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{{Short description|Controversial judicial practice, particularly in the United States}}
{{Short description|Controversial judicial practice}}
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{{mergefrom|Judicial activism in the European Union|Judicial activism in Canada|Judicial activism in India|discuss=Talk:Judicial_activism#Merger_proposal_of:_Judicial_activism_in_the_European_Union,_Canada_and_India,_into_this_article|date=July 2022}}
'''Judicial activism''' is a judicial philosophy holding that the courts can and should go beyond the applicable law to consider broader societal implications of its decisions. It is sometimes used as an antonym of [[judicial restraint]].<ref name="cwolfe">{{cite book|first = Christopher |last = Wolfe|title = Judicial activism|publisher = Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. |isbn = 0-8476-8531-4|url = https://books.google.com/books?id=OtQu8dnH9coC&q=0-8476-8531-4&pg=PR4|date = 1997}}</ref> The term usually implies that judges make rulings based on their own views rather than on [[precedent]].<ref>{{cite web|title=judicial activism {{!}} Definition, Types, Examples, & Facts {{!}} Britannica|url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/judicial-activism|access-date=2022-02-18|website=www.britannica.com|language=en|quote=It is not pejorative, and studies suggest that it does not have a consistent political valence.}}</ref> The definition of judicial activism and the specific decisions that are activist are controversial political issues. The question of judicial activism is closely related to [[judicial interpretation]], [[statutory interpretation]], and [[separation of powers]].
'''Judicial activism''' is a judicial philosophy holding that courts can and should go beyond the applicable law to consider broader societal implications of their decisions. It is sometimes used as an antonym of [[judicial restraint]].<ref name="cwolfe">{{cite book|first = Christopher |last = Wolfe|title = Judicial activism|publisher = Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. |isbn = 0-8476-8531-4|url = https://books.google.com/books?id=OtQu8dnH9coC&q=0-8476-8531-4&pg=PR4|year= 1997}}</ref> The term usually implies that judges make rulings based on their own views rather than on [[precedent]].<ref>{{cite web|title=judicial activism {{!}} Definition, Types, Examples, & Facts {{!}} Britannica|url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/judicial-activism|access-date=2022-02-18|website=www.britannica.com|language=en|quote=It is not pejorative, and studies suggest that it does not have a consistent political valence.}}</ref> The definition of judicial activism and the specific decisions that are activist are controversial political issues. The question of judicial activism is closely related to [[judicial interpretation]], [[statutory interpretation]], and [[separation of powers]].


==Etymology==
==Etymology==
[[Arthur Schlesinger Jr.]] introduced the term "judicial activism" in a January 1947 [[Fortune (magazine)|''Fortune'' magazine]] article titled "The Supreme Court: 1947".<ref>{{cite journal|last=Kmiec|first=Keenan D.|title=The Origin and Current Meanings of 'Judicial Activism'|journal=Cal. L. Rev.|year=2004|volume=92|issue=5|pages=1441–1477|quote=Schlesinger's article profiled all nine Supreme Court justices on the Court at that time and explained the alliances and divisions among them. The article characterized Justices [[Hugo Black|Black]], [[William O. Douglas|Douglas]], [[Frank Murphy|Murphy]], and [[Wiley Blount Rutledge|Rutledge]] as the 'Judicial Activists' and Justices [[Felix Frankfurter|Frankfurter]], [[Robert H. Jackson|Jackson]], and [[Harold Hitz Burton|Burton]] as the 'Champions of Self Restraint.' Justice [[Stanley Forman Reed|Reed]] and Chief Justice [[Fred M. Vinson|Vinson]] comprised a middle group.|doi=10.2307/3481421|jstor=3481421|url=https://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/californialawreview/vol92/iss5/4 }}</ref>
[[Arthur Schlesinger Jr.]] introduced the term "judicial activism" in a January 1947 [[Fortune (magazine)|''Fortune'' magazine]] article titled "The Supreme Court: 1947".<ref>{{cite journal|last=Kmiec|first=Keenan D.|title=The Origin and Current Meanings of 'Judicial Activism'|journal=Cal. L. Rev.|year=2004|volume=92|issue=5|pages=1441–1477|quote=Schlesinger's article profiled all nine Supreme Court justices on the Court at that time and explained the alliances and divisions among them. The article characterized Justices [[Hugo Black|Black]], [[William O. Douglas|Douglas]], [[Frank Murphy|Murphy]], and [[Wiley Blount Rutledge|Rutledge]] as the 'Judicial Activists' and Justices [[Felix Frankfurter|Frankfurter]], [[Robert H. Jackson|Jackson]], and [[Harold Hitz Burton|Burton]] as the 'Champions of Self Restraint.' Justice [[Stanley Forman Reed|Reed]] and Chief Justice [[Fred M. Vinson|Vinson]] comprised a middle group.|doi=10.2307/3481421|jstor=3481421|url=https://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/californialawreview/vol92/iss5/4|archive-date=6 July 2017|access-date=12 June 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170706134849/http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/californialawreview/vol92/iss5/4/|url-status=dead}}</ref>


The phrase has been controversial since its beginning. An article by Craig Green, "An Intellectual History of Judicial Activism," is critical of Schlesinger's use of the term; "Schlesinger's original introduction of judicial activism was doubly blurred: not only did he fail to explain what counts as activism, he also declined to say whether activism is good or bad."<ref>[https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1410728 "An Intellectual History of Judicial Activism"] Craig Green, August 2008, p. 4</ref>
The phrase has been controversial since its beginning. An article by Craig Green, "An Intellectual History of Judicial Activism," is critical of Schlesinger's use of the term; "Schlesinger's original introduction of judicial activism was doubly blurred: not only did he fail to explain what counts as activism, he also declined to say whether activism is good or bad."<ref>[https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1410728 "An Intellectual History of Judicial Activism"] Craig Green, August 2008, p. 4</ref>


Even before this phrase was first used, the general concept already existed. For example, [[Thomas Jefferson]] referred to the "despotic behaviour" of [[Federalist Party|Federalist]] federal judges, in particular Chief Justice [[John Marshall]].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qWlMgSqhRv4C&pg=PA254|title=The Role of the Supreme Court in American Government and Politics 1789-1835|first=Charles Grove|last=Haines|date=June 11, 1944|publisher=University of California Press|via=Google Books}}</ref>
Even before this phrase was first used, the general concept already existed. For example, [[Thomas Jefferson]] referred to the "despotic behaviour" of [[Federalist Party|Federalist]] federal judges, in particular Chief Justice [[John Marshall]].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qWlMgSqhRv4C&pg=PA254|title=The Role of the Supreme Court in American Government and Politics 1789-1835|first=Charles Grove|last=Haines|year=1944|publisher=University of California Press|via=Google Books}}</ref>


==Definitions==
==Definitions==
{{Globalize|article|USA|2name=the United States|date=May 2017}}
{{Globalize|article|USA|2name=the United States|date=May 2017}}

A survey of judicial review in practice during the last three decades{{which|date=April 2021}} shows that judicial activism has characterized the decisions of the Supreme Court at different times.{{Citation needed|reason=Reliable source needed for the whole sentence|date=April 2021}}
''[[Black's Law Dictionary]]'' defines judicial activism as a "philosophy of judicial decision-making whereby judges allow their personal views about public policy, among other factors, to guide their decisions."<ref>As quoted in "Takings Clause Jurisprudence: Muddled, Perhaps; Judicial Activism, No" DF O'Scannlain, ''Geo. JL & Pub. Pol'y'', 2002</ref>
''[[Black's Law Dictionary]]'' defines judicial activism as a "philosophy of judicial decision-making whereby judges allow their personal views about public policy, among other factors, to guide their decisions."<ref>As quoted in "Takings Clause Jurisprudence: Muddled, Perhaps; Judicial Activism, No" DF O'Scannlain, ''Geo. JL & Pub. Pol'y'', 2002</ref>


Political science professor Bradley Canon has posited six dimensions along which judge courts may be perceived as activist:<ref>{{cite journal |first=Bradley C. |last=Canon |title=Defining the Dimensions of Judicial Activism |journal=Judicature |volume=66 |issue=6 |year=1983 |pages=236–247 |url=https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/judica66&i=238 }}</ref> majoritarianism, interpretive stability, interpretive fidelity, substance/democratic process, specificity of policy, and availability of an alternate policymaker.
Political science professor Bradley Canon has posited six dimensions along which judge courts may be perceived as activist:<ref>{{cite journal |first=Bradley C. |last=Canon |title=Defining the Dimensions of Judicial Activism |journal=Judicature |volume=66 |issue=6 |year=1983 |pages=236–247 |url=https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/judica66&i=238 }}</ref> majoritarianism, interpretive stability, interpretive fidelity, substance/democratic process, specificity of policy, and availability of an alternate policymaker.


