Majority bonus system: Difference between revisions
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{{Short description|Semi-proportional representation system}}{{More sources needed|date=October 2024}}[[File:Bonus vs jackpot mixed.png|thumb|400x400px|A simple bonus system (left) is also called a fusion type of mixed system. It mixes the FPTP and PR formulas in the same district and tier. A majority jackpot (right) is a supermixed system with a conditional and compensatory element as well.]] |
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{{Short description|Semi-proportional representation system}} |
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{{Electoral systems}} |
{{Electoral systems}} |
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A '''plurality''' or '''majority bonus system (MBS)''' is a [[Mixed electoral system|mixed-member]], [[Semi-proportional representation|partly-proportional]] [[electoral system]] that gives extra seats in a [[legislature]] to the party with a [[Plurality (voting)|plurality]] or [[majority]] of seats. Typically, this is done with the aim of providing government stability, particularly in [[Parliamentary system|parliamentary systems]]. |
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The size of the majority bonus can vary substantially, and is usually a fixed number of seats, and may be [[Conditional electoral system|conditional]] on the number of votes for each party. A relatively small majority bonus (such as in the reinforced proportionality system of Greece) may not always guarantee that a single party can form a government. A the same time, as the majority bonus is allocated in a non-[[Compensation (electoral systems)|compensatory]] manner, therefore if the majority bonus if as high as 50% and the largest party which has 50% of the popular vote receives it, this party may win as many as 75% of all seats. This differentiates it from the similar [[majority jackpot system]]. |
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It is currently used in [[Greece]]<ref>[[Greece]] used the system for [[2019 Greek legislative election|its most recent election]]. A bill abolishing it passed in 2016 but said law will not take effect until the second election after it was passed, so the majority bonus system was used in the [[2019 Greek legislative election|2019 election]] before being abolished officially. This change was later undone however (albeit modifying the original system slightly), so the election after the next one (two election cycles from now) will return to using the majority bonus.</ref> and [[San Marino]], and formerly in [[Italy]] from 2006 to 2013. |
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It is currently used in [[Elections in Greece|Greece]]{{efn|A bill abolishing the majority bonus in favor of [[proportional representation]] was introduced by the [[Syriza]]-led coalition government in 2016, but did not take effect until the second election after it was passed, i.e. that of [[May 2023 Greek legislative election|May 2023]]. This change was undone in 2020 by the incumbent [[New Democracy (Greece)|New Democracy]] government (albeit with a slight modification of the original system), so the majority bonus was restored as of the [[June 2023 Greek legislative election|June 2023 election]].}} and on a local level in [[Italy]] and [[France]].{{Cn|date=July 2024}} In [[Argentina]], it is used in the [[Legislature of Santa Fe|Chamber of Deputies of Santa Fe]], [[Legislature of Chubut|Chubut]], and [[Legislature of Entre Ríos|Entre Ríos]].{{Cn|date=July 2024}} |
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In [[Argentina]] it is used in the Chamber of Deputies of the [[Province of Santa Fe]], [[Province of Chubut|Chubut]], and [[Province of Entre Ríos|Entre Ríos]]. |
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== |
== Mechanism == |
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The bonus system adds a certain fixed number of additional seats to the winning party or alliance. In the [[Greek Parliament]] up to a sixth of the assembly seats are reserved as extra seats for the winning party. In the [[Sicilian Regional Assembly]], a tenth of the assembly seats are granted to the winning coalition on top of those allocated proportionally. The size of majority bonuses may vary greatly, from as low as a few seats to up to 50%. In case of a bonus of 50%, the party also received their proportional share of the other 50% seats, which make a [[supermajority]] almost certain. |
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[[Benito Mussolini]] was the first politician to enact a law to give automatic seats to the winning party and ensured his victory in the [[Italian general election, 1924|Italian election of 1924]]. A modified version of the system was reintroduced for the [[1953 Italian general election|1953 general election]], in which any parliamentary coalition winning an absolute majority of votes would be awarded two-thirds of the seats in Parliament. The Christian Democracy-led coalition fell narrowly short of this majority in the election, and the system was abolished before the 1958 election. The majority bonus system was used in Italian local elections in the 1950s and was reintroduced for local elections in 1993 and national ones in 2006 to replace the ''[[scorporo]]'' mixed system. In the [[Italian general election, 2013|Italian election of 2013]], the [[Democratic Party (Italy)|Democratic Party]] won 292 seats in the House using its 8,644,523 votes and so needed 29,604 preferences to obtain a seat. Its major opponent, [[The People of Freedom]], won 97 seats with 7,332,972 votes and so needed 75,597 votes for a single seat. Effectively, the system in use in Italy from 2006 until 2013, which assigned the jackpot regardless of the percentage of vote achieved by the largest party, was judged as unconstitutional by the [[Italian Constitutional Court]].<ref>[http://www.cortecostituzionale.it/actionSchedaPronuncia.do?anno=2014&numero=1 Unconstitutionality sentence by the Italian Constitutional Court]</ref><ref>The ruling awaited in Palace of Consulta after the public hearing on 3 December 2013 could cause an earthquake the Italian public scene, changing some of coordinates that determine the behavior of politicians and the electorate: {{Cite journal |last=Buonomo |first=Giampiero |date=2013 |title=La legge elettorale alla prova di costituzionalità |url=https://www.questia.com/projects#!/project/89409114 |journal=L'Ago e Il Filo Edizione Online |access-date=2016-04-10 |archive-date=2012-08-01 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120801002834/http://www.questia.com/projects#!/project/89409114 |url-status=dead }}</ref> After a proposed modification involving a run-off vote (between the top two alliances) was also struck down by the court, [[parallel voting]] was adopted for the [[Italian general election, 2018|Italian election of 2018]].<ref>{{Cite news |last=Marco Bertacche |date=March 2, 2018 |title=How Italy's New Electoral System Works |work=[[Bloomberg Politics]] |url=https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-03-02/italy-is-rolling-out-a-new-electoral-system-here-s-how-it-works}}</ref> |
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The following table shows how small (10%), medium (25%) and large (50%) majority bonuses would work without any additional distortions of proportional systems. Using an [[electoral threshold]] or an [[Party-list proportional representation|apportionment method]] favoring large parties would give an even larger bonus to the largest party. The reason why the difference of the seats share and vote share (the effective bonus) is lower than the bonus is that the number of non-bonus seats to be allocated proportionally is less than the total number of seats. If all parties would get their full proportional number of seats, and one party would get the (nominal) bonus on top of that, the total number of seats would increase. While this means the size of the effective bonus (without other factors giving an effective bonus) if always smaller than the nominal one in terms of percentages, this naturally means all the parties who don't receive a bonus have a naturally less seats than they would proportionally. |
