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{{Use dmy dates|date=January 2018}}
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{{Use Indian English|date=January 2018}}
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'''Teli''' is a [[caste]] traditionally occupied in the [[Expeller pressing|oil pressing and trade]] in India, Nepal and Pakistan. Members may be either Hindu or Muslim; [[Muslim Teli]] are called [[Roshandaar]] or Teli Malik.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Hasnain |first1=Nadeem |title=The Other Lucknow |date=2016 |publisher=Vani Prakashan |isbn=978-93-5229-420-6 |page=47 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fjO6DQAAQBAJ |language=en}}</ref>
{{Infobox ethnic group
{{Infobox ethnic group
| group = Teli
|group = Teli
| image = File:Teli oil press.jpg
|image = File:Teli oil press.jpg
| caption = Teli oil press (Russell, 1916)
|caption =Teli oil press (Russell, 1916)
| regions = {{flag|India}}, {{flag|Nepal}}, {{flag|Pakistan}}
|regions = {{flag|India}}, {{flag|Nepal}}, {{flag|Pakistan}}
|region1 = [[Bihar]]
| region1 = [[Uttar Pradesh]] • [[Bihar]] • [[Maharastra]] • [[Odisha]] • [[Rajasthan]] • [[Gujarat]] • [[Bengal ]] • [[Chattisgarh]]
| pop1 = States
|pop1 =
| langs = [[Hindi]] • [[Marathi language|Marathi]] • [[Gujarati language|Gujarati]] • [[Bhojpuri]] • [[Odia language|Odia]] • [[Kannada]] • [[Telugu language|Telugu]]<ref name="Mohanty2003">{{cite book|author=Ramesh P. Mohanty|title=Dalits Development and Change: An Empirical Study|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tMCEOmVXhLkC&pg=PA40|year=2003|publisher=Discovery Publishing House|isbn=978-81-7141-696-7|pages=40–}}</ref>
|langs = [[Hindi]] • [[Bhojpuri language|Bhojpuri]] • [[Odia language|Odia]]<ref name="Mohanty2003">{{cite book|author=Ramesh P. Mohanty|title=Dalits Development and Change: An Empirical Study|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tMCEOmVXhLkC&pg=PA40|year=2003|publisher=Discovery Publishing House|isbn=978-81-7141-696-7|pages=40–}}</ref>
| rels = [[Hinduism]], [[Islam]], [[Judaism]]
|rels = [[Hinduism]], [[Islam]], [[Judaism]]
| related =
}}
}}
⚫
'''Teli''' is a [[caste]] traditionally occupied in the [[Expeller pressing|oil pressing and trade]] in India, Nepal, and Pakistan. Members may be either Hindu or Muslim; [[Muslim Teli]] are called [[Roshandaar]] or Teli Malik.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Hasnain |first1=Nadeem |title=The Other Lucknow |date=2016 |publisher=Vani Prakashan |isbn=978-93-5229-420-6 |page=47 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fjO6DQAAQBAJ |language=en}}</ref>