David A. Strauss has argued that judicial activism can be narrowly defined as one or more of three possible actions: overturning laws as unconstitutional, overturning [[case law|judicial precedent]], and ruling against a preferred interpretation of the constitution.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.law.uchicago.edu/news/david-strauss-looks-history-and-future-activist-supreme-court|title=David Strauss Looks at History and Future of the "Activist" Supreme Court &#124; University of Chicago Law School|website=www.law.uchicago.edu}}</ref>
David A. Strauss has argued that judicial activism can be narrowly defined as one or more of three possible actions: overturning laws as unconstitutional, overturning [[case law|judicial precedent]], and ruling against a preferred interpretation of the constitution.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.law.uchicago.edu/news/david-strauss-looks-history-and-future-activist-supreme-court|title=David Strauss Looks at History and Future of the "Activist" Supreme Court &#124; University of Chicago Law School|website=www.law.uchicago.edu|date=12 July 2010 }}</ref>


Others have been less confident of the term's meaning, finding it instead to be little more than a rhetorical shorthand. [[Kermit Roosevelt III]] has argued that "in practice 'activist' turns out to be little more than a rhetorically charged shorthand for decisions the speaker disagrees with". Roosevelt defines judicial activism as "an approach to the exercise of judicial review, or a description of a particular judicial decision, in which a judge is generally considered more willing to decide constitutional issues and to invalidate legislative or executive actions.";<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/judicial-activism|title=judicial activism &#124; Definition, Types, Examples, & Facts &#124; Britannica|website=www.britannica.com}}</ref><ref name="roosevelt">Kermit Roosevelt, III, ''The Myth of Judicial Activism: Making Sense of Supreme Court Decisions'', Yale University Press, 2008, {{ISBN|0-300-12691-3}}, {{ISBN|978-0-300-12691-4}}.</ref> likewise, the [[Solicitor General of the United States|solicitor general]] under [[George W. Bush]], [[Theodore Olson]], said in an interview on ''[[Fox News Sunday]]'', with regard to [[Perry v. Schwarzenegger|a case for same-sex marriage he had successfully litigated]], that "most people use the term 'judicial activism' to explain decisions that they don't like."<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.foxnews.com/on-air/fox-news-sunday/transcript/ted-olson-debate-over-judicial-activism-and-same-sex-marriage|title=Ted Olson on Debate Over Judicial Activism and Same-Sex Marriage|work=Fox News Sunday|first1=Chris|last1=Wallace|first2=Theodore|last2=Olson|date=August 8, 2010|publisher=[[Fox News Channel]]}}</ref> Supreme Court Justice [[Anthony Kennedy]] said that, "An activist court is a court that makes a decision you don't like."<ref name="flewis">Frederick P. Lewis, ''The context of judicial activism: the endurance of the Warren Court legacy in a conservative age'', Rowman & Littlefield: 1999, {{ISBN|0-8476-8992-1}}</ref><ref>Matt Sedensky, "[https://web.archive.org/web/20100605163057/http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5iWhwP-GmuptNw-uw8t8Z_lb1YV2QD9FMQKRG0 Justice questions way court nominees are grilled]," Associated Press, May 14, 2010, accessed May 14, 2010</ref>
Others have been less confident of the term's meaning, finding it instead to be little more than a rhetorical shorthand. [[Kermit Roosevelt III]] has argued that "in practice 'activist' turns out to be little more than a rhetorically charged shorthand for decisions the speaker disagrees with". Roosevelt defines judicial activism as "an approach to the exercise of judicial review, or a description of a particular judicial decision, in which a judge is generally considered more willing to decide constitutional issues and to invalidate legislative or executive actions.";<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/judicial-activism|title=judicial activism &#124; Definition, Types, Examples, & Facts &#124; Britannica|website=www.britannica.com|date=29 December 2023 }}</ref><ref name="roosevelt">Kermit Roosevelt, III, ''The Myth of Judicial Activism: Making Sense of Supreme Court Decisions'', Yale University Press, 2008, {{ISBN|0-300-12691-3}}, {{ISBN|978-0-300-12691-4}}.</ref> likewise, the [[Solicitor General of the United States|solicitor general]] under [[George W. Bush]], [[Theodore Olson]], said in an interview on ''[[Fox News Sunday]]'', with regard to [[Perry v. Schwarzenegger|a case for same-sex marriage he had successfully litigated]], that "most people use the term 'judicial activism' to explain decisions that they don't like."<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.foxnews.com/on-air/fox-news-sunday/transcript/ted-olson-debate-over-judicial-activism-and-same-sex-marriage|title=Ted Olson on Debate Over Judicial Activism and Same-Sex Marriage|work=Fox News Sunday|first1=Chris|last1=Wallace|first2=Theodore|last2=Olson|date=August 8, 2010|publisher=[[Fox News Channel]]}}</ref> Supreme Court Justice [[Anthony Kennedy]] said that, "An activist court is a court that makes a decision you don't like."<ref name="flewis">Frederick P. Lewis, ''The context of judicial activism: the endurance of the Warren Court legacy in a conservative age'', Rowman & Littlefield: 1999, {{ISBN|0-8476-8992-1}}</ref><ref>Matt Sedensky, "[https://web.archive.org/web/20100605163057/http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5iWhwP-GmuptNw-uw8t8Z_lb1YV2QD9FMQKRG0 Justice questions way court nominees are grilled]," Associated Press, May 14, 2010, Retrieved 14 May 2010</ref>


==Indeterminacy debate in legal theory==
Echoed sentiments in many articles, such as "The courts have gradually abandoned their proper role of policing the structural limits on government and neutrally interpreting the laws and constitutional provisions without personal bias."<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.heritage.org/the-constitution/report/how-spot-judicial-activism-three-recent-examples|title=How to Spot Judicial Activism: Three Recent Examples|first=Elizabeth|last=Slattery|website=The Heritage Foundation}}</ref>
{{See also|Indeterminacy debate in legal theory|Legal formalism}}
Defenders of judicial activism say that in many cases it is a legitimate form of [[judicial review]] and that the [[judicial interpretation|interpretation]] of the law must change with changing times. [[Sunset provisions]] can limit the interpretation uncertainties in the law.<ref name="y665">{{cite journal | last=Davis | first=Lewis Anthony | title=Review Procedures And Public Accountability In Sunset Legislation: An Analysis And Proposal For Reform | journal=Administrative Law Review | publisher=American Bar Association | volume=33 | issue=4 | year=1981 | issn=0001-8368 | jstor=40709182 | pages=393–413 | url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/40709182}}</ref>


According to law professor Brian Z. Tamanaha, "Throughout the so-called formalist age, it turns out, many prominent judges and jurists acknowledged that there were gaps and uncertainties in the law and that judges must sometimes make choices."<ref>{{cite book |first=Brian Z. |last=Tamanaha |title=Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging |publisher=Princeton University Press |year=2010 |isbn=978-0-691-14279-1 }}</ref><ref>See also, Alschuler, Albert W., ''Law Without Values: The Life, Work, and Legacy of Justice Holmes'' (University of Chicago Press, 2000), p.&nbsp;98. ("Possibly some now-obscure German legal theorist fit Holmes's description [in ''The Common Law''] of the deductive formalist bogeyman, but I know of no American who did.")</ref> Under this view, any judge's use of [[judicial discretion]] will necessarily be shaped by that judge's personal and professional experience and his or her views on a wide range of matters, from legal and juridical philosophy to morals and ethics. This implies a tension between granting flexibility (to enable the dispensing of justice) and placing bounds on that flexibility (to hold judges to ruling from legal grounds rather than extralegal ones).
[[Richard H. Fallon Jr.]] quotes Justice Holmes "great cases... make bad law." in their explanation on presidential overreach. "Presidents frequently interpret their own powers without judicial review and where executive precedents play a large role in subsequent interpretive debates, some of the historical assertions of presidential authority that stretch constitutional and statutory language the furthest seem hard to condemn in light of the practical stakes."<ref>{{Cite journal|url=https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/dlj/vol63/iss2/2|title=Interpreting Presidential Powers|first=Richard|last=Fallon|date=November 1, 2013|journal=Duke Law Journal|volume=63|issue=2|pages=347–392}}</ref>


[[Critical legal studies]] argues that political argument and legal argument cannot be entirely separated.<ref name="Price">[https://doi.org/10.1017/S0008197300105318 Price, David Andrew. "Taking rights cynically: a review of critical legal studies." The Cambridge Law Journal 48.2 (1989): 271-301.]</ref>
==Debate==
{{Globalize|article|USA|2name=the United States|date=May 2017}}


Sentiments include: "The courts have gradually abandoned their proper role of policing the structural limits on government and neutrally interpreting the laws and constitutional provisions without personal bias."<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.heritage.org/the-constitution/report/how-spot-judicial-activism-three-recent-examples|title=How to Spot Judicial Activism: Three Recent Examples|first=Elizabeth|last=Slattery|website=The Heritage Foundation}}</ref>
Detractors of judicial activism charge that it usurps the power of the elected branches of government and of legislatively created agencies, damaging the rule of law and democracy.<ref>Justice [[Antonin Scalia]]'s dissent in ''[[Romer v. Evans]]''; [https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/94-1039.ZD.html Romer, ''Governor of Colorado, et al. v. Evans et al.'' (94-1039), 517 U.S. 620 (1996).]</ref> Defenders of judicial activism say that in many cases it is a legitimate form of [[judicial review]] and that the interpretation of the law must change with changing times.