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==Mechanism== |
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{| class="wikitable" |
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It can be based on any form of mechanism used in [[party-list proportional representation]], but a [[D'Hondt method]] is most likely, as it will rank seats in an exact order of vote share. |
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|- |
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!Nominal size of bonus |
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(%) |
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!Vote share |
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of the largest party |
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(%) |
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!Vote share |
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of the 2nd largest party |
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(%) |
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!Appr. seat share |
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of the largest party |
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(%) |
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!Appr. seat share |
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of the 2nd largest party |
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(%) |
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|- |
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|10% |
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|'''30%''' |
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|25% |
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|'''37%''' |
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|23% |
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|- |
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|25% |
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|'''30%''' |
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|25% |
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|'''48%''' |
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|19% |
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|- |
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|50% |
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|'''30%''' |
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|25% |
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|'''65%''' |
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|13% |
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|- |
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|10% |
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|'''45%''' |
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|25% |
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|'''51%''' |
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|23% |
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|- |
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|25% |
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|'''45%''' |
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|25% |
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|'''59%''' |
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|19% |
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|- |
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|55% |
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|'''45%''' |
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|25% |
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|'''75%''' |
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|11% |
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|- |
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|10% |
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|'''60%''' |
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|25% |
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|'''64%''' |
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|23% |
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|- |
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|25% |
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|'''60%''' |
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|25% |
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|'''70%''' |
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|19% |
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|- |
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|55% |
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|'''60%''' |
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|25% |
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|'''82%''' |
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|11% |
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|} |
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The bonus system is ''unconditional'' and ''non-compensatory,'' while its goal in a political science sense is to provide for stable majorities (a bonus lower than 50%) does not ensure it and applies also when a stable majority can already be formed. This is the main difference between a majority bonus and a majority jackpot. |
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=== Bonus and jackpot === |
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Basically, there are two different forms of majority bonus systems, with clearly different political results: |
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{{See|Majority jackpot system}} |
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* The '''bonus system''' adds a certain fixed number of additional seats to the winning party or alliance. In the [[Greek Parliament]], where it is sometimes called ''reinforced proportionality'', a sixth of the assembly seats are reserved as extra seats for the winning party. In the [[Sicilian Regional Assembly]], a tenth of the assembly seats are granted to the winning coalition on top of those allocated proportionally. |
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The difference between the majority bonus and a majority jackpot is shown in the following table, where the largest party receives a majority bonus/jackpot. |
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* The '''jackpot system''' ensures the winning party or alliance ends up with at least a certain fixed number of seats in total, by granting it however many additional seats are needed. In the [[Sanmarinese Parliament|parliament of San Marino]], the majority alliance obtains at least the 35 of the total 60 seats.<ref>[https://aceproject.org/ero-en/regions/europe/SM/san-marino-needs-assessment-mission-report REPUBLIC OF SAN MARINO EARLY PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 11 November 2012 ]</ref> If the winner(s) did only reach 31 seats after a second round, the 4 bonus seats for the winners are deducted from the weakest minority seats ranked using the [[D'Hondt method]]. |
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{| class="wikitable" |
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|+ |
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! rowspan="2" |Size of |
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bonus (%) |
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! rowspan="2" |Size of |
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jackpot (%) |
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! rowspan="2" |Vote share of the |
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largest party (%) |
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! colspan="2" |Appr. seat share of the largest party (%) |
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! rowspan="2" |Effective bonus |
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|- |
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!Bonus system |
