Jakarta–Peking Axis: Difference between revisions
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The '''Jakarta–Peking axis''', also known as the '''Djakarta–Peking–Pyongyang–Hanoi–Phnom Penh Axis''' was a form of geopolitical alignment during the Cold War era, representing a strategic convergence between [[Indonesia]], [[North Korea]], and [[China]]. This political alignment was inaugurated in January 1965 as part of President |
The '''Jakarta–Peking axis''', also known as the '''Djakarta–Peking–Pyongyang–Hanoi–Phnom Penh Axis''' was a form of geopolitical alignment during the Cold War era, representing a strategic convergence between [[Indonesia]], [[North Korea]], and [[China]]. This political alignment was inaugurated in January 1965 as part of President Sukarno's foreign policy during Indonesia's [[Guided Democracy in Indonesia|Guided Democracy]] era. Although Indonesia maintained a nominally free and active foreign policy, Sukarno's administration exhibited strong [[Anti-Western sentiment|anti-Western sentiments]] and gravitated towards [[Communist state|communist countries]]. |
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== Political alignment == |
== Political alignment == |
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A notable manifestation of this policy was Indonesia's [[Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation|confrontation with Malaysia]]. President |
A notable manifestation of this policy was Indonesia's [[Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation|confrontation with Malaysia]]. President Sukarno perceived the formation of the [[Malaysia|Malaysian federation]] as an act of [[Western imperialism in Asia]]. Consequently, when Malaysia was appointed a non-permanent member of the [[United Nations Security Council]] (UNSC), Indonesia [[Indonesia and the United Nations|withdrew]] from the [[United Nations]] in protest.<ref>{{cite news |author=Gutierrez, Natashya |date=2016-08-22 |title=What happened when Indonesia 'withdrew' from the United Nations |url=https://www.rappler.com/world/regions/asia-pacific/indonesia/bahasa/englishedition/143883-united-nations-withdrawal-philippines-duterte |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161101151415/https://www.rappler.com/world/regions/asia-pacific/indonesia/bahasa/englishedition/143883-united-nations-withdrawal-philippines-duterte |archive-date=2016-11-01 |access-date=2018-09-08 |work=Rappler}}</ref> The conflict between Indonesia and Malaysia had elicited reactions from the [[United Kingdom|Britain]] and [[Australia]], which supported Malaysia. After Singapore's separation from Malaysia on August 9, 1965, Sukarno further reinforced his strong belief in confrontation. To strengthen Indonesia's position along with other anti-imperialist countries, in a speech on the occasion of August 17, 1965, he announced the establishment of the Jakarta–Peking axis.<ref name="Ricklefs580">{{Cite book |last=Ricklefs |first=M.C. |title=Sejarah Modern Indonesia 1200-2008 |date=2010 |publisher=Serambi |isbn=978-602-290-065-8 |location=Jakarta |pages=580 }}</ref> This axis was intended to break the 'Old Established Forces' (OLDEFOS) and rally the 'New Emerging Forces' (NEFOS).<ref name="Wibiwo30">{{Cite book |last1=Wibowo |title=Merangkul Cina: Hubungan Indonesia-Cina Pasca-Soeharto |last2=Hadi |first2=Syamsul |date=2009 |publisher=Kepustakaan Gramedia Utama |isbn=978-979-22-4493-9 |location=Jakarta |pages=30 }}</ref> OLDEFOS, representing imperialist and colonialist powers primarily in the capitalistic [[Western Bloc|Western bloc]], and NEFOS, comprising anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist nations, notably in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.<ref name="Budiman154">{{Cite book |last=Budiman |first=Agus |title=Jurnal Ilmiah Cakrawala: Hasil Penelitian dan Pemikiran |date=2014 |publisher=LPPM Universitas Galuh |volume=5 |location=Ciamis |pages=154–155 }}</ref> For Indonesia at the time, the politics of [[Non-Aligned Movement|non-alignment]] is does not inherently mean the politics of [[Neutral country|neutralism]]. In essence of the belief of Sukarno, non-alignment is the embodiment of active itself, so that Indonesian diplomacy at that time was directed at placing Indonesia not as an passive participant, but as an influential player in international politics.<ref name="Poesponegoro345">{{Cite book |last1=Poesponegoro |first1=Marwati Djoened |title=Sejarah Nasional Indonesia |last2=Notosusanto |first2=Nugroho |date=1993 |publisher=Balai Pustaka |volume=Jilid VI |location=Jakarta |pages=345 }}</ref> |
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This further increased Indonesia's diplomatic isolation from other [[Asia|Asian]]-[[Africa|African]] countries. Therefore, through [[Subandrio|Soebandrio]], Indonesia tried to solidify the Jakarta-Peking (Beijing) relationship. At that time, Premier [[Zhou Enlai]] offered to arm a people's militia called the [[Fifth Force (Indonesia)|Fifth Force]].<ref name="Ricklefs576">{{Cite book |last=Ricklefs |first=M.C. |title=Sejarah Modern Indonesia 1200-2008 |date=2010 |