A third view is that so-called "objective" or [[Legal formalism|"formalist"]] interpretation of the law does not exist. According to law professor Brian Z. Tamanaha, "Throughout the so-called formalist age, it turns out, many prominent judges and jurists acknowledged that there were gaps and uncertainties in the law and that judges must sometimes make choices."<ref>{{cite book |first=Brian Z. |last=Tamanaha |title=Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging |publisher=Princeton University Press |year=2010 |isbn=978-0-691-14279-1 }}</ref><ref>See also, Alschuler, Albert W., ''Law Without Values: The Life, Work, and Legacy of Justice Holmes'' (University of Chicago Press, 2000), p.&nbsp;98. ("Possibly some now-obscure German legal theorist fit Holmes's description [in ''The Common Law''] of the deductive formalist bogeyman, but I know of no American who did.")</ref>
Under this view, any judge's use of [[judicial discretion]] will necessarily be shaped by that judge's personal and professional experience and his or her views on a wide range of matters, from legal and juridical philosophy to morals and ethics. This implies a tension between granting flexibility (to enable the dispensing of justice) and placing bounds on that flexibility (to hold judges to ruling from legal grounds rather than extralegal ones).


==Judicial independence==
{{See also|Judicial independence}}
Some proponents of a stronger judiciary argue that the judiciary helps provide checks and balances and should grant itself an expanded role to counterbalance the effects of transient [[majoritarianism]], i.e., there should be an increase in the powers of a branch of government that is not directly subject to the electorate, so that the majority cannot dominate or oppress any particular minority through its elective powers.<ref>{{cite book |first=John Hart |last=Ely |title=Democracy and Distrust |location=Cambridge |publisher=Harvard University Press |year=1980 |at=chapters 4–6 |isbn=0-674-19636-8 }}</ref> Other scholars have proposed that judicial activism is most appropriate when it restrains the tendency of democratic majorities to act out of passion and prejudice rather than after reasoned deliberation.<ref>Evan Zoldan, "Targeted Judicial Activism," 16 Green Bag 2d 465-66 (2014) {{SSRN|2310915}}</ref>
Some proponents of a stronger judiciary argue that the judiciary helps provide checks and balances and should grant itself an expanded role to counterbalance the effects of transient [[majoritarianism]], i.e., there should be an increase in the powers of a branch of government that is not directly subject to the electorate, so that the majority cannot dominate or oppress any particular minority through its elective powers.<ref>{{cite book |first=John Hart |last=Ely |title=Democracy and Distrust |location=Cambridge |publisher=Harvard University Press |year=1980 |at=chapters 4–6 |isbn=0-674-19636-8 }}</ref> Other scholars have proposed that judicial activism is most appropriate when it restrains the tendency of democratic majorities to act out of passion and prejudice rather than after reasoned deliberation.<ref>Evan Zoldan, "Targeted Judicial Activism," 16 Green Bag 2d 465-66 (2014) {{SSRN|2310915}}</ref>


[[Richard H. Fallon Jr.]] quotes Justice Holmes "great cases... make bad law." in their explanation on presidential overreach. "Presidents frequently interpret their own powers without judicial review and where executive precedents play a large role in subsequent interpretive debates, some of the historical assertions of presidential authority that stretch constitutional and statutory language the furthest seem hard to condemn in light of the practical stakes."<ref>{{Cite journal|url=https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/dlj/vol63/iss2/2|title=Interpreting Presidential Powers|first=Richard|last=Fallon|date=November 1, 2013|journal=Duke Law Journal|volume=63|issue=2|pages=347–392}}</ref>
Moreover, they argue that the judiciary strikes down actions of both elected and unelected officials, in some instances acts of legislative bodies reflecting the view the transient majority may have had at the moment of passage and not necessarily the view the transient majority may have at the time the legislation is struck down. Also, the judges that are appointed are usually appointed by previously elected executive officials so that judges' philosophy should reflect that of those who nominated them, and that an independent judiciary is a great asset to civil society since special interests are unable to dictate their version of constitutional interpretation with the threat of stopping political donations.

==Electoral accountability==
{{See also|Accountability|Legitimacy (political)}}
Detractors of judicial activism charge that it usurps the power of the elected branches of government and of legislatively created agencies, damaging the rule of law and democracy.<ref>Justice [[Antonin Scalia]]'s dissent in ''[[Romer v. Evans]]''; [https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/94-1039.ZD.html Romer, ''Governor of Colorado, et al. v. Evans et al.'' (94-1039), 517 U.S. 620 (1996).]</ref> Advocates of [[Democracy indices#Difficulties in measuring democracy|minimalist definitions of democracy]] focus on [[Accountability#Electoral accountability|electoral accountability]] as source of [[Legitimacy (political)|political legitimacy]], while maximalist definitions of democracy, include additional values typically enshrined in the constitutions.<ref name="s735">{{cite journal | last=Feldman | first=David | title=Democracy, the Rule of Law and Judicial Review | journal=Federal Law Review | volume=19 | issue=1 | date=1990 | issn=0067-205X | doi=10.1177/0067205X9001900101 | pages=1–30}}</ref> [[Parliamentary sovereignty]] views [[legislative bodies]] as supreme over [[judiciary]].<ref name="p672">{{cite journal | title=Statutory Interpretation and Legislative Supremacy | journal=78 Geo. L. J. 281 (1989-1990) | url=https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/glj78&div=19&id=&page= }}</ref> [[Constitutionalism]] views the constitution as supreme.<ref>Don E. Fehrenbacher, ''Constitutions and Constitutionalism in the Slaveholding South'' (University of Georgia Press, 1989). p. 1. {{ISBN|978-0-8203-1119-7}}.</ref>