==History==
==History==
In the [[Early Middle Ages|Early Medieval period]] in some parts of south India, Teli community used to work on their own oil presses to produce oil to be supplied to the temples. The emergence of "[[Temple]] towns" in various parts of south India was instrumental in the improvement of social status of some of the communities who were associated with the supply of essential items for cultural activities. The communities like ''Malakar'' (garland makers), and ''Telikars'' (oil pressers) thus became important for the functioning of such towns. Some of them even became prosperous enough to make donations to the temples.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MP5tAAAAMAAJ|title=Proceedings - Indian History Congress|year=2003|pages=383, 387, 392|publisher= Indian History Congress(original from The University of Michigan)|access-date=2020-08-28|quote= Often oil presser is referred as Teli , “ Telikar or Tailyakar ( Sanskrit - Tailikakar ) etc . The reference of ... Obviously oil industry , whether on small or large scale was important and the telikaras i.e. the oil pressers assumed importance in the rural and urban life . ... It appears from the inscriptions that some part of the oil production was donated to the Temples , for the worship of the diety<!--sic--> ( in the temples ) . }}</ref> It was just a professional organization of any family or caste who adopted oil pressing profession, especially during the time East India Company and The Great Freedom Massacre of 1857, when oil-pressing was said to have become a profitable profession and business. This explains their varying varna status across various states in India.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Chauhan Teli |url=https://teliindia.in/news/720/Teli-Chauhan |access-date=2023-07-16 |website=teliindia.in}}</ref>
In the [[Early Middle Ages|Early Mediaeval period]] in some parts of [[South India]], the Teli community used to work on their own oil presses to produce oil to be supplied to the temples. The emergence of "[[Temple]] towns" in various parts of south India was instrumental in the improvement of social status of some of the communities that
were associated with the supply of essential items for cultural activities. The communities like ''Malakar'' (garland makers) and ''Telikars'' (oil pressers) thus became important for the functioning of such towns. Some of them even became prosperous enough to make donations to the temples.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=MP5tAAAAMAAJ|title=Proceedings - Indian History Congress|year=2003|pages=383, 387, 392|publisher= Indian History Congress (original from The University of Michigan)|access-date=2020-08-28|quote= Often oil presser is referred as Teli , “ Telikar or Tailyakar ( Sanskrit: Tailikakar), etc . The reference to... Obviously, the oil industry , whether on small or large scale was important and the telikaras, i.e. the oil pressers, assumed importance in rural and urban life . It appears from the inscriptions that some part of the oil production was donated to the temples for the worship of the diety<!--sic--> ( in the temples ) . }}</ref>
⚫
==Subdivisions==
⚫
The Telis of Bengal share their social position with communities like [[Suvarna Banik]], [[Gandhabanik]], [[Saha (surname)|Saha]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Folklore of Bengal: A Projected Study |first=Sankar Sen |last=Gupta |publisher=Indian Publications |year=1976 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=x0AiAAAAMAAJ&q=teli+vaishya}}</ref> Further, the Ghanchi community of [[Gujarat]] have been described as a "counterpart" of the Telis.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/nitish-kumar-s-wait-and-watch-on-bihar-bjp-s-latest-narendra-modi-gimmick-363559 |title=Nitish Kumar's 'wait and watch' on Bihar BJP's latest Narendra Modi gimmick |publisher=NDTV |date=27 May 2009 |access-date=4 December 2013}}</ref>


⚫
In the first decade of the 20th century, upward mobilisation became the feature of Indian society when lower castes tried to move up in the socio-economic ladder by assuming the names and practices of "upper castes". Professor [[M. N. Srinivas]] notes the attempts of Teli community to claim different surnames in different censuses in a bid to improve their position in ''[[Varna (Hinduism)|Varna]]'' system and ''[[Caste]]'' hierarchy. In 1911, the Teli community adopted the [[surname]], Rathore and started calling themselves ''[[Rathore (Rajput clan)|Rathore]] Teli''; while in 1931 they claimed themselves to be ''Rathore-[[Vaishya]]''. According to Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda Patil, this was done in order to climb the social ladder. Such practices were common amongst the lower castes in India.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R84n-Wv1S-8C&pg=PA88|title=Community Dominance and Political Modernisation: The Lingayats|first=Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda|last= Patil|publisher=Mittal Publications|page =88|year=2002|isbn= 8170998670|access-date=2020-08-28}}</ref> The [[Arya Samaj]] movement also attempted to improve the status of lower castes. As in the case of Telis, Shri Satyavrat Sharma Dwivedi an Arya Samajist from [[Farrukhabad]] published a magazine "''Telivarna Prakash''" to prove the Teli caste to be of ''[[Vaishya]]'' varna.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bgpEIb4tNjgC&pg=PA2040|title=Caste in Question: Identity Or Hierarchy?|first=Dipankar|last= Gupta|publisher=SAGE|year= 2004|isbn=0761933247|access-date=2020-08-29}}</ref>
Kshatriya/Rathore (Kacheliyan) Teli :


