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Women gained an unprecedented amount of social and legal reforms during the North Korean revolution (1945–1950). The laws promulgated by Kim Il Sung's regime formally accorded women rights that during the Japanese colonial era and previous generations were denied to them. Women were allowed to enter the workforce alongside men and were granted privileges — the right to an education, the right to own and inherit property, the right to political participation — that incorporated women in the public realm. Various women's organizations such as the Korean Democratic Women's League propped up to maintain these laws and nurse the auxiliary needs of the regime. North Korea (DPRK) continued to shoulder neo-Confucian virtues that extolled sacrificial motherhood and added a new emphasis on the nuclear family.

Legal reforms

The North Korean government initiated a series of social reforms that sought to reintegrate the traditionally underprivileged elements — workers, peasants, women, and youth — into society during the early years of the revolution (1945-1950). These sweeping social reforms brought a measure of women's liberation and active participation in civic life. For the first time in Korean history, the recognition of women as a category of people with rights was quite novel for its time. Kim Il Sung and the North Korean Provisional People's Committee (NKPPC) immediately legalized equality between the sexes in order to garner more popular support. The Labor Law of 1946 and the Law to Eradicate Feudal Practices of 1947,^[1] as well as the Law on Land Reform, the Law on the Nationalization of Essential Industries and the Law on Sex Equality,^[2] laid out the basic framework by which women's roles would be defined in North Korean society in the public and private spheres.^[1] In particular, the Law on Sex Equality "made North Korea for a time the most gender progressive state in the world."^[3] These laws allowed women to express social and economic rights that included: the right to an education, the right to own and inherit property, the right to obtain a divorce, equal pay for equal work, the eight-hour workday, and choice in marriage.^[4] The Labor Law in particular endowed women with important rights: the right to acquire maternity leave of 77 days with full pay, paid breaks from work for feeding babies, prohibition of night work or overtime for nursing or pregnant women, and easier work for pregnant women with equal pay. Following the land reform initiated by the new legislation, women were granted equal allotments as men were. The old family registry system based on male lineage was replaced with a citizen registry system in 1947.^[2]^{[failed verification]} Universal suffrage was instituted, but it first faced fierce resistance from North Korean men. However, Kim Il Sung launched a campaign to eradicate illiteracy and educate women about their rights.^[5]

Women's increased freedoms in the public realm copied the Marxist–Leninist tradition that promoted women's entry into the socialist workforce as paid workers. However, the North Korean regime still maintained the traditional Confucian beliefs that extolled the centrality of family and praised revolutionary motherhood. This was articulated in a 1949 text on DPRK law crafted by the People's Committee in Kangwon Province described how "marriage and family are protected under the state."^[4] In fact, the eradication of the traditional family, the mild discouragement of divorce, and the assault on feudal practices such as concubinage and arranged marriages paved the way for the modern nuclear family.^[6] The propaganda and images spurred by the DPRK continued to praise revolutionary motherhood and represent women who embraced the traditional Korean virtues of feminine purity, self-sacrifice, and morality.^[6]

The Democratic Women's League

Established in November 1945, the North Korean Democratic Women's League was one of the first organized groups to rally behind the leadership of Kim Il Sung and the NKPPC with the intent of upholding democracy, eliminating fascists and national traitors, building a strong and wealthy government, and working to overthrow feudal customs and superstitions. The Women's League worked to effect new laws regarding women and bring women more actively into political and social life, including Local People's Committee elections. By April 1949, membership had swelled significantly and every village contained roughly 5,500 members with 112 local groups.^[7] Some of the earliest projects the Women's League took on were educating women and families to enroll their children in school. Among some of the duties of members of the Women's league included engaging in economic planning, agricultural production, and various lectures and concerts for women. Some of these activities often replicated the traditional roles of women as women were often the ones expected to conserve rice in the home and mobilize for the donation of "patriotic rice." However, some women criticized the conservatism of the League because the League's program continued to pigeonhole women into the traditional roles of caregivers. Other criticisms centered on female leadership in the Women's League, which was largely held by elite wives married to high ranking party officials, school teachers, and housewives, instead of working class women.^[8]