==By country==
== United States examples ==
=== United States ===
The following rulings have been characterized{{by whom|date=February 2021}} as judicial activism.
{{See also|Criticism of the United States Supreme Court}}
The following rulings have been characterized as judicial activism.
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* ''[[Dred Scott v. Sandford]]'' - 1857 decision ruling that [[African-Americans]] could not claim citizen rights even if they had resided in [[Free state (United States)|free states]].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Hall |first=Kermit |title=Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |year=1992 |isbn=9780195176612 |pages=889 |quote=American legal and constitutional scholars consider the Dred Scott decision to be the worst ever rendered by the Supreme Court. Historians have abundantly documented its role in crystallizing attitudes that led to war. Taney's opinion stands as a model of censurable judicial craft and failed judicial statesmanship. |author-link=Kermit L. Hall}}</ref>
* ''[[Brown v. Board of Education]]'' – 1954 Supreme Court ruling ordering the [[desegregation]] of public schools.<ref>Vincent Martin Bonventre, "Judicial activism, judges' speech, and merit selection: conventional wisdom and nonsense," ''Albany Law Review'', Summer 2005, [http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_hb3243/is_3_68/ai_n29195145/ Judicial activism, judges' speech, and merit selection: conventional wisdom and nonsense] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111125010044/http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_hb3243/is_3_68/ai_n29195145/ |date=2011-11-25 }} Albany Law Review, 2005</ref>
* ''[[Brown v. Board of Education]]'' – 1954 Supreme Court ruling ordering the [[desegregation]] of public schools.<ref>Vincent Martin Bonventre, "Judicial activism, judges' speech, and merit selection: conventional wisdom and nonsense," ''Albany Law Review'', Summer 2005, [http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_hb3243/is_3_68/ai_n29195145/ Judicial activism, judges' speech, and merit selection: conventional wisdom and nonsense] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111125010044/http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_hb3243/is_3_68/ai_n29195145/ |date=2011-11-25 }} Albany Law Review, 2005</ref>
* ''[[Roe v. Wade]]'' – 1973 Supreme Court ruling creating the constitutional right to an abortion.<ref name=":1">{{harvnb|Greenhouse|2005|pp=135–36}}</ref>
* ''[[Roe v. Wade]]'' – 1973 Supreme Court ruling creating the constitutional right to an abortion.<ref name=":1">{{harvnb|Greenhouse|2005|pp=135–36}}</ref>
* ''[[Bush v. Gore]]'' – The [[Supreme Court of the United States|United States Supreme Court]] case between the major-party candidates in the [[2000 United States presidential election|2000 presidential election]], [[George W. Bush]] and [[Al Gore]]. The justices voted 5–4 to halt the [[United States presidential election in Florida, 2000#Recount|recount of ballots in Florida]] and as a result Bush was chosen as president.<ref>[http://www.timesherald.com/articles/2009/06/02/opinion/doc4a235c6518fba759201011.txt The real case of judicial activism] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160307172315/http://www.timesherald.com/articles/2009/06/02/opinion/doc4a235c6518fba759201011.txt |date=2016-03-07 }} ''The Times Herald'', June 2, 2009</ref>
* ''[[Bush v. Gore]]'' – The [[Supreme Court of the United States|United States Supreme Court]] case between the major-party candidates in the [[2000 United States presidential election|2000 presidential election]], [[George W. Bush]] and [[Al Gore]]. The justices voted 5–4 to halt the [[United States presidential election in Florida, 2000#Recount|recount of ballots in Florida]] and as a result Bush was chosen as president.<ref>[http://www.timesherald.com/articles/2009/06/02/opinion/doc4a235c6518fba759201011.txt The real case of judicial activism] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160307172315/http://www.timesherald.com/articles/2009/06/02/opinion/doc4a235c6518fba759201011.txt |date=2016-03-07 }} ''The Times Herald'', June 2, 2009</ref>
* ''[[Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District]]'' – 2005 Supreme Court decision declaring that [[intelligent design]] is not science.<ref>[http://www.evolutionnews.org/2005/12/dover_intelligent_design_decis001761.html Dover Intelligent Design Decision Criticized as a Futile Attempt to Censor Science Education], Robert Crowther, Evolution News & Views, [[Discovery Institute]]</ref>
* ''[[Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission]]'' – 2010 Supreme Court decision declaring congressionally enacted limitations on [[corporate political spending]] and transparency as unconstitutional restrictions on free speech.<ref>{{cite web| last = Mann| first = Thomas E.| author-link = Thomas E. Mann| title = Commentary: Citizens United vs. FEC is an egregious exercise of judicial activism| publisher = [[The McClatchy Company|McClatchy News Service]]| date = January 26, 2010| url = http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2010/01/26/82982/commentary-citizens-united-is.html| access-date = April 29, 2010|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100315054252/http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2010/01/26/82982/commentary-citizens-united-is.html| archive-date = March 15, 2010| url-status = dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|url=https://illinoislawreview.org/wp-content/ilr-content/articles/2012/2/Stone.pdf|last=Stone|first=Geoffrey R.|title = Citizens United and Conservative Judicial Activism|journal = University of Illinois Law Review | volume = 2012|issue=2|pages=485–500|year=2012}}</ref>
* ''[[Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission]]'' – 2010 Supreme Court decision declaring congressionally enacted limitations on [[corporate political spending]] and transparency as unconstitutional restrictions on free speech.<ref>{{cite web| last = Mann| first = Thomas E.| author-link = Thomas E. Mann| title = Commentary: Citizens United vs. FEC is an egregious exercise of judicial activism| publisher = [[The McClatchy Company|McClatchy News Service]]| date = January 26, 2010| url = http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2010/01/26/82982/commentary-citizens-united-is.html| access-date = April 29, 2010|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100315054252/http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2010/01/26/82982/commentary-citizens-united-is.html| archive-date = March 15, 2010| url-status = dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal|url=https://illinoislawreview.org/wp-content/ilr-content/articles/2012/2/Stone.pdf|last=Stone|first=Geoffrey R.|title = Citizens United and Conservative Judicial Activism|journal = University of Illinois Law Review | volume = 2012|issue=2|pages=485–500|year=2012}}</ref>
* ''[[Obergefell v. Hodges]]'' – 2015 Supreme Court decision declaring same-sex marriage as a right guaranteed under the [[Due Process Clause]] and the [[Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fourteenth Amendment.]]<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.scotusblog.com/2015/06/symposium-ryan-anderson/|title=Symposium: Judicial activism on marriage causes harm: What does the future hold? - SCOTUSblog|date=2015-06-26|work=SCOTUSblog|access-date=2017-04-03|language=en-US}}</ref>
* ''[[Obergefell v. Hodges]]'' – 2015 Supreme Court decision declaring same-sex marriage as a right guaranteed under the [[Due Process Clause]] and the [[Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fourteenth Amendment.]]<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://www.scotusblog.com/2015/06/symposium-ryan-anderson/|title=Symposium: Judicial activism on marriage causes harm: What does the future hold? - SCOTUSblog|date=2015-06-26|work=SCOTUSblog|access-date=2017-04-03|language=en-US}}</ref>
*''[[Janus v. AFSCME]]'' – a 2018 Supreme Court decision addressing whether unions can require dues from all workers who benefit from collective bargaining agreements. The decision overturned the 41-year-old precedent of ''[[Abood v. Detroit Board of Education]]''.<ref>{{Cite news|last=Marvit|first=Moshe Z.|date=2018-02-26|title=Opinion {{!}} The Consequences of Judicial Activism on the Supreme Court (Published 2018)|language=en-US|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/26/opinion/judicial-activism-supreme-court.html|access-date=2020-10-25|issn=0362-4331}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Bruno|first=Robert|title=A Supreme Court ruling for Janus would be judicial activism at its worst|url=https://www.chicagotribune.com/opinion/commentary/ct-perspec-scotus-janus-afscme-unions-public-fair-share-0522-20180521-story.html|access-date=2020-10-25|website=chicagotribune.com}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|last=Chermerinsky|first=Edwin|date=July 9, 2018|title=The Supreme Court's Janus ruling was pure judicial activism. Unions, look out.|work=The Sacramento Bee|url=https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/california-forum/article214596740.html|access-date=October 25, 2020}}</ref>
* ''[[Janus v. AFSCME]]'' – a 2018 Supreme Court decision addressing whether unions can require dues from all workers who benefit from collective bargaining agreements. The decision overturned the 41-year-old precedent of ''[[Abood v. Detroit Board of Education]]''.<ref>{{Cite news|last=Marvit|first=Moshe Z.|date=2018-02-26|title=Opinion {{!}} The Consequences of Judicial Activism on the Supreme Court (Published 2018)|language=en-US|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2018/02/26/opinion/judicial-activism-supreme-court.html|access-date=2020-10-25|issn=0362-4331}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Bruno|first=Robert|title=A Supreme Court ruling for Janus would be judicial activism at its worst|url=https://www.chicagotribune.com/opinion/commentary/ct-perspec-scotus-janus-afscme-unions-public-fair-share-0522-20180521-story.html|access-date=2020-10-25|website=chicagotribune.com|date=21 May 2018 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|last=Chermerinsky|first=Edwin|date=July 9, 2018|title=The Supreme Court's Janus ruling was pure judicial activism. Unions, look out.|work=The Sacramento Bee|url=https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/california-forum/article214596740.html|access-date=October 25, 2020}}</ref>
*''[[Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of the University of California]]'' – a 2020 Supreme Court decision addressing whether the Department of Homeland Security under President [[Donald Trump]] had the authority to dismantle the [[Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals]] program initiated by Executive Order under former President [[Barack Obama]].<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.npr.org/2020/06/18/829858289/supreme-court-upholds-daca-in-blow-to-trump-administration|title=Supreme Court Rules For DREAMers, Against Trump|date=2020-06-18|work=NPR|access-date=2020-12-09|language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=https://lewisformn.com/2020/06/18/lewis-denounces-daca-ruling-as-judicial-activism/|title=Lewis Denounces DACA Ruling as Judicial Activism|date=2020-06-18|work=LewisForMN|access-date=2020-12-09|language=en-US}}</ref>
* ''[[Department of Homeland Security v. Regents of the University of California]]'' – a 2020 Supreme Court decision addressing whether the Department of Homeland Security under President [[Donald Trump]] had the authority to dismantle the [[Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals]] program initiated by Executive Order under former President [[Barack Obama]].<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.npr.org/2020/06/18/829858289/supreme-court-upholds-daca-in-blow-to-trump-administration|title=Supreme Court Rules For DREAMers, Against Trump|date=2020-06-18|work=NPR|access-date=2020-12-09|language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=https://lewisformn.com/2020/06/18/lewis-denounces-daca-ruling-as-judicial-activism/|title=Lewis Denounces DACA Ruling as Judicial Activism|date=2020-06-18|work=LewisForMN|access-date=2020-12-09|language=en-US}}</ref>
* ''[[Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization]]'' - a 2022 Supreme Court ruling reversing the effects of Roe v. Wade, allowing states once again to forbid abortion within their borders.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Filipovic |first=Jill |date=2023 |title=Conservatives love judicial activism – as long as the law is moved in their favor |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2023/apr/17/conservatives-judicial-activism-abortion-mifepristone |access-date= |website=The Guardian}}</ref>


Some US Presidents have also commented on the idea. When President [[George W. Bush]] announced his first nominations for the federal bench, he declared: {{blockquote|Every judge I appoint will be a person who clearly understands the role of a judge is to interpret the law, not to legislate from the bench. To paraphrase [[James Madison|4th president of the United States James Madison Jr]] (hailed as the Father of the Constitution for his role in drafting the [[Constitution of the United States]] and the [[United States Bill of Rights|Bill of Rights]]) the courts exist to exercise not the will of men, but the judgment of law. My judicial nominees will know the difference.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://fedsoc.org/commentary/publications/hot-topics-judicial-activism|title=Hot Topics: Judicial Activism|website=fedsoc.org}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://rewirenewsgroup.com/article/2006/06/20/judicial-activism-bush-style/|title=Judicial Activism Bush Style|website=Rewire News Group|date=20 June 2006 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/conlaw/sctsuicide.html|title=Untitled|website=law2.umkc.edu}}</ref>}}
Some US Presidents have also commented on the idea. When President [[George W. Bush]] announced his first nominations for the federal bench, he declared:{{blockquote|Every judge I appoint will be a person who clearly understands the role of a judge is to interpret the law, not to legislate from the bench. To paraphrase [[James Madison|4th president of the United States James Madison Jr]] (hailed as the Father of the Constitution for his role in drafting the [[Constitution of the United States]] and the [[United States Bill of Rights|Bill of Rights]]) the courts exist to exercise not the will of men, but the judgment of law. My judicial nominees will know the difference.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://fedsoc.org/commentary/publications/hot-topics-judicial-activism|title=Hot Topics: Judicial Activism|website=fedsoc.org|date=July 2003 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://rewirenewsgroup.com/article/2006/06/20/judicial-activism-bush-style/|title=Judicial Activism Bush Style|website=Rewire News Group|date=20 June 2006 }}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://law2.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/conlaw/sctsuicide.html|title=Untitled|website=law2.umkc.edu}}</ref>}}


===Canada===
==Outside the United States==
{{See also|Judicial activism in the European Union|Judicial activism in Canada|Criticism of the United States Supreme Court}}
{{See also|Judicial activism in Canada}}
Judges in Canada are given the power to interpret law passed down from the legislature, discretionary power to resolve disputes, and the power to use [[common law]] and accepted judicial policy to render [[judgement]]. By the principle of [[separation of powers]], a strong tradition in Canada and accepted practice, judges should respect the role of the legislature to create law.{{according to whom|date=September 2020}} Judges are also charged to impartially apply the law as it is written.{{cn|date=September 2020}}
While the term was first coined and is often used in the United States, it has also been applied in other countries, particularly [[common law]] jurisdictions.