This further increased Indonesia's diplomatic isolation from other [[Asia|Asian]]-[[Africa|African]] countries. Therefore, through [[Subandrio|Soebandrio]], Indonesia tried to solidify the Jakarta-Peking (Beijing) relationship. At that time, Premier [[Zhou Enlai]] offered to arm a people's militia called the [[Fifth Force (Indonesia)|Fifth Force]].<ref name="Ricklefs576">{{Cite book |last=Ricklefs |first=M.C. |title=Sejarah Modern Indonesia 1200-2008 |date=2010|publisher=Serambi |isbn=978-602-290-065-8 |location=Jakarta |pages=576–578 }}</ref> In this regard, the [[Communist Party of Indonesia|Indonesian Communist Party]] (PKI) led by [[D. N. Aidit|D.N. Aidit]] urged the formation of the Fifth Force, whose members were recruited from urban workers and laborers, agricultural laborers, and armed rural poor peasants.<ref name="Mortimer139">{{Cite book |last=Mortimer |first=Rex |title=Indonesian Communism Under Sukarno: Ideologi dan Politik 1959-1965 |date=2011 |publisher=Pustaka Pelajar |isbn=978-979-3780-29-0 |location=Yogyakarta |pages=139 }}</ref> Sukarno's Jakarta-Peking axis, supported by the PKI, also marked a shift from Moscow’s non-capitalist and [[peaceful coexistence]] policy approach to Beijing’s anti-imperialism and self-reliance ideas.<ref name="Törnquist67">{{Cite book |last=Trönquist |first=Olle |title=Penghancuran PKI |date=2011 |publisher=Komunitas Bambu |isbn= |location=Jakarta |pages=67 }}</ref> |
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== End == |
== End == |
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[[File:1967-07 1967年4月 民众到印尼驻华大使馆门前抗议游行.jpg|thumb|Protest at the Indonesian embassy in Beijing in April 1967 following Suharto's assumption of presidential power]] |
[[File:1967-07 1967年4月 民众到印尼驻华大使馆门前抗议游行.jpg|thumb|Protest at the Indonesian embassy in Beijing in April 1967 following Suharto's assumption of presidential power]] |
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After the birth of the [[New Order (Indonesia)|New Order]] in 1966, Indonesia's foreign policy radically changed. As a result of the attempted coup by the [[30 September Movement|September 30th Movement]] (G30S) in 1965, relations between Indonesia and China were strained. In fact, the [[Embassy of Indonesia, Beijing|Indonesian Embassy in Beijing]] was closed for an indefinite period. Meanwhile, confrontation with Malaysia and Singapore was no longer considered appropriate. At that time, the originally confrontational political direction changed, and the |
After the birth of the [[New Order (Indonesia)|New Order]] in 1966, Indonesia's foreign policy radically changed. As a result of the attempted coup by the [[30 September Movement|September 30th Movement]] (G30S) in 1965, relations between Indonesia and China were strained. In fact, the [[Embassy of Indonesia, Beijing|Indonesian Embassy in Beijing]] was closed for an indefinite period. Meanwhile, confrontation with Malaysia and Singapore was no longer considered appropriate. At that time, the originally confrontational political direction changed, and the Jakarta–Peking axis ended.<ref name="Poesponegoro476">{{Cite book |last1=Poesponegoro |first1=Marwati Djoened |title=Sejarah Nasional Indonesia |last2=Notosusanto |first2=Nugroho |date=1993 |publisher=Balai Pustaka |volume=Jilid VI |location=Jakarta |pages=476 }}</ref> |
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== See also == |
== See also == |
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[[Category:1965 in Indonesia]] |
[[Category:1965 in Indonesia]] |
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[[Category:Political history of Indonesia]] |
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[[Category:Mao Zedong]] |
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[[Category:China–Indonesia relations]] |
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[[Category:1965 in international relations]] |
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[[Category:History of the foreign relations of China]] |
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[[Category:Anti-Western sentiment]] |
Latest revision as of 09:07, 5 December 2024
The Jakarta–Peking axis, also known as the Djakarta–Peking–Pyongyang–Hanoi–Phnom Penh Axis was a form of geopolitical alignment during the Cold War era, representing a strategic convergence between Indonesia, North Korea, and China. This political alignment was inaugurated in January 1965 as part of President Sukarno's foreign policy during Indonesia's Guided Democracy era. Although Indonesia maintained a nominally free and active foreign policy, Sukarno's administration exhibited strong anti-Western sentiments and gravitated towards communist countries.