Competing perspectives on historical significance

After national liberation had been achieved, North Korean authorities sought to put more emphasis on socialist construction during the 1950s. Campaigns such as the Chollima Movement were initiated. At this time, policies on women changed focus, too. Legal reforms that sought to get rid of oppressive traditions was no longer the focus, and instead the government tried to make women part of the workforce.^[9] This was based on a Marxist view, drawing from Friedrich Engels, that by participating in social labor, women would be emancipated and the oppressive structure based on the family as an economic unit would be done away with.^[5] By the end of the 1950s, collectives had assumed the status formerly held by families as the main economic unit.^[10] Of particular importance for emancipation was making upbringing of children a task of the society instead of just the family.^[9] The Constitution of 1972, as well as the Law on the Nursing and Upbringing of Children of 1976 and the Socialist Labor Law of 1978 instituted mechanisms for the state to share the burden of upbringing. Nurseries, kindergartens, laundries and a more effective food sector helped women.^[11] As consequence, women's share of the workforce increased from 20% in 1956 at an annual increase rate of 19% to a total of 49% in the 1990s.^[12]

Most scholars, however, agree that the North Korean government's espousal of pro-family policies deviated from the Marxist tradition propagated by Engels, which necessitated the dismantlement of the traditional family. There are three perspective views.^[13] The first is by anti-feminist conservatives who see North Korea's communist policies leading to the disastrous breakdown of traditional society. The second is that the juxtaposition between North Korea's continual privilege of women in the public spheres and praise for women's role as educators of young children represents a new form of totalitarian patriarchy, with only lip service to women's rights.^[13] This is evidenced by the lack of female representation^[14] in North Korea's majority male political leadership and highlights the failure of the North Korean government to enforce the radical policies written in the gender equality laws. Only a few female political figures rose to prominence during the revolution: Pak Chong Ae was the first chair of the Women's League^[13] and the only female member of the Politburo, while Chong Kyong Hui and Kim Bok Sin served as alternate members.^[15] Ho Chongsuk was the first female DPRK cabinet member and she later became Minister for culture and propaganda.^[13] Kim Il Sung's wife Kim Sung-ae also chaired the Women's League.^[16] The third view generally held by feminist progressives, acknowledges the double standards placed on women during the revolution, but still celebrates the ideals carried that opened more opportunities for women.^[13]

Sources

Notes

^ ^a ^b Armstrong 2003, p. 94.
^ ^a ^b Park 1992, p. 533.
^ Barraclough, Ruth (2015). "Red Love in Korea: Rethinking Communism, Feminism, Sexuality". In Rabinowitz, Paula; Barraclough, Ruth; Bowen-Struyk, Heather (eds.). Red Love Across the Pacific: Political and Sexual Revolutions of the Twentieth Century. New York: Springer. p. 46. ISBN 978-1-137-50703-7.
^ ^a ^b Armstrong 2003, p. 95.
^ ^a ^b Park 1992, p. 534.
^ ^a ^b Armstrong 2003, p. 98.
^ Kim 2005, p. 124.
^ Kim 2005, p. 126.
^ ^a ^b Park 1992, p. 535.
^ Park 1992, p. 538.
^ Park 1992, p. 536.
^ Park 1992, p. 537.
^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e Kim 2005, p. 166.
^ Armstrong 2003, pp. 96–97.
^ Park 1992, p. 541.
^ Park 1992, p. 539.

References

Armstrong, Charles K. (2003). The North Korean revolution, 1945-1950. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-4014-4.
Kim, Suzy (2005). Politics of Empowerment: Everyday Life Within the North Korean Revolution (1945-1950) (Ph.D. thesis). University of Chicago, Department of History. OCLC 61883008.
Park, Kyung Ae (1992). "Women and Revolution in North Korea". Pacific Affairs. 65 (4): 527–545. doi:10.2307/2760318. JSTOR 2760318.