Canada has a [[Law of Canada|legal system]] that is derived from the British system of common law (and the French system in the province of [[Quebec]]). [[Court system of Canada|Canadian Courts]] have a structure that relies more heavily on the discretion of its judges, policy and common law to create a workable body of law.{{cn|date=September 2020}} Thus Canada's legal system may have more potential for conflicts with regards to the accusation of judicial activism, as compared to the United States. {{POV statement|date=September 2020}}

Former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada [[Beverley McLachlin]] has stated that:

:''the charge of judicial activism may be understood as saying that judges are pursuing a particular political agenda, that they are allowing their political views to determine the outcome of cases before them. ... It is a serious matter to suggest that any branch of government is deliberately acting in a manner that is inconsistent with its constitutional role.''[https://web.archive.org/web/20060717004216/http://www.scc-csc.gc.ca/aboutcourt/judges/speeches/DemocraticRoles_e.asp]

===European Union===
{{Expand section|date=July 2022}}
{{See also|Judicial activism in the European Union}}
In the [[Cassis de Dijon Case]], the [[European Court of Justice]] ruled the German laws prohibiting sales of liquors with alcohol percentages between 15% and 25% conflicted with [[EU laws]]. This ruling confirmed that [[EU law]] has [[wikt:primacy|primacy]] over [[member-state law]].<ref>EUabc – Cassis de Djion case: http://en.euabc.com/word/140</ref>
When the [[treaties]] are unclear, they leave room for the Court to interpret them in different ways. When [[EU treaties]] are negotiated, it is difficult to get all governments to agree on a clear set of laws. In order to get a compromise, governments agree to leave a decision on an issue to the Court.{{sfn|Bache|George|2006}}{{Page needed|date=June 2022}}

The Court can only practice judicial activism to the extent the EU Governments leave room for interpretation in the [[treaties]].{{sfn|Moravcsik|2002}}{{Page needed|date=June 2022}}

The Court makes important rulings that set the agenda for further [[EU integration]], but it cannot happen without the consensual support of the [[member-states]].{{sfn|Moravcsik|2002}}{{Page needed|date=June 2022}}

In the [[Irish referendum on the Lisbon Treaty]] many issues not directly related to the treaty, such as [[abortion]] were included in the debate because of worries that the [[Lisbon Treaty]] will enable the [[European Court of Justice]] to make activist rulings in these areas.
After the rejection of the [[Lisbon Treaty]] in Ireland, the [[Irish Government]] received concessions from the rest of the [[member states of the European Union]] to make written guarantees that the EU will under no circumstances interfere with Irish abortion, taxation or military neutrality.<ref>Irish secure concessions on Lisbon Treaty: http://www.europeanvoice.com/article/2008/12/irish-secure-concessions-on-lisbon-treaty/63409.aspx</ref>
[[Ireland]] voted on the [[Lisbon Treaty]] a second time in 2009, with a 67.13% majority voting Yes to the treaty.


===India===
===India===
India has a recent history of judicial activism, originating after [[The Emergency (India)|the Emergency in India]] which saw attempts by the Government to [[The Emergency (India)#Tendency to control Judiciary|control the judiciary.]] [[Public Interest Litigation]] was thus an instrument devised by the courts to reach out directly to the public, and take [[judicial notice|cognizance]] though the litigant may not be the victim. [[Sua sponte|"Suo motu"]] cognizance allows the courts to take up such cases on its own. The trend has been supported as well as criticized.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://legalserviceindia.com/legal/article-3311-tyranny-of-the-unelect-influencing-judiciary-.html|title=Tyranny Of The Unelect Influencing Judiciary?|website=legalserviceindia.com}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.lloydlawcollege.edu.in/blog/judicial-supremacy-v-parliamentary-supremacy.html|title=judicial Supremacy v. Parliamentary Supremacy in India – Lloyd Law|website=www.lloydlawcollege.edu.in}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/4412779|title=An Economic Analysis of Judicial Activism|author1=Anant, T. C. A.|author2=Jaivir Singh|year=2002|journal=Economic and Political Weekly|volume=37|issue=43|pages=4433–4439|jstor=4412779 |via=JSTOR}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2020/03/24/destruction-indias-judicial-independence-is-almost-complete/ |title=Opinion &#124; Rana Ayyub: The destruction of India's judicial independence is almost complete |newspaper=The Washington Post |date=2020-03-24 |accessdate=2022-06-11}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://blog.ipleaders.in/indian-judiciary-inducing-activism-or-leading-towards-overreach/|title=Indian Judiciary - inducing activism or leading towards overreach|first=Diva|last=Rai|date=June 22, 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | chapter-url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt1whm97c.12 | jstor=10.3138/j.ctt1whm97c.12 | chapter=The Supreme Court of India | last1=Tewari | first1=Manish | last2=Saxena | first2=Rekha | title=Courts in Federal Countries | year=2017 | pages=223–255 | publisher=University of Toronto Press | isbn=9781487500627 }}</ref> ''New York Times'' writer Gardiner Harris sums this up as<ref>{{cite news| url=https://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/12/world/asia/court-restores-indias-ban-on-gay-sex.html?hp&_r=2& | work=The New York Times | first=Gardiner | last=Harris | title=India's Supreme Court Restores an 1861 Law Banning Gay Sex | date=December 11, 2013}}</ref>
{{See also|Judicial Activism In India}}
India has a recent history of judicial activism, originating after [[The Emergency (India)|the Emergency in India]] which saw attempts by the Government to [[The Emergency (India)#Tendency to control Judiciary|control the judiciary.]] [[Public Interest Litigation]] was thus an instrument devised by the courts to reach out directly to the public, and take [[judicial notice|cognizance]] though the litigant may not be the victim. [[Sua sponte|"Suo motu"]] cognizance allows the courts to take up such cases on its own. The trend has been supported as well criticized.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://legalserviceindia.com/legal/article-3311-tyranny-of-the-unelect-influencing-judiciary-.html|title=Tyranny Of The Unelect Influencing Judiciary?|website=legalserviceindia.com}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.lloydlawcollege.edu.in/blog/judicial-supremacy-v-parliamentary-supremacy.html|title=judicial Supremacy v. Parliamentary Supremacy in India – Lloyd Law|website=www.lloydlawcollege.edu.in}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/4412779|title=An Economic Analysis of Judicial Activism|author1=Anant, T. C. A.|author2=Jaivir Singh|year=2002|journal=Economic and Political Weekly|volume=37|issue=43|pages=4433–4439|jstor=4412779 |via=JSTOR}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2020/03/24/destruction-indias-judicial-independence-is-almost-complete/ |title=Opinion &#124; Rana Ayyub: The destruction of India's judicial independence is almost complete |newspaper=The Washington Post |date=2020-03-24 |accessdate=2022-06-11}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://blog.ipleaders.in/indian-judiciary-inducing-activism-or-leading-towards-overreach/|title=Indian Judiciary - inducing activism or leading towards overreach|first=Diva|last=Rai|date=June 22, 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | chapter-url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt1whm97c.12 | jstor=10.3138/j.ctt1whm97c.12 | chapter=The Supreme Court of India | last1=Tewari | first1=Manish | last2=Saxena | first2=Rekha | title=Courts in Federal Countries | year=2017 | pages=223–255 | publisher=University of Toronto Press | isbn=9781487500627 }}</ref><ref>https://journals.sas.ac.uk/amicus/article/download/1162/1045/ {{Bare URL inline|date=June 2022}}</ref> New York Times author [[Gardiner Harris]] sums this up as<ref>{{cite news| url=https://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/12/world/asia/court-restores-indias-ban-on-gay-sex.html?hp&_r=2& | work=The New York Times | first=Gardiner | last=Harris | title=India's Supreme Court Restores an 1861 Law Banning Gay Sex | date=December 11, 2013}}</ref>
{{Quote box
{{Quote box
|quote = India’s judges have sweeping powers and a long history of judicial activism that would be all but unimaginable in the United States. In recent years, judges required Delhi’s auto-rickshaws to convert to natural gas to help cut down on pollution,<ref name = kankyoDelhiCNG>{{cite web |url=http://www.kankyo.metro.tokyo.jp/policy_others/attachement/Delhi-note%20on%20change%20over.doc |title=Archived copy |access-date=2013-12-21 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304190307/http://www.kankyo.metro.tokyo.jp/policy_others/attachement/Delhi-note%20on%20change%20over.doc |archive-date=2016-03-04 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://causelists.nic.in/scnew/pollmatter.html |title=Supreme Court of India Cause List |publisher=Causelists.nic.in |access-date=2013-12-21 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140119112244/http://causelists.nic.in/scnew/pollmatter.html |archive-date=2014-01-19 }}</ref> closed much of the country’s iron-ore-mining industry to cut down on corruption and ruled that politicians facing criminal charges could not seek re-election.
|quote = India's judges have sweeping powers and a long history of judicial activism that would be all but unimaginable in the United States. In recent years, judges required Delhi's auto-rickshaws to convert to natural gas to help cut down on pollution,<ref name = kankyoDelhiCNG>{{cite web |url=http://www.kankyo.metro.tokyo.jp/policy_others/attachement/Delhi-note%20on%20change%20over.doc |title=Note on change over to CNG in transport sector in Delhi |access-date=2013-12-21 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304190307/http://www.kankyo.metro.tokyo.jp/policy_others/attachement/Delhi-note%20on%20change%20over.doc |archive-date=2016-03-04 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://causelists.nic.in/scnew/pollmatter.html |title=Supreme Court of India Cause List |publisher=Causelists.nic.in |access-date=2013-12-21 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140119112244/http://causelists.nic.in/scnew/pollmatter.html |archive-date=2014-01-19 }}</ref> closed much of the country's iron-ore-mining industry to cut down on corruption and ruled that politicians facing criminal charges could not seek re-election.
Indeed, India’s Supreme Court and Parliament have openly battled for decades, with Parliament passing multiple constitutional amendments to respond to various Supreme Court rulings.
Indeed, India's Supreme Court and Parliament have openly battled for decades, with Parliament passing multiple constitutional amendments to respond to various Supreme Court rulings.
}}
}}