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!Jackpot system |
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|- |
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|'''10%''' |
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| |
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|45% |
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|'''51%''' |
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| |
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|'''6%''' |
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|- |
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|'''25%''' |
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| |
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|45% |
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|'''59%''' |
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| |
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|'''14%''' |
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|- |
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|'''50%''' |
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| |
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|45% |
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|'''73%''' |
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| |
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|'''28%''' |
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|- |
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| |
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|'''50%''' |
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|45% |
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| |
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|'''50%''' |
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|'''5%''' |
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|- |
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| |
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|'''55%''' |
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|45% |
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| |
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|'''55%''' |
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|'''10%''' |
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|- |
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| |
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|'''60%''' |
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|45% |
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| |
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|'''60%''' |
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|'''15%''' |
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|- |
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|'''10%''' |
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| |
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|55% |
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|'''60%''' |
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| |
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|'''5%''' |
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|- |
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|'''25%''' |
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| |
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|55% |
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|'''66%''' |
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| |
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|'''11%''' |
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|- |
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|'''50%''' |
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| |
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|55% |
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|'''78%''' |
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| |
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|'''23%''' |
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|- |
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| |
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|50% |
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|'''55%''' |
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| |
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|55% |
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|0% |
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|- |
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| |
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|'''55%''' |
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|'''55%''' |
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| |
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|55% |
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|0% |
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|- |
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| |
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|'''60%''' |
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|55% |
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| |
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|'''60%''' |
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|'''5%''' |
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|} |
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The jackpot system essentially gives the size of the jackpot or the vote share (whichever is higher, making it a [[Conditional electoral system|conditional system]] and an effectively flexible "bonus"), while the bonus system gives the bonus and a proportional share of the rest of the seats. The jackpot only modifies the seat share when the largest party's proportional seats count based on its vote share is below the size of the jackpot. |
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As the table shows, especially with a high bonus/jackpot, the two methods lead to different result, with the bonus always providing a higher seat share. For this reason the two are not usually directly compared in this, majority bonuses tend to be smaller than jackpots{{Cn|date=July 2024}}. The effect of a 55% jackpot for example is better compared to a bonus of around 10% to 30%. |
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The jackpot system assures a fixed (minimum) number of seats to the winner, while the bonus system adds a fixed number of seats. |
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=== Effective majority bonuses === |
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Many [[Winner-take-all system|winner-take-all]] electoral system have been described as providing a bonus to certain parties. Systems using single-member districts, particularly [[First-past-the-post voting|first-preference plurality]] (FPP) usually favor candidates of larger parties. A Common argument for [[Mixed-member majoritarian representation|mixed-member majoritarian]] implementations of [[parallel voting]] is an effective bonus for certain parties. Some properties of other mixed systems such as so called the "winner compensation" element of Hungarian electoral system have been criticized for being effectively just a majority bonus disguised as compensation.<ref name=":0">https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.15129.34407 Electoral incentives and the equal value of ballots in vote transfer systems with positive winner compensation</ref> [[Overhang seat|Overhang seats]] in systems using the [[Mixed-member proportional representation|mixed-member proportional]] principle are also effectively bonus seats for certain parties. |
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== Use == |
== Use == |
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The majority bonus system was adopted by other European countries, especially [[Greece]] in 2004 and [[ |
The majority bonus system was adopted by other European countries, especially [[Greece]] in 2004, and [[France]] and [[Elections in Italy|Italy]] for regional and municipal elections. |
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{| class="wikitable" |