@@ Line 1: / Line 1: @@
+{{Short description|none}}
 [[File:Mansudae Grand Monument 29.JPG|thumb|A female soldier and peasant, detail of the [[Mansu Hill Grand Monument]]]]
-[[Women in North Korea|Women]] gained an unprecedented amount of social and legal reforms during the [[History of North Korea|North Korean revolution]] (1945–1950). The laws promulgated by [[Kim Il-sung]]'s regime formally accorded women [[Women's rights|rights]] that during the [[Korea under Japanese rule|Japanese colonial era]] and previous generations were denied to them. Women were allowed to enter the workforce alongside men and were granted privileges&nbsp;— the [[Right to education|right to an education]], the [[Right to property|right to own and inherit property]], the [[Political freedom|right to political participation]]&nbsp;— that incorporated women in the [[public  sphere|public realm]]. Various women's organizations such as the [[Democratic Women's League]] propped up to maintain these laws and nurse the auxiliary needs of the regime. [[North Korea]] (DPRK) continued to shoulder [[neo-Confucian]] virtues that extolled sacrificial [[motherhood]] and added a new emphasis on the [[nuclear family]].
+[[Women in North Korea|Women]] gained an unprecedented amount of social and legal reforms during the [[History of North Korea|North Korean revolution]] (1945–1950). The laws promulgated by [[Kim Il Sung]]'s regime formally accorded women [[Women's rights|rights]] that during the [[Korea under Japanese rule|Japanese colonial era]] and previous generations were denied to them. Women were allowed to enter the workforce alongside men and were granted privileges&nbsp;— the [[Right to education|right to an education]], the [[Right to property|right to own and inherit property]], the [[Political freedom|right to political participation]]&nbsp;— that incorporated women in the [[public sphere|public realm]]. Various women's organizations such as the [[Korean Democratic Women's League]] propped up to maintain these laws and nurse the auxiliary needs of the regime. [[North Korea]] (DPRK) continued to shoulder [[neo-Confucian]] virtues that extolled sacrificial [[motherhood]] and added a new emphasis on the [[nuclear family]].
 ==Legal reforms==
-The [[North Korean government]] initiated a series of social reforms that sought to reintegrate the traditionally underprivileged elements&nbsp;— workers, peasants, women, and youth&nbsp;— into society during the early years of the revolution (1945-1950). These sweeping [[social reform]]s brought a measure of [[women's liberation]] and active participation in civic life. For the first time in [[Korean history]], the recognition of women as a category of people with rights was quite novel for its time. Kim Il-sung and the [[North Korean Provisional People's Committee]] (NKPPC) immediately legalized [[Gender equality|equality between the sexes]] in order to garner more popular support. The [[Labor Law (North Korea)|Labor Law]] of 1946 and the [[Law to Eradicate Feudal Practices]] of 1947,{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=94}} as well as the [[Law on Sex Equality]], the [[Law on Land Reform]] and the [[Law on the Nationalization of Essential Industries]],{{sfn|Park|1992|p=533}} laid out the basic framework by which women's roles would be defined in North Korean society in the public and [[private sphere]]s.{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=94}} These laws allowed women to express social and economic rights that included: the right to an education, the right to own and inherit property, the right to obtain a [[divorce]], [[equal pay for equal work]], the [[Eight-hour day|eight-hour workday]], and choice in marriage.{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=95}} The Labor Law in particular endowed women with important rights: the right to acquire [[maternity leave]] of 77 days with full pay, paid breaks from work for feeding babies, prohibition of night work or overtime for nursing or pregnant women, and easier work for pregnant women with equal pay. Following [[Land reform in North Korea|the land reform]] initiated by the new legislation, women were granted equal allotments as men were. The old family registry system based on male lineage was replaced with a citizen registry system in 1947.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=533}} [[Universal suffrage]] was instituted, but it first faced fierce resistance from North Korean men. However, Kim Il-sung launched a campaign to eradicate illiteracy and educate women about their rights{{sfn|Park|1992|p=534}}