All such rulings carry the force of Article 39A of the [[Constitution of India]],<ref name="ConstitutionOfIndia">{{cite web |url=http://lawmin.nic.in/olwing/coi/coi-english/coi-indexenglish.htm |title=The Constitution Of India |publisher=Lawmin.nic.in |access-date=2013-12-21 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120402064301/http://lawmin.nic.in/olwing/coi/coi-english/coi-indexenglish.htm |archive-date=2012-04-02 |url-status=dead }}</ref> although before and during the Emergency the judiciary desisted from "wide and elastic" interpretations, termed [[John Austin (legal philosopher)|Austinian]], because [[Directive Principles of State Policy]] are non-justiciable. This despite the constitutional provisions for [[judicial review]] and [[B R Ambedkar]] arguing in the Constituent Assembly Debates that "judicial review, particularly writ jurisdiction, could provide quick relief against abridgment of Fundamental Rights and ought to be at the heart of the Constitution."<ref>{{cite journal|url=https://www.academia.edu/1092288|title=Where did the revolution go? The Supreme Court of India & Socio-economic rights since the end of Emergency Rule|first=Satbir|last=Singh|via=www.academia.edu}}</ref>
All such rulings carry the force of Article 39A of the [[Constitution of India]],<ref name="ConstitutionOfIndia">{{cite web |url=http://lawmin.nic.in/olwing/coi/coi-english/coi-indexenglish.htm |title=The Constitution Of India |publisher=Lawmin.nic.in |access-date=2013-12-21 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120402064301/http://lawmin.nic.in/olwing/coi/coi-english/coi-indexenglish.htm |archive-date=2012-04-02 |url-status=dead }}</ref> although before and during the Emergency the judiciary desisted from "wide and elastic" interpretations, termed [[John Austin (legal philosopher)|Austinian]], because [[Directive Principles of State Policy]] are non-justiciable. This despite the constitutional provisions for [[judicial review]] and [[B R Ambedkar]] arguing in the Constituent Assembly Debates that "judicial review, particularly writ jurisdiction, could provide quick relief against abridgment of Fundamental Rights and ought to be at the heart of the Constitution."<ref>{{cite thesis |url=https://www.academia.edu/1092288 |title=Where did the revolution go? The Supreme Court of India & Socio-economic rights since the end of Emergency Rule |first=Satbir |last=Singh |type=Masters thesis |publisher=University of Oxford |via=www.academia.edu}}</ref>{{bsn|date=September 2023|reason=per [[WP:SCHOLARSHIP]] master's thesis are not generally considered reliable sources}}


[[Fundamental Rights in India|Fundamental Rights]] as enshrined in the Constitution have been subjected to wide review, and have now been said to encompass a [[right to privacy]], right to livelihood and right to education, among others. The [[Basic structure doctrine|'basic structure']] of the Constitution has been mandated by the [[Indian Supreme Court|Supreme Court]] not to be alterable, notwithstanding the powers of the Legislature under [[Amendment of the Constitution of India|Article 368]].<ref name = ConstitutionOfIndia /> This doctrine has been recognized by several countries like [[Bangladesh]], [[Pakistan]] and [[Malaysia]] as part of their [[jurisprudence]]. Other countries such as [[Singapore]], [[Belize]] and [[Uganda]] has heard important cases regarding the use of this doctrine in their own countries.
[[Fundamental Rights in India|Fundamental Rights]] as enshrined in the Constitution have been subjected to wide review, and have now been said to encompass a [[right to privacy]], right to livelihood and right to education, among others. The [[Basic structure doctrine|'basic structure']] of the Constitution has been mandated by the [[Indian Supreme Court|Supreme Court]] not to be alterable, notwithstanding the powers of the Legislature under [[Amendment of the Constitution of India|Article 368]].<ref name = ConstitutionOfIndia /> This doctrine has been recognized by several countries like [[Bangladesh]], [[Pakistan]] and [[Malaysia]] as part of their [[jurisprudence]]. Other countries such as [[Singapore]], [[Belize]] and [[Uganda]] has heard important cases regarding the use of this doctrine in their own countries.
The modern trend of judicial activism began in 1973 when the [[Allahabad High Court]] rejected the candidature of [[Indira Gandhi]] in ''[[State of Uttar Pradesh v. Raj Narain]]''. The introduction of [[public interest litigation in India|public interest litigation]] by Justice [[V. R. Krishna Iyer]] further expanded its scope.<ref>T. R. Andhyarujina, [https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/Disturbing-trends-in-judicial-activism/article12680891.ece "Disturbing trends in judicial activism"], ''The Hindu'', 6 August 2012 Retrieved 21 December 2019</ref>

Recent examples quoted include the order to [[Government of Delhi|Delhi Government]] to convert the [[Auto rickshaw]] to CNG,<ref name = kankyoDelhiCNG/> a move believed to have reduced Delhi's erstwhile acute [[smog]] problem (it is now argued to be back)<ref>{{cite news|author=Neha Lalchandani, TNN |url=http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012-11-03/delhi/34892597_1_pollution-levels-nitrogen-dioxide-levels-particulate-levels |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121105221359/http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012-11-03/delhi/34892597_1_pollution-levels-nitrogen-dioxide-levels-particulate-levels |url-status=dead |archive-date=2012-11-05 |title=Delhi enveloped in smog, back to pre-CNG levels |date=2012-11-03 |work=[[The Times of India]] |access-date=2013-12-21}}</ref> and contrasted with that of Beijing.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.2point6billion.com/news/2007/08/27/beijing-finally-learnt-from-new-delhi-the-cng-way-292.html |title=Beijing like Delhi, goes the CNG way!! - Investment News and Commentary from Emerging Markets in Asia |publisher=2point6billion.com |date=2007-08-27 |access-date=2013-12-21}}</ref>
Recent examples quoted include the order to [[Government of Delhi|Delhi Government]] to convert the [[Auto rickshaw]] to CNG,<ref name = kankyoDelhiCNG/> a move believed to have reduced Delhi's erstwhile acute [[smog]] problem (it is now argued to be back)<ref>{{cite news|author=Neha Lalchandani, TNN |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/delhi/Delhi-enveloped-in-smog-back-to-pre-CNG-levels/articleshow/17070829.cms |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121105221359/http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012-11-03/delhi/34892597_1_pollution-levels-nitrogen-dioxide-levels-particulate-levels |url-status=live |archive-date=2012-11-05 |title=Delhi enveloped in smog, back to pre-CNG levels |date=2012-11-03 |work=[[The Times of India]] |access-date=2013-12-21}}</ref> and contrasted with that of Beijing.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.2point6billion.com/news/2007/08/27/beijing-finally-learnt-from-new-delhi-the-cng-way-292.html |title=Beijing like Delhi, goes the CNG way!! - Investment News and Commentary from Emerging Markets in Asia |publisher=2point6billion.com |date=2007-08-27 |access-date=2013-12-21}}</ref>