⚫
Despite the later attempts to claim higher status Teli were initially considered as [[Shudra]] and were thought to be lower in status. According to [[Anand Yang]], the Telis worked with [[beast of burden]] in the oil pressers and for the purpose of obtaining the desired results from the animals, they were often blinded. This made them ritually impure but later many of them as Yang notes took up the occupation of trading and branched off as [[Bania (caste)|Bania]] in order to conceal their impure origin.<ref>{{cite book |title=Bazaar India: markets, society, and the colonial state in Gangetic Bihar |first=Anand A. |last=Yang |date=February 1999 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=D5lQutvzAp4C&pg=RA1-PA30|page=230|isbn=9780520919969 }}</ref>
Origin: Originating from districts in Rajasthan such as Ajmer, Bhilwara, Kota, Jhalawar, Jodhpur, Pali, Swai Madhopur, and Jaipur, they migrated to various states including Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Punjab, and others. The focus will be on their distribution in Madhya Pradesh (Indore, Neemuch, Mandsaur, Dhar, Ujjain, Ratlam, Jhabua, Alirajpur, Gwalior, Dewas), Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra (Akola, Yavatmal, Amaravati, Nagpur), and the historic Kannauj region of Uttar Pradesh (Kannauj, Kanpur, Mainpuri, Etawah).
[[File:Santaji and Tukaram 2.png|thumb|Santaji and Tukaram]]
Surnames and Identity: The individuals belonging to this group bear distinctive surnames, including Kurhekar, Rathore, Gotmare, Nalat, Isokar, Khodake, Dhore, Lendhe, Makode, Amlkar, Jangle, Ramekar, Chopade, Gomase Iche, Tikhile, Zaparde, Wankhade, Bhirad, Bore, Misurkar, and others. It is noteworthy that these surnames reflect a connection to the debased Rathod Rajputs, tracing their lineage back to the Rathods of Kannauj. Rather than identifying as "Teli," denoting their occupation as oil extractors, these individuals prefer to identify as Rathores/Rathods or Ghanchi, emphasizing their noble Rathore Rajput lineage.


⚫
==Subdivisions==
Historical Origins and Separation from Rajput Mainstream: The historical circumstances surrounding their separation from the Rajput mainstream can be traced back to the invasion of India by Ghori. They claim to be the true descendants of the Rathore Rajputs and assert that their divergence from the Rajput mainstream occurred in response to the prevailing circumstances of the time.
⚫
The Telis of Bengal share their social position with communities like [[Suvarna Banik]], [[Gandhabanik]], [[Saha (surname)|Saha]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Folklore of Bengal: A Projected Study |first=Sankar Sen |last=Gupta |publisher=Indian Publications |year=1976 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=x0AiAAAAMAAJ&q=teli+vaishya}}</ref> Further, the Ghanchi community of [[Gujarat]] have been described as a "counterpart" of the Telis.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.ndtv.com/article/india/nitish-kumar-s-wait-and-watch-on-bihar-bjp-s-latest-narendra-modi-gimmick-363559 |title=Nitish Kumar's 'wait and watch' on Bihar BJP's latest Narendra Modi gimmick |publisher=NDTV |date=27 May 2009 |access-date=4 December 2013}}</ref>

Transition from Kshatriyas to Oil Extractors: Interestingly, the Rathore community initially belonged to the Kshatriya (Khachliyan) caste and subsequently adopted the profession of oil pressing during periods of hardship. This shift in occupation represented their adaptation to challenging circumstances and is indicative of their resilience in the face of adversity.

Alternative Narratives and Claim to Rajput Status: In certain regions, the Rathors abandoned the Teli name entirely and asserted their claim to Rajput status. Some individuals allege descent from the Maihar State, where they purportedly received the honorary title of Mahato from the local Raja. Others describe themselves as "debased" Rathor Rajputs, highlighting their ancestral origins as Kshatriyas (Kacheliyan) who took up the occupation of oil pressing during times of distress<ref>{{Cite web |title=Kshatriya Teli |url=https://teliindia.in/news.php?newsid=51&title=Kaheliyan%20Ganchi%20,%20Rathore%20Teli%20Samaj |access-date=2023-07-16 |website=teliindia.in}}</ref>

Chauhan /Ghanchi Teli- Teli Chauhans are found in Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Sahiwal Kashmir and Sialkot, Gujranwal, Lahore district of Western Punjab. Teli Chauhans are seen in Bhiwani, Hissar (Hisar) and other districts of Haryana, Rajasthan and after grand migration of 1947 in Pakistani East Southern Punjab.

== Upward Mobilization ==
[[File:Santaji and Tukaram.png|thumb|Saint Santaji and Tukaram]]
⚫
In the first decade of the 20th century, upward mobilization became the feature of Indian society when lower castes tried to move up in the socio-economic ladder by assuming the names and practices of "upper castes". Professor [[M. N. Srinivas]] notes the attempts of Teli community to claim different surnames in different censuses in a bid to improve their position in ''[[Varna (Hinduism)|Varna]]'' system and ''[[Caste]]'' hierarchy. In 1911, the Teli community adopted the [[surname]], Rathore and started calling themselves ''[[Rathore]] Teli''; while in 1931 they claimed themselves to be ''Rathore-[[Vaishya]]''. According to Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda Patil, this was done in order to climb the social ladder. Such practices were common amongst the lower castes in India.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R84n-Wv1S-8C&pg=PA88|title=Community Dominance and Political Modernisation: The Lingayats|first=Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda|last= Patil|publisher=Mittal Publications|page =88|year=2002|isbn= 8170998670|access-date=2020-08-28}}</ref> The [[Arya Samaj]] movement also attempted to improve the status of lower castes. As in the case of Telis, Shri Satyavrat Sharma Dwivedi an Arya Samajist from [[Farrukhabad]] published a magazine "''Telivarna Prakash''" to prove the Teli caste to be of ''[[Vaishya]]'' varna.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bgpEIb4tNjgC&pg=PA2040|title=Caste in Question: Identity Or Hierarchy?|first=Dipankar|last= Gupta|publisher=SAGE|year= 2004|isbn=0761933247|access-date=2020-08-29}}</ref>