Political alignment
[edit]A notable manifestation of this policy was Indonesia's confrontation with Malaysia. President Sukarno perceived the formation of the Malaysian federation as an act of Western imperialism in Asia. Consequently, when Malaysia was appointed a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), Indonesia withdrew from the United Nations in protest.[1] The conflict between Indonesia and Malaysia had elicited reactions from the Britain and Australia, which supported Malaysia. After Singapore's separation from Malaysia on August 9, 1965, Sukarno further reinforced his strong belief in confrontation. To strengthen Indonesia's position along with other anti-imperialist countries, in a speech on the occasion of August 17, 1965, he announced the establishment of the Jakarta–Peking axis.[2] This axis was intended to break the 'Old Established Forces' (OLDEFOS) and rally the 'New Emerging Forces' (NEFOS).[3] OLDEFOS, representing imperialist and colonialist powers primarily in the capitalistic Western bloc, and NEFOS, comprising anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist nations, notably in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.[4] For Indonesia at the time, the politics of non-alignment is does not inherently mean the politics of neutralism. In essence of the belief of Sukarno, non-alignment is the embodiment of active itself, so that Indonesian diplomacy at that time was directed at placing Indonesia not as an passive participant, but as an influential player in international politics.[5]
This further increased Indonesia's diplomatic isolation from other Asian-African countries. Therefore, through Soebandrio, Indonesia tried to solidify the Jakarta-Peking (Beijing) relationship. At that time, Premier Zhou Enlai offered to arm a people's militia called the Fifth Force.[6] In this regard, the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) led by D.N. Aidit urged the formation of the Fifth Force, whose members were recruited from urban workers and laborers, agricultural laborers, and armed rural poor peasants.[7] Sukarno's Jakarta-Peking axis, supported by the PKI, also marked a shift from Moscow’s non-capitalist and peaceful coexistence policy approach to Beijing’s anti-imperialism and self-reliance ideas.[8]
End
[edit]After the birth of the New Order in 1966, Indonesia's foreign policy radically changed. As a result of the attempted coup by the September 30th Movement (G30S) in 1965, relations between Indonesia and China were strained. In fact, the Indonesian Embassy in Beijing was closed for an indefinite period. Meanwhile, confrontation with Malaysia and Singapore was no longer considered appropriate. At that time, the originally confrontational political direction changed, and the Jakarta–Peking axis ended.[9]
See also
[edit]Reference
[edit]- ^ Gutierrez, Natashya (2016-08-22). "What happened when Indonesia 'withdrew' from the United Nations". Rappler. Archived from the original on 2016-11-01. Retrieved 2018-09-08.
- ^ Ricklefs, M.C. (2010). Sejarah Modern Indonesia 1200-2008. Jakarta: Serambi. p. 580. ISBN 978-602-290-065-8.
- ^ Wibowo; Hadi, Syamsul (2009). Merangkul Cina: Hubungan Indonesia-Cina Pasca-Soeharto. Jakarta: Kepustakaan Gramedia Utama. p. 30. ISBN 978-979-22-4493-9.
- ^ Budiman, Agus (2014). Jurnal Ilmiah Cakrawala: Hasil Penelitian dan Pemikiran. Vol. 5. Ciamis: LPPM Universitas Galuh. pp. 154–155.
- ^ Poesponegoro, Marwati Djoened; Notosusanto, Nugroho (1993). Sejarah Nasional Indonesia. Vol. Jilid VI. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka. p. 345.
- ^ Ricklefs, M.C. (2010). Sejarah Modern Indonesia 1200-2008. Jakarta: Serambi. pp. 576–578. ISBN 978-602-290-065-8.
- ^ Mortimer, Rex (2011). Indonesian Communism Under Sukarno: Ideologi dan Politik 1959-1965. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. p. 139. ISBN 978-979-3780-29-0.
- ^ Trönquist, Olle (2011). Penghancuran PKI. Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu. p. 67.
- ^ Poesponegoro, Marwati Djoened; Notosusanto, Nugroho (1993). Sejarah Nasional Indonesia. Vol. Jilid VI. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka. p. 476.