===Israel===
===Israel===
{{Expand Hebrew|אקטיביזם שיפוטי|section=yes|date=January 2023}}
{{Expand Hebrew|topic=gov|section=yes|date=January 2023}}
{{Expand section|date=January 2023}}
{{Expand section|date=January 2023}}
{{See also|2023 Israeli judicial reform}}
The Israeli approach to judicial activism has transformed significantly in the three decades since the [[Aharon Barak#Supreme Court of Israel|1992 Constitutional Revolution led by Aharon Barak]], and, as of 2022, presents an especially broad version of robust judicial review and intervention.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.commonlii.org/in/journals/INJlConLaw/2009/8.html|title=Barak-Erez, Daphne --- "Broadening the Scope of Judicial Review in Israel: Between Activism and Restraint" [2009] INJlConLaw 8; (2009) 3 Indian Journal of Constitutional Law 118|website=www.commonlii.org}}</ref><ref>[https://en.idi.org.il/articles/9858 Bender, Ariel L., "The Israeli Constitutionalism: Between Legal Formalism and Judicial Activism"]</ref><ref>[https://en.idi.org.il/articles/9858 Stern, Yedidia Z., "The Tal Law: Judicial Activism at its Height," ''The Israel Democracy Institute'', February 28, 2012]</ref> Additionally, taking into consideration the intensity of public life in Israel and the challenges that the country faces (including security threats), the case law of the [[Supreme Court of Israel|Israeli Supreme Court]]<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.lawofisrael.com/israeli-supreme-court-decisions/ |title=Israeli Supreme Court decisions search - Israeli Lawyers &#124; Israeli Law Firm Golan & Co |access-date=2014-05-15 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140505060543/http://www.lawofisrael.com/israeli-supreme-court-decisions/ |archive-date=2014-05-05 |publisher=Israeli Supreme Court Decisions database}}</ref> touches on diverse and controversial public matters.{{OR}}
The Israeli approach to judicial activism has transformed significantly in the three decades since the [[Aharon Barak#Supreme Court of Israel|1992 Constitutional Revolution led by Aharon Barak]], and, as of 2022, presents an especially broad version of robust judicial review and intervention.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.commonlii.org/in/journals/INJlConLaw/2009/8.html|title=Barak-Erez, Daphne --- "Broadening the Scope of Judicial Review in Israel: Between Activism and Restraint" [2009] INJlConLaw 8; (2009) 3 Indian Journal of Constitutional Law 118|website=www.commonlii.org}}</ref><ref name="auto">{{Cite web|url=https://en.idi.org.il/articles/9858|title=The Tal Law: Judicial Activism at its Height|date=20 April 2012|website=en.idi.org.il|accessdate=20 April 2024}}</ref> Additionally, taking into consideration the intensity of public life in Israel and the challenges that the country faces (including security threats), the case law of the [[Supreme Court of Israel|Israeli Supreme Court]]<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.lawofisrael.com/israeli-supreme-court-decisions/ |title=Israeli Supreme Court decisions search - Israeli Lawyers &#124; Israeli Law Firm Golan & Co |access-date=2014-05-15 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140505060543/http://www.lawofisrael.com/israeli-supreme-court-decisions/ |archive-date=2014-05-05 |publisher=Israeli Supreme Court Decisions database}}</ref> touches on diverse and controversial public matters.{{OR|date=January 2023}}


=== United Kingdom ===
=== United Kingdom ===
The British courts were largely deferential towards their attitudes against the government before the 1960s. Since then, judicial activism has been well established throughout the UK. One of the first cases for this activism to be present was the ''Conway v Rimmer'' (1968); a [[Public-interest immunity]], previously known as Crown privilege.<ref>{{cite web|title=Conway v Rimmer {{!}} [1968] AC 910 {{!}} United Kingdom House of Lords {{!}} Judgment {{!}} Law {{!}} CaseMine|url=https://www.casemine.com/judgement/uk/5a8ff8ca60d03e7f57ecd78e|access-date=2021-01-22|website=www.casemine.com|language=en}}</ref> Previously, a claim like this would be defined as definitive, but the judges had slowly begun to adopt more of an activist line approach.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Scarman|first=Leslie|title=English Law - The New Dimension|publisher=The Hamlyn Trust|year=1974|isbn=9780420446909|location=London|pages=48–49}}</ref> This had become more prominent in which government actions were overturned by the courts. This can inevitably lead to clashes between the courts against the government as shown in the ''Miller'' case consisting of the 2016 Conservative government.<ref>{{Cite news|date=2019-09-25|title=Gina Miller: Who is campaigner behind Brexit court cases?|language=en-GB|work=BBC News|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-37861888|access-date=2021-01-23}}</ref> The perceptions of judicial activism derived from the number of applications for judicial review made to the courts, which led to [[R (Miller) v The Prime Minister and Cherry v Advocate General for Scotland]] in 2019, joint landmark constitutional law cases on the limits of the power of royal prerogative to [[prorogue]] the Parliament of the United Kingdom. This can be seen throughout the 1980s, where there were about 500 applications within a year.<ref>{{cite news|date=2011-10-23|title=Judicial review procedures to be made simpler|url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/judicial-review-procedures-to-be-made-simpler-1445314.html|access-date=2021-01-22|website=The Independent|language=en}}</ref> This number dramatically increased as by 2013, there were 15,594 applications.<ref>{{cite web|date=2015-03-23|title=The true statistics behind judicial review's success rates|url=https://ukhumanrightsblog.com/2015/03/23/the-true-statistics-behind-judicial-reviews-success-rates/|access-date=2021-01-22|website=UK Human Rights Blog|language=en-GB}}</ref> This trend has become more frequent as time passes along, possibly pointing to a greater influence in the UK courts against the government. Along with the number of applications submitted to the courts, in some instances it has attracted media attention. For instance, in 1993, William Rees-Mogg had challenged the Conservative government to ratify the [[Maastricht Treaty]] (a legislation that self described as "a new stage in the process of European integration"), which eventually had formed into the European Union and initiated the [[Eurodollar]].<ref>{{cite web|title=Lord Rees-Mogg Loses Challenge to Maastricht Treaty|url=https://apnews.com/article/7262566535bbb11b633316f2d16a0e32|access-date=2021-01-23|website=AP NEWS}}</ref> This was rejected by the Divisional Court and attracted large amounts of media attention to this case. Through these components it is largely evident that judicial activism should not be exaggerated. Ultimately, judicial activism is greatly established throughout the UK as the courts are becoming more prone to scrutinise at their own will, and at times, reject government legislation that they deem to be not within balance to the UK constitution and becoming more visible doing so.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Scarman|first=Leslie|title=English Law - The New Dimension|publisher=The Hamlyn Trust|year=1974|isbn=9780420446909|location=London|pages=48–52}}</ref>
British courts were largely deferential towards their attitudes against the government before the 1960s. Since then, judicial activism has been well established throughout the UK. One of the first cases for this activism to be present was the ''Conway v Rimmer'' (1968); a [[Public-interest immunity]], previously known as Crown privilege.<ref>{{cite web|title=Conway v Rimmer {{!}} [1968] AC 910 {{!}} United Kingdom House of Lords {{!}} Judgment {{!}} Law {{!}} CaseMine|url=https://www.casemine.com/judgement/uk/5a8ff8ca60d03e7f57ecd78e|access-date=2021-01-22|website=www.casemine.com|language=en}}</ref> Previously, a claim like this would be defined as definitive, but the judges had slowly begun to adopt more of an activist line approach.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Scarman|first=Leslie|title=English Law - The New Dimension|publisher=The Hamlyn Trust|year=1974|isbn=9780420446909|location=London|pages=48–49}}</ref> This had become more prominent in which government actions were overturned by the courts. This can inevitably lead to clashes between the courts against the government as shown in the ''Miller'' case consisting of the 2016 Conservative government.<ref>{{Cite news|date=2019-09-25|title=Gina Miller: Who is campaigner behind Brexit court cases?|language=en-GB|work=BBC News|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-37861888|access-date=2021-01-23}}</ref> The perceptions of judicial activism derived from the number of applications for judicial review made to the courts, which led to ''[[R (Miller) v The Prime Minister and Cherry v Advocate General for Scotland]]'' in 2019, joint landmark constitutional law cases on the limits of the power of royal prerogative to [[prorogue]] the Parliament of the United Kingdom. This can be seen throughout the 1980s, where there were about 500 applications within a year.<ref>{{cite news|date=2011-10-23|title=Judicial review procedures to be made simpler|url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/judicial-review-procedures-to-be-made-simpler-1445314.html|access-date=2021-01-22|website=The Independent|language=en}}</ref> This number dramatically increased as by 2013, there were 15,594 applications.<ref>{{cite web|date=2015-03-23|title=The true statistics behind judicial review's success rates|url=https://ukhumanrightsblog.com/2015/03/23/the-true-statistics-behind-judicial-reviews-success-rates/|access-date=2021-01-22|website=UK Human Rights Blog|language=en-GB}}</ref> This trend has become more frequent as time passes along, possibly pointing to a greater influence in the UK courts against the government. Along with the number of applications submitted to the courts, in some instances it has attracted media attention. For instance, in 1993, [[William Rees-Mogg]] had challenged the Conservative government to ratify the [[Maastricht Treaty]] (a legislation that self described as "a new stage in the process of European integration"), which eventually had formed into the European Union and initiated the [[Eurodollar]].<ref>{{cite web|title=Lord Rees-Mogg Loses Challenge to Maastricht Treaty|url=https://apnews.com/article/7262566535bbb11b633316f2d16a0e32|access-date=2021-01-23|website=AP NEWS}}</ref> This was rejected by the Divisional Court and attracted large amounts of media attention to this case. Through these components it is largely evident that judicial activism should not be exaggerated. Ultimately, judicial activism is greatly established throughout the UK as the courts are becoming more prone to scrutinise at their own will, and at times, reject government legislation that they deem to be not within balance to the UK constitution and becoming more visible doing so.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Scarman|first=Leslie|title=English Law - The New Dimension|publisher=The Hamlyn Trust|year=1974|isbn=9780420446909|location=London|pages=48–52}}</ref>