{| class="wikitable" |
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|+ |
|+ |
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!Type of election |
!Type of election |
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!Type of system |
!Type of system |
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!Used since |
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!Size of bonus/jackpot |
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!Size of bonus |
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!Proportional method |
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!Notes |
!Notes |
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|- |
|- |
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|'''Andorra''' |
|'''Andorra''' |
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|local elections |
|local elections |
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|plurality bonus |
|plurality bonus |
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| |
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|50% |
|50% |
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|[[Hare quota]] |
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|- |
|- |
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|'''Greece''' |
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|[[Elections in Greece|national elections]] (legislative) |
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|plurality bonus |
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|majority jackpot (optional second round, compensatory) |
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|54% |
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| |
| |
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|0%-16.66%{{efn|The current system {{asof|September 2024|lc=y}} gives no bonus to the first party if it gets less than 25% of the vote. If it gets more than that, then it gets a bonus of 20 seats plus one seat for every 0.5% of the vote above 25% capping off at 50 seats which is reached at 40%.<ref>{{cite web |date=24 January 2020 |title=Parliament votes to change election law |url=http://www.ekathimerini.com/248820/article/ekathimerini/news/parliament-votes-to-change-election-law |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200125025345/http://www.ekathimerini.com/248820/article/ekathimerini/news/parliament-votes-to-change-election-law |archive-date=25 January 2020 |access-date=25 January 2020 |website=www.ekathimerini.com}}</ref>}} |
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| rowspan="2" |Second round is held if no party reaches 54% of seats and no coalition government can be formed |
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|Not used in [[May 2023 Greek legislative election|May 2023]] but restored as of [[June 2023 Greek legislative election|June 2023]].<ref>{{Cite news |title=Greece's prime minister wins an election, but lacks a majority |newspaper=The Economist |url=https://www.economist.com/europe/2023/05/21/greeces-prime-minister-wins-an-election-but-lacks-a-majority |access-date=2023-06-07 |issn=0013-0613}}</ref> |
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If a party would receives more than 2/3 of seats, their share is capped at 2/3, all minority parties must have at least 1/3 of seats in total. |
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|- |
|- |
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| rowspan="2" |'''France''' |
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|minority jackpot (compensatory) |
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|French Polynesia |
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|33% |
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|majority bonus (two-round) |
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| |
| |
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|1-4 seats per district (23%-29%) |
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|Used in multi-member districts, but the majority bonus in all districts is given to the same party. |
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|- |
|- |
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|municipal elections (above 3500 inhabitants) |
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|'''Greece''' |
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|majority bonus (two-round) |
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|national elections (legislative) |
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|1982 |
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|plurality bonus |
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| |
|50% |
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|If the leading party gets 50% of the vote, they get half the seats and the other half are distributed proportionally (leading party gets at least 75% in total).'''<ref name=":1">{{Cite journal |last=Massicotte & Blais |date=1999 |title=Mixed electoral systems: a conceptual and empirical survey |journal=Electoral Studies |volume=18 |issue=3 |pages=341–366 |doi=10.1016/S0261-3794(98)00063-8}}</ref>''' If no party gets 50% there is a second round (with all parties above 10% contesting) and the winner of the second round gets the bonus 50%. |
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| |
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|- |
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| rowspan="2" |'''Italy''' |
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|regional elections |
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|plurality bonus (supermixed) |
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| |
| |
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|20% |
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|2 ballots (votes), [[Split-ticket voting|ticket splitting]] is allowed, second ballot (one used for bonus) [[Double simultaneous vote|is also used]] for electing the regional presidency.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2024-08-09 |title=Italy - Politics, Regions, Constitution {{!}} Britannica |url=https://www.britannica.com/place/Italy/Political-process |access-date=2024-08-11 |website=www.britannica.com |language=en}}</ref> |
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|- |
|- |
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|municipal elections{{Citation needed|date=August 2024}} |
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|'''Italy''' |
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|'''San Marino''' |
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|national elections (legislative) |
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|plurality jackpot (compensatory) |
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|55% |
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|} |
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==History== |
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[[Benito Mussolini]] was the first politician to enact a law to give automatic seats to the winning party and ensured his victory in the [[1924 Italian general election]]. This was a [[majority jackpot system]], a precursor to the majority bonus system. |
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==Notes== |
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{{notelist}} |
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==References== |
==References== |
Revision as of 16:39, 1 October 2024
This article needs additional citations for verification. (October 2024) |
A joint Politics and Economics series |
Social choice and electoral systems |
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Mathematics portal |
A plurality or majority bonus system (MBS) is a mixed-member, partly-proportional electoral system that gives extra seats in a legislature to the party with a plurality or majority of seats. Typically, this is done with the aim of providing government stability, particularly in parliamentary systems.