+The [[North Korean government]] initiated a series of social reforms that sought to reintegrate the traditionally underprivileged elements&nbsp;— workers, peasants, women, and youth&nbsp;— into society during the early years of the revolution (1945-1950). These sweeping [[social reform]]s brought a measure of [[women's liberation]] and active participation in civic life. For the first time in [[Korean history]], the recognition of women as a category of people with rights was quite novel for its time. Kim Il Sung and the [[North Korean Provisional People's Committee]] (NKPPC) immediately legalized [[Gender equality|equality between the sexes]] in order to garner more popular support. The [[Labor Law (North Korea)|Labor Law]] of 1946 and the [[Law to Eradicate Feudal Practices]] of 1947,{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=94}} as well as the [[Law on Land Reform]], the [[Law on the Nationalization of Essential Industries]] and the [[Law on Sex Equality]],{{sfn|Park|1992|p=533}} laid out the basic framework by which women's roles would be defined in North Korean society in the public and [[private sphere]]s.{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=94}} In particular, the Law on Sex Equality "made North Korea for a time the most gender progressive state in the world."<ref name="RabinowitzBarraclough2015">{{cite book|last=Barraclough|first=Ruth|editor-last1=Rabinowitz|editor-first1=Paula|editor-last2=Barraclough|editor-first2=Ruth|editor-last3=Bowen-Struyk|editor-first3=Heather|title=Red Love Across the Pacific: Political and Sexual Revolutions of the Twentieth Century|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=65OkCgAAQBAJ&pg=PT46| year=2015|publisher=Springer|location=New York|isbn=978-1-137-50703-7| page=46|chapter=Red Love in Korea: Rethinking Communism, Feminism, Sexuality}}</ref> These laws allowed women to express social and economic rights that included: the right to an education, the right to own and inherit property, the right to obtain a divorce, [[equal pay for equal work]], the [[Eight-hour day|eight-hour workday]], and choice in marriage.{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=95}} The Labor Law in particular endowed women with important rights: the right to acquire [[maternity leave]] of 77 days with full pay, paid breaks from work for feeding babies, prohibition of night work or overtime for nursing or pregnant women, and easier work for pregnant women with equal pay. Following [[Land reform in North Korea|the land reform]] initiated by the new legislation, women were granted equal allotments as men were. The old family registry system based on male lineage was replaced with a citizen registry system in 1947.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=533}}{{failed verification|date=May 2019}} [[Universal suffrage]] was instituted, but it first faced fierce resistance from North Korean men. However, Kim Il Sung launched a campaign to eradicate illiteracy and educate women about their rights.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=534}}
-Women's increased freedoms in the public realm copied the [[Marxist-Leninist]] tradition that promoted women's entry into the socialist workforce as paid workers. However, the North Korean regime still maintained the traditional Confucian beliefs that extolled the centrality of family and praised revolutionary motherhood. This was articulated in a 1949 text on DPRK law crafted by the [[People's Committee]] in [[Kangwon Province (North Korea)|Kangwon Province]] described how "marriage and family are protected under the state."{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=95}} In fact, the eradication of the traditional family, the mild discouragement of divorce, and the assault on feudal practices such as [[concubinage]] and [[arranged marriage]]s paved the way for the modern nuclear family.{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=98}} The [[Propaganda in North Korea|propaganda]] and images spurred by the DPRK continued to praise revolutionary motherhood and represent women who embraced the traditional Korean virtues of [[feminine]] purity, self-sacrifice, and morality.{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=98}}