⚫
Despite of the later attempts to claim higher status Teli were initially considered as [[Shudra]] and were thought to be lower in status. According to [[Anand Yang]], the Telis worked with [[beast of burden]] in the oil pressers and for the purpose of obtaining the desired results from the animals, they were often blinded. This made them ritually impure but later many of them as Yang notes took up the occupation of trading and branched off as [[Bania (caste)|Bania]] in order to conceal their impure origin.<ref>{{cite book |title=Bazaar India: markets, society, and the colonial state in Gangetic Bihar |first=Anand A. |last=Yang |date=February 1999 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=D5lQutvzAp4C&pg=RA1-PA30|page=230|isbn=9780520919969 }}</ref>


== Politics ==
== Politics ==
===Bihar===
===Bihar===
In the post [[Mandal Commission|Mandal]] phase the growing differences between upper castes and [[Other Backward Class|OBC]] due to tussle between the two groups over political power culminated into replacement of upper castes by the OBCs in the political circle. The Telis along with [[Yadav]], [[Kurmi]], [[Koeri]] and [[Bania (caste)|Bania]] took over the erstwhile political elites namely [[Brahmin]], [[Bhumihar]], [[Rajput]] and [[Kayastha]].The OBCs in Bihar are divided into upper and lower OBC on the basis of socio-economic mobility and political representation. The trio of Yadav, Kurmi and Koeri are considered as upper OBC; Teli along with Kanu, [[Dhanuk]], [[Kahar]], [[Kumhar]] and others are classified as lower OBC.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IVxODwAAQBAJ&pg=PT27|title=Post-Mandal Politics in Bihar: Changing Electoral Patterns|first=Sanjay|last= Kumar|publisher=SAGE Publishing India|year=2018|isbn=978-9352805860|access-date=2020-08-30}}</ref>
In the post [[Mandal Commission|Mandal]] phase the growing differences between upper castes and [[Other Backward Class|OBC]] due to tussle between the two groups over political power culminated into replacement of upper castes by the OBCs in the political circle. The Telis along with [[Yadav]], [[Kurmi]], [[Koeri]] and [[Bania (caste)|Bania]] took over the erstwhile political elites namely [[Brahmin]], [[Bhumihar]], [[Rajput]] and [[Kayastha]].The OBCs in Bihar are divided into upper and lower OBC on the basis of socio-economic mobility and political representation. The trio of Yadav, Kurmi and Koeri are considered as upper OBC; Teli along with Kanu, [[Dhanuk]], [[Kahar]], [[Kumhar]] and others are classified as lower OBC.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IVxODwAAQBAJ&pg=PT27|title=Post-Mandal Politics in Bihar: Changing Electoral Patterns|first=Sanjay|last= Kumar|publisher=SAGE Publishing India|year=2018|isbn=978-9352805860|access-date=2020-08-30}}</ref>
In the late 2000s, some among the Teli community of [[Bihar]], organized by the Teli Sena, were engaging in [[vote bank]] politics as they sought to achieve categorization as a Most Backward Class in the state. Initially, they had failed to achieve this repositioning in India's official [[positive discrimination]] scheme,<ref>{{cite news |publisher=The Telegraph |first=Joy |last=Sengupta |url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/bihar/caste-brigades-drive-hard-bargain-for-their-share-in-assembly-keep-parties-guessing/cid/481332|title=Caste brigades drive hard bargain for their share in Assembly, keep parties guessing |date=27 September 2010 |access-date=4 December 2013}}</ref> with opposition coming from other groups who considered the Teli to be too populous and socio-economically influential to justify the change.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://m.timesofindia.com/city/patna/Bid-to-make-Teli-an-EBC-opposed/articleshow/4577067.cms#:~:text=The%20committee%2C%20comprising%20several%20organziation,influential%20socio%2Deconomic%20and%20educational|work=The Times of India |title=Bid to make Teli an EBC opposed |date=26 May 2009 |access-date=28 November 2013}}</ref> In April 2015, Bihar chief Minister [[Nitish Kumar]] announced a decision to include the Teli caste in the list of Extremely Backward Class in Bihar.<ref>{{cite news |title=Bonanzas in Bihar for upper castes, contractual employees|url=http://www.business-standard.com/article/pti-stories/bonanzas-in-bihar-for-upper-castes-contractual-employees-115042201097_1.html |work=Business Standard |agency=PTI |date=12 April 2015 |access-date=2015-06-12}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.firstpost.com/politics/bihar-bjp-jdu-set-for-a-war-of-sops-ahead-of-assembly-polls-2323246.html|title=Bihar: BJP, JD(U) set for a war of sops ahead of Assembly polls}}</ref>