The size of the majority bonus can vary substantially, and is usually a fixed number of seats, and may be conditional on the number of votes for each party. A relatively small majority bonus (such as in the reinforced proportionality system of Greece) may not always guarantee that a single party can form a government. A the same time, as the majority bonus is allocated in a non-compensatory manner, therefore if the majority bonus if as high as 50% and the largest party which has 50% of the popular vote receives it, this party may win as many as 75% of all seats. This differentiates it from the similar majority jackpot system.
It is currently used in Greece[a] and on a local level in Italy and France.[citation needed] In Argentina, it is used in the Chamber of Deputies of Santa Fe, Chubut, and Entre Ríos.[citation needed]
Mechanism
The bonus system adds a certain fixed number of additional seats to the winning party or alliance. In the Greek Parliament up to a sixth of the assembly seats are reserved as extra seats for the winning party. In the Sicilian Regional Assembly, a tenth of the assembly seats are granted to the winning coalition on top of those allocated proportionally. The size of majority bonuses may vary greatly, from as low as a few seats to up to 50%. In case of a bonus of 50%, the party also received their proportional share of the other 50% seats, which make a supermajority almost certain.
The following table shows how small (10%), medium (25%) and large (50%) majority bonuses would work without any additional distortions of proportional systems. Using an electoral threshold or an apportionment method favoring large parties would give an even larger bonus to the largest party. The reason why the difference of the seats share and vote share (the effective bonus) is lower than the bonus is that the number of non-bonus seats to be allocated proportionally is less than the total number of seats. If all parties would get their full proportional number of seats, and one party would get the (nominal) bonus on top of that, the total number of seats would increase. While this means the size of the effective bonus (without other factors giving an effective bonus) if always smaller than the nominal one in terms of percentages, this naturally means all the parties who don't receive a bonus have a naturally less seats than they would proportionally.
Nominal size of bonus
(%) |
Vote share
of the largest party (%) |
Vote share
of the 2nd largest party (%) |
Appr. seat share
of the largest party (%) |
Appr. seat share
of the 2nd largest party (%) |
---|---|---|---|---|
10% | 30% | 25% | 37% | 23% |
25% | 30% | 25% | 48% | 19% |
50% | 30% | 25% | 65% | 13% |
10% | 45% | 25% | 51% | 23% |
25% | 45% | 25% | 59% | 19% |
55% | 45% | 25% | 75% | 11% |
10% | 60% | 25% | 64% | 23% |
25% | 60% | 25% | 70% | 19% |
55% | 60% | 25% | 82% | 11% |
The bonus system is unconditional and non-compensatory, while its goal in a political science sense is to provide for stable majorities (a bonus lower than 50%) does not ensure it and applies also when a stable majority can already be formed. This is the main difference between a majority bonus and a majority jackpot.
Bonus and jackpot
The difference between the majority bonus and a majority jackpot is shown in the following table, where the largest party receives a majority bonus/jackpot.