+Women's increased freedoms in the public realm copied the [[Marxist–Leninist]] tradition that promoted women's entry into the socialist workforce as paid workers. However, the North Korean regime still maintained the traditional Confucian beliefs that extolled the centrality of family and praised revolutionary motherhood. This was articulated in a 1949 text on DPRK law crafted by the [[People's Committee (postwar Korea)|People's Committee]] in [[Kangwon Province (North Korea)|Kangwon Province]] described how "marriage and family are protected under the state."{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=95}} In fact, the eradication of the traditional family, the mild discouragement of divorce, and the assault on feudal practices such as [[concubinage]] and [[arranged marriage]]s paved the way for the modern nuclear family.{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=98}} The [[Propaganda in North Korea|propaganda]] and images spurred by the DPRK continued to praise revolutionary motherhood and represent women who embraced the traditional Korean virtues of feminine purity, self-sacrifice, and morality.{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|p=98}}
 ==The Democratic Women's League==
+{{Further|Socialist Women's Union of Korea}}
-Established in November 1945, the North Korean [[Democratic Women's League]] was one of the first organized groups to rally behind the leadership of Kim Il-sung and the NKPPC with the intent of upholding [[democracy]], eliminating [[fascist]]s and national traitors, building a strong and wealthy government, and working to overthrow [[feudal]] customs and superstitions. The Women's League worked to effect new laws regarding women and bring women more actively into political and social life, including [[Local People's Committee]] elections. By April 1949, membership had swelled significantly and every village contained roughly 5,500 members with 112 local groups.{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=124}} Some of the earliest projects the Women's League took on were educating women and families to enroll their children in school. Among some of the duties of members of the Women's league included engaging in [[economic planning]], [[agricultural production]], and various lectures and concerts for women. Some of these activities often replicated the traditional roles of women as women were often the ones expected to conserve rice in the home and mobilize for the donation of "patriotic rice." However, some women criticized the conservatism of the League because the League's program continued to pigeonhole women into the traditional roles of caregivers. Other criticisms centered on female leadership in the Women's League, which was largely held by elite wives married to high ranking [[Workers' Party of Korea|party]] officials, school teachers, and housewives, instead of working class women.{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=126}}
+Established in November 1945, the North [[Korean Democratic Women's League]] was one of the first organized groups to rally behind the leadership of Kim Il Sung and the NKPPC with the intent of upholding [[democracy]], eliminating [[fascist]]s and national traitors, building a strong and wealthy government, and working to overthrow [[feudal]] customs and superstitions. The Women's League worked to effect new laws regarding women and bring women more actively into political and social life, including [[Local People's Committee]] elections. By April 1949, membership had swelled significantly and every village contained roughly 5,500 members with 112 local groups.{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=124}} Some of the earliest projects the Women's League took on were educating women and families to enroll their children in school. Among some of the duties of members of the Women's league included engaging in [[economic planning]], [[agricultural production]], and various lectures and concerts for women. Some of these activities often replicated the traditional roles of women as women were often the ones expected to conserve rice in the home and mobilize for the donation of "patriotic rice." However, some women criticized the conservatism of the League because the League's program continued to pigeonhole women into the traditional roles of caregivers. Other criticisms centered on female leadership in the Women's League, which was largely held by elite wives married to high ranking [[Workers' Party of Korea|party]] officials, school teachers, and housewives, instead of working class women.{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=126}}