In the late 2000s, some among the Teli community of [[Bihar]], organised by the Teli Sena, were engaging in [[vote bank]] politics as they sought to achieve categorisation as a Most Backward Class in the state. Initially, they had failed to achieve this repositioning in India's official [[positive discrimination]] scheme,<ref>{{cite news |publisher=The Telegraph |first=Joy |last=Sengupta |url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/bihar/caste-brigades-drive-hard-bargain-for-their-share-in-assembly-keep-parties-guessing/cid/481332|title=Caste brigades drive hard bargain for their share in Assembly, keep parties guessing |date=27 September 2010 |access-date=4 December 2013}}</ref> with opposition coming from other groups who considered the Teli to be too populous and socio-economically influential to justify the change.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/patna/Bid-to-make-Teli-an-EBC-opposed/articleshow/4577067.cms#:~:text=The%20committee%2C%20comprising%20several%20organziation,influential%20socio%2Deconomic%20and%20educational|work=The Times of India |title=Bid to make Teli an EBC opposed |date=26 May 2009 |access-date=28 November 2013}}</ref> In April 2015, Bihar chief Minister [[Nitish Kumar]] announced a decision to include the Teli caste in the list of Extremely Backward Class in Bihar.<ref>{{cite news |title=Bonanzas in Bihar for upper castes, contractual employees|url=http://www.business-standard.com/article/pti-stories/bonanzas-in-bihar-for-upper-castes-contractual-employees-115042201097_1.html |work=Business Standard |agency=PTI |date=12 April 2015 |access-date=2015-06-12}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.firstpost.com/politics/bihar-bjp-jdu-set-for-a-war-of-sops-ahead-of-assembly-polls-2323246.html|title=Bihar: BJP, JD(U) set for a war of sops ahead of Assembly polls}}</ref> As per the report of [[Bihar caste-based survey 2022]], the population of Teli in Bihar is 2.81%.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.prabhatkhabar.com/state/bihar/patna/bihar-caste-survey-63-percent-population-belongs-only-to-obc-and-ebc-category-see-the-complete-list-asj|title=Bihar Caste Survey: बिहार में किस जाति की कितनी आबादी, देखें पूरी सूची}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.livehindustan.com/bihar/bihar-caste-survey-report-caste-census-data-released-in-bihar-how-much-population-of-which-caste-live-blog-8790971.html|title=Bihar Caste Survey Report LIVE: बिहार में 63% पिछड़े, 19% दलित, 15% सवर्ण, जाति गणना रिपोर्ट में यादव सबसे ज्यादा}}</ref>


===Jharkhand===
===Jharkhand===
In 2018 the [[Bharatiya Janata Party]] led government in Jharkhand tried to include castes like Teli and [[Kurmi]] in the category of [[Scheduled Tribes]], which was welcomed by protests from tribals of Jharkhand under the banner of ''Jai Adivasi Yuvashakti'' (JAY) a local organization which organized "Adivasi Akrosh Maharally", a gathering of all principal tribal groups of the state to protest against the same.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.dailypioneer.com/2018/state-editions/tribals-warn-govt-against-st-status-to-kurmi-teli.html&ved=2ahUKEwj1q4vTq8PrAhXCSH0KHf8UBT8QFjALegQIAhAB&usg=AOvVaw3kjTcCiEjrMob6Ica1CyxD|title=Tribals warn Govt against ST status to Kurmi, Teli|website=The Pioneer|access-date=2020-08-29}}</ref>
In 2018 the [[Bharatiya Janata Party]] led government in Jharkhand tried to include castes like Teli and [[Kurmi]] in the category of [[Scheduled Tribes]], which was welcomed by protests from tribals of Jharkhand under the banner of ''Jai Adivasi Yuvashakti'' (JAY) a local organisation which organised "Adivasi Akrosh Maharally", a gathering of all principal tribal groups of the state to protest against the same.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.dailypioneer.com/2018/state-editions/tribals-warn-govt-against-st-status-to-kurmi-teli.html&ved=2ahUKEwj1q4vTq8PrAhXCSH0KHf8UBT8QFjALegQIAhAB&usg=AOvVaw3kjTcCiEjrMob6Ica1CyxD|title=Tribals warn Govt against ST status to Kurmi, Teli|website=The Pioneer|access-date=2020-08-29}}</ref>