Size of
bonus (%) |
Size of
jackpot (%) |
Vote share of the
largest party (%) |
Appr. seat share of the largest party (%) | Effective bonus | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Bonus system | Jackpot system | ||||
10% | 45% | 51% | 6% | ||
25% | 45% | 59% | 14% | ||
50% | 45% | 73% | 28% | ||
50% | 45% | 50% | 5% | ||
55% | 45% | 55% | 10% | ||
60% | 45% | 60% | 15% | ||
10% | 55% | 60% | 5% | ||
25% | 55% | 66% | 11% | ||
50% | 55% | 78% | 23% | ||
50% | 55% | 55% | 0% | ||
55% | 55% | 55% | 0% | ||
60% | 55% | 60% | 5% |
The jackpot system essentially gives the size of the jackpot or the vote share (whichever is higher, making it a conditional system and an effectively flexible "bonus"), while the bonus system gives the bonus and a proportional share of the rest of the seats. The jackpot only modifies the seat share when the largest party's proportional seats count based on its vote share is below the size of the jackpot.
As the table shows, especially with a high bonus/jackpot, the two methods lead to different result, with the bonus always providing a higher seat share. For this reason the two are not usually directly compared in this, majority bonuses tend to be smaller than jackpots[citation needed]. The effect of a 55% jackpot for example is better compared to a bonus of around 10% to 30%.
Effective majority bonuses
Many winner-take-all electoral system have been described as providing a bonus to certain parties. Systems using single-member districts, particularly first-preference plurality (FPP) usually favor candidates of larger parties. A Common argument for mixed-member majoritarian implementations of parallel voting is an effective bonus for certain parties. Some properties of other mixed systems such as so called the "winner compensation" element of Hungarian electoral system have been criticized for being effectively just a majority bonus disguised as compensation.[1] Overhang seats in systems using the mixed-member proportional principle are also effectively bonus seats for certain parties.
Use
The majority bonus system was adopted by other European countries, especially Greece in 2004, and France and Italy for regional and municipal elections.
Country | Type of election | Type of system | Used since | Size of bonus | Notes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Andorra | local elections | plurality bonus | 50% | ||
Greece | national elections (legislative) | plurality bonus | 0%-16.66%[b] | Not used in May 2023 but restored as of June 2023.[3] | |
France | French Polynesia | majority bonus (two-round) | 1-4 seats per district (23%-29%) | Used in multi-member districts, but the majority bonus in all districts is given to the same party. | |
municipal elections (above 3500 inhabitants) | majority bonus (two-round) | 1982 | 50% | If the leading party gets 50% of the vote, they get half the seats and the other half are distributed proportionally (leading party gets at least 75% in total).[4] If no party gets 50% there is a second round (with all parties above 10% contesting) and the winner of the second round gets the bonus 50%. | |
Italy | regional elections | plurality bonus (supermixed) | 20% | 2 ballots (votes), ticket splitting is allowed, second ballot (one used for bonus) is also used for electing the regional presidency.[5] | |
municipal elections[citation needed] |
History
Benito Mussolini was the first politician to enact a law to give automatic seats to the winning party and ensured his victory in the 1924 Italian general election. This was a majority jackpot system, a precursor to the majority bonus system.
Notes
- ^ A bill abolishing the majority bonus in favor of proportional representation was introduced by the Syriza-led coalition government in 2016, but did not take effect until the second election after it was passed, i.e. that of May 2023. This change was undone in 2020 by the incumbent New Democracy government (albeit with a slight modification of the original system), so the majority bonus was restored as of the June 2023 election.
- ^ The current system as of September 2024[update] gives no bonus to the first party if it gets less than 25% of the vote. If it gets more than that, then it gets a bonus of 20 seats plus one seat for every 0.5% of the vote above 25% capping off at 50 seats which is reached at 40%.[2]
References
- ^ https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.2.15129.34407 Electoral incentives and the equal value of ballots in vote transfer systems with positive winner compensation
- ^ "Parliament votes to change election law". www.ekathimerini.com. 24 January 2020. Archived from the original on 25 January 2020. Retrieved 25 January 2020.
- ^ "Greece's prime minister wins an election, but lacks a majority". The Economist. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 2023-06-07.
- ^ Massicotte & Blais (1999). "Mixed electoral systems: a conceptual and empirical survey". Electoral Studies. 18 (3): 341–366. doi:10.1016/S0261-3794(98)00063-8.
- ^ "Italy - Politics, Regions, Constitution | Britannica". www.britannica.com. 2024-08-09. Retrieved 2024-08-11.
Caciagli, Mario; Alan S. Zuckerman; Istituto Carlo Cattaneo (2001). Italian Politics: Emerging Themes and Institutional Responses. Berghahn Books. pp. 87–89.