 ==Competing perspectives on historical significance==
@@ Line 15: / Line 16: @@
 After national liberation had been achieved, North Korean authorities sought to put more emphasis on socialist construction during the 1950s. Campaigns such as the [[Chollima Movement]] were initiated. At this time, policies on women changed focus, too. Legal reforms that sought to get rid of oppressive traditions was no longer the focus, and instead the government tried to make women part of the workforce.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=535}} This was based on a [[Marxist]] view, drawing from [[Friedrich Engels]], that by participating in social labor, women would be emancipated and the oppressive structure based on the family as an economic unit would be done away with.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=534}} By the end of the 1950s, collectives had assumed the status formerly held by families as the main economic unit.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=538}} Of particular importance for emancipation was making upbringing of children a task of the society instead of just the family.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=535}} [[Constitution of North Korea|The Constitution]] of 1972, as well as the [[Law on the Nursing and Upbringing of Children]] of 1976 and the [[Socialist Labor Law]] of 1978 instituted mechanisms for the state to share the burden of upbringing. Nurseries, kindergartens, laundries and a more effective food sector helped women.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=536}} As consequence, women's share of the workforce increased from 20% in 1956 at an annual increase rate of 19% to a total of 49% in the 1990s.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=537}}
-Most scholars, however, agree that the North Korean government's espousal of pro-family policies deviated from the Marxist tradition propagated by Engels, which necessitated the dismantlement of the traditional family. There are three perspective views.{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=166}} The first is by [[anti-feminist]] conservatives who see North Korea's communist policies leading to the disastrous breakdown of traditional society. The second is that the juxtaposition between North Korea's continual privilege of women in the public spheres and praise for women's role as educators of young children represents a new form of totalitarian [[patriarchy]], with only lip service to women's rights.{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=166}} This is evidenced by the lack of female representation{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|pp=96–97}} in North Korea's majority male political leadership and highlights the failure of the North Korean government to enforce the radical policies written in the gender equality laws. Only a few female political figures rose to prominence during the revolution: [[Pak Chong Ae]] was the first chair of the Women's League{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=166}} and the only female member of the [[Politburo of the Workers' Party of Korea|Politburo]], while [[Chong Kyong Hui]] and [[Kim Bok Sin]] served as alternate members.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=541}} [[Ho Chongsuk]] was the first female [[Cabinet of North Korea|DPRK cabinet]] member and she later became [[Minister for culture and propaganda]].{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=166}} Kim Il-sung's wife [[Kim Sung-ae]] also chaired the Women's League.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=539}} The third view generally held by [[feminist]] progressives, acknowledges the double standards placed on women during the revolution, but still celebrates the ideals carried that opened more opportunities for women.{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=166}}