===Maharashta===
Teli form as a major caste in Vidarbha. They are found in every district of Maharashtra.

===Chattisgarh===
Teli are known as Sahu in Chattisgarh.


==Telis in Nepal==
==Telis in Nepal==
Line 73: Line 64:
* [[Kapilvastu District|Kapilvastu]] (1.9%)
* [[Kapilvastu District|Kapilvastu]] (1.9%)
* [[Morang District|Morang]] (1.6%)
* [[Morang District|Morang]] (1.6%)

== Notable People ==
<gallery>
File:Official Photograph of Prime Minister Narendra Modi Portrait.png|'''Prime Minister Narendra Modi'''
File:The Chief Minister of Karnataka, Shri B.S. Yediyurappa meeting with the Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission, Dr. Montek Singh Ahluwalia to finalize annual plan 2008-09 of the State, in New Delhi on August 12, 2008 (1) (cropped).jpg|B. S. Yediyurappa
File:Dr-Meghnad-Saha.jpg|Meghnad Saha
File:Finance Minister Shanmukham Chetty broadcasting on the budget presented by him in the Indian Parliament.jpg|R K Shanmukham Chetty
File:Shri Raghubar Das on January 04, 2015 (cropped).jpg|Raghubar Das
</gallery>
* [[Narendra Modi]] ,'''Narendra Damodardas Modi''' (<small>Gujarati:</small> [[Help:IPA/Gujarati|[ˈnəɾendɾə dɑmodəɾˈdɑs ˈmodiː]]] (listen); born 17 September 1950) is an Indian politician who has served as the [[List of prime ministers of India|14th]] [[Prime Minister of India]] since May 2014
* [[B. S. Yediyurappa]],'''Bookanakere Siddalingappa Yediyurappa''' [[Help:IPA/English|//]] (listen) (born 27 February 1943), often referred as '''BSY''', is an Indian politician.He is also the only politician so far in Karnataka to have served four times as the Chief Minister and three times as the [[Leader of the Opposition]] in the [[Karnataka Legislative Assembly]]. He is the longest serving [[Bharatiya Janata Party|BJP]] [[List of chief ministers of Karnataka|Chief Minister of Karnataka]].
* [[R. K. Shanmukham Chetty]], '''Sir Ramasamy Chetty Kandasamy Shanmukham Chetty''' <small>[[Order of the Indian Empire|KCIE]]</small> (17 October 1892 – 5 May 1953) was an Indian lawyer, economist and politician who served as first Finance [[Minister (government)|Minister]] of India from 1947 to 1948. He also served as President of India's [[Central Legislative Assembly]] from 1933 to 1935 and [[Diwan (title)|Diwan]] of [[Cochin kingdom]] from 1935 to 1941.
* [[Meghnad Saha]] ,'''Meghnad Saha''' [[Fellow of the Royal Society|FRS]] (6 October 1893 – 16 February 1956) was an Indian [[astrophysicist]] who is remembered for his theory of [[Thermal ionization]] and its application [[Saha ionization equation]] in the interpretation of [[Stellar spectra]]
* [[B. S. Yediyurappa|Raghubar Das]] '''Raghubar Das''' (born 3 May 1955) is an Indian politician who served as the sixth [[List of chief ministers of Jharkhand|Chief Minister of Jharkhand]].
* [[:mr:संताजी_जगनाडे|संताजी जगनाडे]], a Marathi Saint who was contemporary of Saint Tukaram.
* [[Karmabai]], 17th century saint
* [[Bhamashah]], '''Bhama Shah''' (1547–1600) was a noted general, minister and close aide of [[Maharana Pratap Singh]]. The financial support provided by him allowed Maharana Pratap to restore his army and reclaim much of his lost territory
* [[Jaishankar Prasad]], as a prominent figure in modern [[Hindi literature]] as well as [[Hindi theatre]]. Prasad was his pen name. He was also known as Chhayavadi poet.
* [[Rameswar Teli]], '''Rameswar Teli''' (born 14 August 1970) is an Indian politician and member of [[Bharatiya Janata Party]] who is currently serving as a [[Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha]] representing [[Dibrugarh Lok Sabha constituency]] since 2014 and the [[Minister of State]] of Petroleum and Natural Gas and Labour and Employment in the Modi ministry since 2021. Previously, he served as the Minister of State for [[Ministry of Food Processing Industries]] from 2019 to 2020 and a member of the Assam Legislative Assembly from Duliajan from 2001 to 2011.
* [[Tamradhwaj Sahu]], '''Tamradhwaj Sahu''' (born 6 August 1949) is an Indian politician of the [[Indian National Congress|INC]]. He is the current Home Minister of [[Government of Chhattisgarh|Chhattisgarh]]. He is a member of the [[Chhattisgarh Legislative Assembly]] representing [[Durg|Durg Gramin]].


