Berlin
|publisher=De Gruyter
|pages=363–395
}}
* {{citation
| last = Martin
| first = Samuel E.
| title = The Japanese Language Through Time
| year = 1987
| publisher = Yale University Press
}}
* {{citation
| last=Otake
| first=Takashi
| year=2015
| chapter=Mora and mora-timing
| editor-last=Kubozono
| editor-first=Haruo
| title=Handbook of Japanese Phonetics and Phonology
| location=Berlin
| publisher=De Gruyter
| pages=493–524
| doi=10.1515/9781614511984.493
| isbn=978-1-61451-252-3
}}
* {{Citation
|last=Poser
|first=William
|year=1986
|chapter=Japanese Evidence Bearing on the Compensatory Lengthening Controversy
|title=Studies in Compensatory Lengthening
|editor-last1=Wetzels
|editor-first1=Leo
|editor-last2=Sezer
|editor-first2=Engin
|publisher=Foris Publications
|pages=167–186
}}
* {{citation
| last=Takayama
| first=Tomoaki
| year=2015
| chapter=Historical phonology
| editor-last=Kubozono
| editor-first=Haruo
| title=Handbook of Japanese Phonetics and Phonology
| location=Berlin
| publisher=De Gruyter
| pages=621–650
| doi=10.1515/9781614511984.621
| isbn=978-1-61451-252-3
}}
* {{citation
| last = Unger
| first = J. Marshall
| title = '''''A Case Study in Diachronic Phonology''': The Japanese Onbin Sound Changes.'' By Bjarke Frellesvig. Aarhus, Denmark: Aarhus University Press, 1995. Pp. 168.
| type = review
| journal = Diachronica
| volume = 14
| issue = 2
| year = 1997
| pages = 363-366
}}
* {{citation
| last = Unger
| first = J. Marshall
| title= Alternations of m and b in Early Middle Japanese: The Deeper Significance of the Sound-Symbolic Stratum
| journal = Japanese Language and Literature
| volume = 38
| issue = 2
| year = 2004
| pages = 323-337
}}
* {{citation
| last = Vance
| first = Timothy J.
| title= On the Origin of Voicing Alteration in Japanese Consonants
| journal = Journal of the American Oriental Society
| volume = 102
| issue = 2
| year = 1982
| pages = 333-341
}}
* {{citation
| last = Vance
| first = Timothy J.
| title= Irregular Phonological Marking of Japanese Compounds
| year = 2022
| publisher = De Gruyter
| series = Mouton-NINJAL Library of Linguistics
| doi=10.1515/9783110755107
| isbn=978-3-11-075501-5
}}
* {{citation
| last = Wenck
| first = Günther
| year = 1959
| title = Japanische Phonetik
| location = Wiesbaden
| publisher = Otto Harrassowitz
| volume = 4
}}
{{refend}}

==Further reading==
* {{cite book
| last = Frellesvig
| first = Bjarke
| title = A Case Study in Diachronic Phonology: The Japanese Onbin Sound Changes
| publisher = Aarhus University Press
| year = 1995
| isbn = 87-7288-489-4
}}
* {{cite web
| title = 音便の法則
| website = おまつのブログ
| year = 2017
| url = http://omatsuja2.blogspot.com/2017/06/onbin.html
}}

Latest revision as of 05:43, 13 September 2024

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