+Most scholars, however, agree that the North Korean government's espousal of pro-family policies deviated from the Marxist tradition propagated by Engels, which necessitated the dismantlement of the traditional family. There are three perspective views.{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=166}} The first is by [[anti-feminist]] conservatives who see North Korea's communist policies leading to the disastrous breakdown of traditional society. The second is that the juxtaposition between North Korea's continual privilege of women in the public spheres and praise for women's role as educators of young children represents a new form of totalitarian [[patriarchy]], with only lip service to women's rights.{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=166}} This is evidenced by the lack of female representation{{sfn|Armstrong|2003|pp=96–97}} in North Korea's majority male political leadership and highlights the failure of the North Korean government to enforce the radical policies written in the gender equality laws. Only a few female political figures rose to prominence during the revolution: [[Pak Chong Ae]] was the first chair of the Women's League{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=166}} and the only female member of the [[Politburo of the Workers' Party of Korea|Politburo]], while [[Chong Kyong Hui]] and [[Kim Bok Sin]] served as alternate members.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=541}} [[Ho Chongsuk]] was the first female [[Cabinet of North Korea|DPRK cabinet]] member and she later became [[Minister for culture and propaganda]].{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=166}} Kim Il Sung's wife [[Kim Sung-ae]] also chaired the Women's League.{{sfn|Park|1992|p=539}} The third view generally held by [[feminist]] progressives, acknowledges the double standards placed on women during the revolution, but still celebrates the ideals carried that opened more opportunities for women.{{sfn|Kim|2005|p=166}}
+==See also==
+{{Portal|Feminism|Modern history|North Korea}}
+*[[Women in North Korea]]
+*[[History of North Korea]]
 ==Sources==
-{{Portal|Feminism|History|North Korea}}
 ===Notes===
 {{reflist|20em}}
 <!--- After listing your sources please cite them using inline citations and place them after the information they cite. Please see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:REFB for instructions on how to add citations.
 *<ref>the public and private spheres. Charles Armstrong, The North Korean Revolution, 1954-1950, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press 2003) p. 94. </ref>
-* <ref> with 112 local groups. Politics of Empowerment in Everyday Life Within The North Korean Revolution (1945-1950). Diss. U of Chicago, 2005. Chicago: U of Chicago, 2005. Print. , p. 124.</ref>
+* <ref> with 112 local groups. Politics of Empowerment in Everyday Life Within The North Korean Revolution (1945-1950). Diss. U of Chicago, 2005. Chicago: U of Chicago, 2005. Print., p. 124.</ref>
-*<ref>housewives, instead of working class women. Kim, Suzy. Politics of Empowerment: Everyday Life in North Korea (1945-1950). Diss. U of Chicago, 2013. Chicago: U of Chicago, 2013. Print. , p. 126. </ref>
+*<ref>housewives, instead of working class women. Kim, Suzy. Politics of Empowerment: Everyday Life in North Korea (1945-1950). Diss. U of Chicago, 2013. Chicago: U of Chicago, 2013. Print., p. 126. </ref>
 *<ref>There are three perspective views.Kim, Suzy. Politics of Empowerment, p. 166. </ref>
 * <ref> service to women's rights. Kim, Suzy. Politics of Empowerment, p. 166. </ref>
@@ Line 33: / Line 39: @@
 *<ref>  Korean virtues of feminine purity, self-sacrifice, and morality. Charles Armstrong, The North Korean Revolution, p. 98.</ref>
 STOP! Be warned that by using this process instead of Articles for Creation, this article is subject to scrutiny. As an article in "mainspace", it will be DELETED if there are problems, not just declined. If you wish to use AfC, please return to the Wizard and continue from there. --->
 ===References===
-*{{cite book|ref = harv|last=Armstrong|first=Charles K.|authorlink=Charles K. Armstrong|title=The North Korean revolution, 1945-1950|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=t6ntAAAAMAAJ|year=2003|location=Ithaca|publisher=Cornell University Press|isbn=978-0-8014-4014-4}}
+*{{cite book|last=Armstrong|first=Charles K.|author-link=Charles K. Armstrong|title=The North Korean revolution, 1945-1950|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=t6ntAAAAMAAJ|year=2003|location=Ithaca|publisher=Cornell University Press|isbn=978-0-8014-4014-4}}
-*{{cite thesis|ref=harv|last=Kim|first=Suzy|title=Politics of Empowerment: Everyday Life Within the North Korean Revolution (1945-1950)|type=Ph.D. thesis|url=http://pi.lib.uchicago.edu/1001/cat/bib/5717512|year=2005|publisher=University of Chicago, Department of History|oclc=61883008}}
+*{{cite thesis|last=Kim|first=Suzy|title=Politics of Empowerment: Everyday Life Within the North Korean Revolution (1945-1950)|type=Ph.D. thesis|url=http://pi.lib.uchicago.edu/1001/cat/bib/5717512|year=2005|publisher=University of Chicago, Department of History|oclc=61883008}}