==See also==
==See also==
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[[Category:Punjabi tribes]]
[[Category:Punjabi tribes]]
[[Category:Social groups of Pakistan]]
[[Category:Bania communities]]
[[Category:Bania communities]]
[[Category:Oil pressing castes]]
[[Category:Oil pressing castes]]

Latest revision as of 10:05, 21 November 2024

For other uses, see Teli (disambiguation).

Teli
Teli oil press (Russell, 1916)
Regions with significant populations
 India,    Nepal,  Pakistan
Languages
Hindi • Bhojpuri • Odia[1]
Religion
Hinduism, Islam, Judaism

Teli is a caste traditionally occupied in the oil pressing and trade in India, Nepal, and Pakistan. Members may be either Hindu or Muslim; Muslim Teli are called Roshandaar or Teli Malik.[2]

History

In the Early Mediaeval period in some parts of South India, the Teli community used to work on their own oil presses to produce oil to be supplied to the temples. The emergence of "Temple towns" in various parts of south India was instrumental in the improvement of social status of some of the communities that were associated with the supply of essential items for cultural activities. The communities like Malakar (garland makers) and Telikars (oil pressers) thus became important for the functioning of such towns. Some of them even became prosperous enough to make donations to the temples.[3]

In the first decade of the 20th century, upward mobilisation became the feature of Indian society when lower castes tried to move up in the socio-economic ladder by assuming the names and practices of "upper castes". Professor M. N. Srinivas notes the attempts of Teli community to claim different surnames in different censuses in a bid to improve their position in Varna system and Caste hierarchy. In 1911, the Teli community adopted the surname, Rathore and started calling themselves Rathore Teli; while in 1931 they claimed themselves to be Rathore-Vaishya. According to Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda Patil, this was done in order to climb the social ladder. Such practices were common amongst the lower castes in India.[4] The Arya Samaj movement also attempted to improve the status of lower castes. As in the case of Telis, Shri Satyavrat Sharma Dwivedi an Arya Samajist from Farrukhabad published a magazine "Telivarna Prakash" to prove the Teli caste to be of Vaishya varna.[5]

Despite the later attempts to claim higher status Teli were initially considered as Shudra and were thought to be lower in status. According to Anand Yang, the Telis worked with beast of burden in the oil pressers and for the purpose of obtaining the desired results from the animals, they were often blinded. This made them ritually impure but later many of them as Yang notes took up the occupation of trading and branched off as Bania in order to conceal their impure origin.[6]

Subdivisions

The Telis of Bengal share their social position with communities like Suvarna Banik, Gandhabanik, Saha.[7] Further, the Ghanchi community of Gujarat have been described as a "counterpart" of the Telis.[8]

Politics

Bihar

In the post Mandal phase the growing differences between upper castes and OBC due to tussle between the two groups over political power culminated into replacement of upper castes by the OBCs in the political circle. The Telis along with Yadav, Kurmi, Koeri and Bania took over the erstwhile political elites namely Brahmin, Bhumihar, Rajput and Kayastha.The OBCs in Bihar are divided into upper and lower OBC on the basis of socio-economic mobility and political representation. The trio of Yadav, Kurmi and Koeri are considered as upper OBC; Teli along with Kanu, Dhanuk, Kahar, Kumhar and others are classified as lower OBC.[9] In the late 2000s, some among the Teli community of Bihar, organised by the Teli Sena, were engaging in vote bank politics as they sought to achieve categorisation as a Most Backward Class in the state. Initially, they had failed to achieve this repositioning in India's official positive discrimination scheme,[10] with opposition coming from other groups who considered the Teli to be too populous and socio-economically influential to justify the change.[11] In April 2015, Bihar chief Minister Nitish Kumar announced a decision to include the Teli caste in the list of Extremely Backward Class in Bihar.[12][13] As per the report of Bihar caste-based survey 2022, the population of Teli in Bihar is 2.81%.[14][15]