-*{{Cite journal|ref = harv | title = Women and Revolution in North Korea | last = Park | first = Kyung Ae | journal = Pacific Affairs | date = 1992| volume = 65 | issue = 4 | pages = 527–545  | url = http://www.jstor.org/stable/2760318|doi=}}
+*{{Cite journal| title = Women and Revolution in North Korea | last = Park | first = Kyung Ae | journal = Pacific Affairs | date = 1992| volume = 65 | issue = 4 | pages = 527–545  | jstor = 2760318|doi=10.2307/2760318}}
 ==Further reading==
-*{{cite journal |ref = harv|last=Kim |first=Suzy |date=2006 |title=Revolutionary Mothers: Women in the North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950 |url=http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=7909620 |journal=Comparative Studies in Society and History|volume=52|issue=4 |pages=742–767 |doi=10.1017/S0010417510000459}}
+*{{cite journal |last=Kim |first=Suzy |date=2010 |title=Revolutionary Mothers: Women in the North Korean Revolution, 1945–1950 |journal=Comparative Studies in Society and History|volume=52|issue=4 |pages=742–767 |doi=10.1017/S0010417510000459|doi-access=free }}
-*{{cite book|ref = harv|last=Park|first=Hyon Ok|editor1=Elaine H. Kim|editor2=Chungmoo Choi|title=Dangerous Women: Gender and Korean Nationalism|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=48TDGAn1d4IC&pg=PA229|year=1998|publisher=Routledge|location=New York|isbn=978-1-136-04806-7|pages=229–248|chapter=Ideals of Liberation: Korean Women in Manchuria}}
-*{{cite book|ref = harv |last=Park|first=Kyung Ae|editor=Mary Ann Tétreault|title=Women and Revolution in Africa, Asia, and the New World|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=X95R043HBJwC|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=X95R043HBJwC&lpg=PP1&pg=PA161#v=onepage&q&f=false|year=1994|publisher=University of South Carolina Press|location=Columbia|isbn=978-1-57003-016-1|pages=161–191|chapter=Women and Revolution in South and North Korea}}
+*{{cite book|last=Park|first=Hyon Ok|editor1=Elaine H. Kim|editor2=Chungmoo Choi|title=Dangerous Women: Gender and Korean Nationalism|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=48TDGAn1d4IC&pg=PA229|year=1998|publisher=Routledge|location=New York|isbn=978-1-136-04806-7|pages=229–248|chapter=Ideals of Liberation: Korean Women in Manchuria}}
+*{{cite book|last=Park|first=Kyung Ae|editor=Mary Ann Tétreault|title=Women and Revolution in Africa, Asia, and the New World|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=X95R043HBJwC|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=X95R043HBJwC&pg=PA161|year=1994|publisher=University of South Carolina Press|location=Columbia|isbn=978-1-57003-016-1|pages=161–191|chapter=Women and Revolution in South and North Korea}}
-*{{cite journal |ref = harv|last=Ryang |first=Sonia|date=2000 |title=Gender in Oblivion: Women in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea)|url=http://jas.sagepub.com/content/35/3/323.citation|journal=Journal of Asian and African Studies|volume=35|issue=3 |pages=323–349 |doi=10.1177/002190960003500303 }}
+*{{cite journal |last=Ryang |first=Sonia|date=2000 |title=Gender in Oblivion: Women in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea)|url=http://jas.sagepub.com/content/35/3/323.citation|journal=Journal of Asian and African Studies|volume=35|issue=3 |pages=323–349 |doi=10.1177/002190960003500303 |s2cid=220927559 }}
+{{Women in North Korean politics}}
-[[Category:History of North Korea]]
+[[Category:1940s in North Korea]]
-[[Category:Women in North Korea]]
+[[Category:Women in revolutions|North Korean]]
+[[Category:History of women in North Korea]]

v t e Women in North Korean politics
Activists	Ho Jong-suk (CPK)
Politicians	Choe Son-hui (WPK) Han Kwang-bok Han Pil-hwa Hwang Sun-hui (WPK) Hong Son-ok (WPK) Hyon Song-wol (WPK) Jong Song-ok Kim Jong-im (WPK) Kim Jong-suk (WPK) Kim Kum-sil Kim Pok-sin Kim Rak-hui (WPK) Kim Song-hye (WPK) O Chun-bok (WPK) Pak Kyong-suk (WPK) Pak Yong-sin (WPK) Ri Yong-suk Ro Song-sil (WPK) Ryo Won-gu (WPK) Ryu Mi-yong (CCP) Pak Chong-ae (WPK) Pak Myong-sun (WPK) Yun Gi-jong (WPK)
Kim family members	Kang Pan-sok Kim Jong-suk Kim Kyong-hui Kim Yo-jong Kim Sol-song Kim Song-ae Ri Sol-ju
Women's organizations	Socialist Women's Union of Korea Korean Woman
Related topics	Women in North Korea Women in the North Korean Revolution Women's rights in North Korea
Category:North Korean women in politics Media related to Women in North Korean politics at Wikimedia Commons