Jharkhand

In 2018 the Bharatiya Janata Party led government in Jharkhand tried to include castes like Teli and Kurmi in the category of Scheduled Tribes, which was welcomed by protests from tribals of Jharkhand under the banner of Jai Adivasi Yuvashakti (JAY) a local organisation which organised "Adivasi Akrosh Maharally", a gathering of all principal tribal groups of the state to protest against the same.[16]

Maharashta

Teli form as a major caste in Vidarbha. They are found in every district of Maharashtra.

Chattisgarh

Teli are known as Sahu in Chattisgarh.

Telis in Nepal

The Central Bureau of Statistics of Nepal classifies the Teli as a subgroup within the broader social group of Madheshi Other Caste.[17] At the time of the 2011 Nepal census, 369,688 people (1.4% of the population of Nepal) were Teli. The frequency of Telis by province was as follows:

The frequency of Telis was higher than national average (1.4%) in the following districts:[18]

See also

References

  1. ^ Ramesh P. Mohanty (2003). Dalits Development and Change: An Empirical Study. Discovery Publishing House. pp. 40–. ISBN 978-81-7141-696-7.
  2. ^ Hasnain, Nadeem (2016). The Other Lucknow. Vani Prakashan. p. 47. ISBN 978-93-5229-420-6.
  3. ^ "Proceedings - Indian History Congress". Indian History Congress (original from The University of Michigan). 2003. pp. 383, 387, 392. Retrieved 28 August 2020. Often oil presser is referred as Teli , " Telikar or Tailyakar ( Sanskrit: Tailikakar), etc . The reference to... Obviously, the oil industry , whether on small or large scale was important and the telikaras, i.e. the oil pressers, assumed importance in rural and urban life . It appears from the inscriptions that some part of the oil production was donated to the temples for the worship of the diety ( in the temples ) .
  4. ^ Patil, Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda (2002). Community Dominance and Political Modernisation: The Lingayats. Mittal Publications. p. 88. ISBN 8170998670. Retrieved 28 August 2020.
  5. ^ Gupta, Dipankar (2004). Caste in Question: Identity Or Hierarchy?. SAGE. ISBN 0761933247. Retrieved 29 August 2020.
  6. ^ Yang, Anand A. (February 1999). Bazaar India: markets, society, and the colonial state in Gangetic Bihar. p. 230. ISBN 9780520919969.
  7. ^ Gupta, Sankar Sen (1976). Folklore of Bengal: A Projected Study. Indian Publications.
  8. ^ "Nitish Kumar's 'wait and watch' on Bihar BJP's latest Narendra Modi gimmick". NDTV. 27 May 2009. Retrieved 4 December 2013.
  9. ^ Kumar, Sanjay (2018). Post-Mandal Politics in Bihar: Changing Electoral Patterns. SAGE Publishing India. ISBN 978-9352805860. Retrieved 30 August 2020.
  10. ^ Sengupta, Joy (27 September 2010). "Caste brigades drive hard bargain for their share in Assembly, keep parties guessing". The Telegraph. Retrieved 4 December 2013.
  11. ^ "Bid to make Teli an EBC opposed". The Times of India. 26 May 2009. Retrieved 28 November 2013.
  12. ^ "Bonanzas in Bihar for upper castes, contractual employees". Business Standard. PTI. 12 April 2015. Retrieved 12 June 2015.
  13. ^ "Bihar: BJP, JD(U) set for a war of sops ahead of Assembly polls".
  14. ^ "Bihar Caste Survey: बिहार में किस जाति की कितनी आबादी, देखें पूरी सूची".
  15. ^ "Bihar Caste Survey Report LIVE: बिहार में 63% पिछड़े, 19% दलित, 15% सवर्ण, जाति गणना रिपोर्ट में यादव सबसे ज्यादा".
  16. ^ "Tribals warn Govt against ST status to Kurmi, Teli". The Pioneer. Retrieved 29 August 2020.
  17. ^ Population Monograph of Nepal, Volume II [1]
  18. ^ 2011 Nepal Census, District Level Detail Report

Further reading

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