Obviously since the United Kingdom's judiciary powers do not come from electoral methods, they differ in strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats compared to a free and democratic system.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://ballotpedia.org/Judicial_selection_in_the_states|title=Judicial selection in the states|website=Ballotpedia}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.theguardian.com/law/2019/dec/18/lady-hale-warns-uk-not-to-select-top-judges-on-basis-of-political-views|title=Lady Hale warns UK not to select judges on basis of political views|date=December 18, 2019|website=the Guardian}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.judiciary.uk/about-the-judiciary/the-judiciary-the-government-and-the-constitution/jud-acc-ind/judges-and-parliament/|title=Judges and Parliament|website=www.judiciary.uk}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.judiciary.uk/about-the-judiciary/the-judiciary-the-government-and-the-constitution/jud-acc-ind/justice-sys-and-constitution/|title=The justice system and the constitution|website=www.judiciary.uk}}</ref> [[Brenda Hale, Baroness Hale of Richmond|Brenda Marjorie Hale, Baroness Hale of Richmond]], DBE, PC, FBA, raises the popular concern that this system operates on a fundamentally different playbook to the United States of America's court of law, and personal bias can be inherited, through an 'old boys' club'.
Obviously since the United Kingdom's judiciary powers do not come from electoral methods, they differ in strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats compared to a free and democratic system.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://ballotpedia.org/Judicial_selection_in_the_states|title=Judicial selection in the states|website=Ballotpedia}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.theguardian.com/law/2019/dec/18/lady-hale-warns-uk-not-to-select-top-judges-on-basis-of-political-views|title=Lady Hale warns UK not to select judges on basis of political views|date=December 18, 2019|website=the Guardian}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.judiciary.uk/about-the-judiciary/the-judiciary-the-government-and-the-constitution/jud-acc-ind/judges-and-parliament/|title=Judges and Parliament|website=www.judiciary.uk}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.judiciary.uk/about-the-judiciary/the-judiciary-the-government-and-the-constitution/jud-acc-ind/justice-sys-and-constitution/|title=The justice system and the constitution|website=www.judiciary.uk}}</ref> [[Brenda Hale, Baroness Hale of Richmond|Baroness Hale of Richmond]] raises the popular concern that this system operates on a fundamentally different playbook to the United States of America's court of law, and personal bias can be inherited, through an 'old boys' club'.

Among critics of judicial activism in the United Kingdom are [[Richard Ekins]], [[John Finnis]], and [[Stephen Laws|Sir Stephen Laws]]. [[Policy Exchange]]'s Judicial Power Project, headed by Ekins, is dedicated to opposing judicial activism by British judges.


== See also ==
== See also ==
{{Div col|colwidth=20em}}
{{Div col|colwidth=20em}}
* [[Bill of rights]]
* [[Certiorari]]
* [[Constitutional economics]]
* [[Constitutional economics]]
* [[Government by Judiciary]]
* ''[[Government by Judiciary]]''
* [[Impact litigation]]
* [[Impact litigation]]
* [[Judicial review]]
* [[Kritarchy]]
* [[Kritarchy]]
* [[Letter and spirit of the law]]
* [[Letter and spirit of the law]]
Line 97: Line 122:
* [[Living Constitution]]
* [[Living Constitution]]
* [[Originalism]]
* [[Originalism]]
* [[Public interest litigation]]
* [[Philosophy of law]]
* [[Philosophy of law]]
* [[Rule according to higher law]]
* [[Rule according to higher law]]
* [[Unconstitutional constitutional amendment]]
* [[Unconstitutional constitutional amendment]]
*[[Certiorari]]
* [[Political question]]

{{Div col end}}
{{Div col end}}


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==References==
==References==
* <cite style="font-style:normal;">''Merriam-Webster's Dictionary of Law'' (1996), Merriam-Webster. {{ISBN|0-87779-604-1}}</cite>
* <cite style="font-style:normal;">''Merriam-Webster's Dictionary of Law'' (1996), Merriam-Webster. {{ISBN|0-87779-604-1}}</cite>
* {{cite book |last1=Bache |first1=Ian |last2=George |first2=Stephen |year=2006 |title=Politics in the European Union |location=Oxford |publisher=Oxford University Press |edition=2}}
* {{cite book|author=Bryan A. Garner|year=1999|title=Black's Law Dictionary, 8th Edition|publisher=West Group|isbn=0-314-15199-0}}
* {{cite book|author=Bryan A. Garner|year=1999|title=Black's Law Dictionary, 8th Edition|publisher=West Group|isbn=0-314-15199-0}}
* {{cite book |last=Greenhouse |first=Linda |author-link=Linda Greenhouse |title=Becoming Justice Blackmun: Harry Blackmun's Supreme Court Journey |isbn=978-0-8050-7791-9 |year=2005 |publisher=[[Times Books]] |location=New York |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NfqUtsNqx0MC }}
* {{cite book |last=Greenhouse |first=Linda |author-link=Linda Greenhouse |title=Becoming Justice Blackmun: Harry Blackmun's Supreme Court Journey |isbn=978-0-8050-7791-9 |year=2005 |publisher=[[Times Books]] |location=New York |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NfqUtsNqx0MC }}
* Ginsberg, Benjamin, et al. We the People: an Introduction to American Politics. W.W. Norton & Company, 2017.
*{{cite journal |last=Moravcsik |first=A. |year=2002 |title=In defense of the democratic deficit: reassessing legitimacy in the European Union |journal=Journal of Common Market Studies |volume=40 |issue=4 |doi=10.1111/1468-5965.00390 |s2cid=153441715}}


==Further reading==
Ginsberg, Benjamin, et al. We the People: an Introduction to American Politics. W.W. Norton & Company, 2017.


==Further reading==
{{div col|colwidth=30em}}
{{div col|colwidth=30em}}
* {{cite book |last1=Grover |first1=Sonja C. |title=Judicial Activism and the Democratic Rule of Law: Selected Case Studies |date=2020 |publisher=Springer Nature |doi=10.1007/978-3-030-35085-7 |isbn=978-3-030-35085-7 |s2cid=213018800 |url=https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-35085-7#about |language=en}}

===Legal books===
* [[Paul O. Carrese]], 2003. ''The Cloaking of Power: Montesquieu, Blackstone, and the Rise of Judicial Activism'' (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
* [[Duncan Kennedy (legal philosopher)|Duncan Kennedy]], 1998. ''A Critique of Adjudication'' (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).
* [[Carrol D. Kilgore]], 1977. ''Judicial Tyranny: An Inquiry into the Integrity of the Federal Judiciary'' (Thomas Nelson). {{ISBN|978-0-8407-4060-1}}
* Sterling Harwood, 1996. ''Judicial Activism: A Restrained Defense'' (London: Austin & Winfield Publishers), 167pp. {{ISBN|1-880921-68-5}}.
* [[Christopher Wolfe]], 1997. ''Judicial Activism'', 2nd ed. (Totowa, NJ: Rowman & Littfield Publishers, Inc.).
* [[Kenneth M. Holland]], editor, 1991. ''Judicial Activism in Comparative Perspective'' (Palgrave Macmillan).
* [[Ronald Dworkin]], 1988. ''Law's Empire'' (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).
* [[Alexander M. Bickel]], 1986. ''The Least Dangerous Branch'' 2nd ed. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press).
* [[Arthur Selwyn Miller]], 1982. ''Toward Increased Judicial Activism'' (Greenwood Press).
* [[Ronald Dworkin]], 1977. ''Taking Rights Seriously'' (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press).
* [[Lino Graglia|Lino A. Graglia]], 1976. ''Disaster by Decree'' (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press).
* [[Michael Rebell]] and [[Arthur R. Block]], 1982. ''Educational Policy Making and the Courts: An Empirical Study of Judicial Activism'' (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).
* [[H. L. A. Hart]], 1961. ''The Concept of Law'' (Oxford: Oxford University Press).
*{{cite book |last1=Grover |first1=Sonja C. |title=Judicial Activism and the Democratic Rule of Law: Selected Case Studies |date=2020 |publisher=Springer Nature |doi=10.1007/978-3-030-35085-7 |isbn=978-3-030-35085-7 |s2cid=213018800 |url=https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-35085-7#about |language=en}}
*[https://socialsciences.exeter.ac.uk/media/universityofexeter/schoolofhumanitiesandsocialsciences/law/pdfs/Judicial_Activism.pdf Hamlyn Lectures]

===Popular books===
* [[Kermit Roosevelt III|Kermit Roosevelt]], October 15, 2006. ''The Myth of Judicial Activism: Making Sense of Supreme Court Decisions'' ([[Yale University Press]] Publishers), 272pp. {{ISBN|0-300-11468-0}}
* [[Kermit Roosevelt III|Kermit Roosevelt]], October 15, 2006. ''The Myth of Judicial Activism: Making Sense of Supreme Court Decisions'' ([[Yale University Press]] Publishers), 272pp. {{ISBN|0-300-11468-0}}
* [[James B. Kelly]], July 30, 2006. ''Governing With the Charter: Legislative And Judicial Activism And Framer's Intent (Law and Society Series)'' ([[UBC Press]] Publishers), 336pp. {{ISBN|0-7748-1212-5}}
* [[James B. Kelly]], July 30, 2006. ''Governing With the Charter: Legislative And Judicial Activism And Framer's Intent (Law and Society Series)'' ([[UBC Press]] Publishers), 336pp. {{ISBN|0-7748-1212-5}}
* [[Rory Leishman]], May 2006. ''Against Judicial Activism: The Decline of Freedom And Democracy in Canada'' ([[McGill-Queen's University Press]] Publishers), 310pp. {{ISBN|0-7735-3054-1}}
* [[Rory Leishman]], May 2006. ''Against Judicial Activism: The Decline of Freedom And Democracy in Canada'' ([[McGill-Queen's University Press]] Publishers), 310pp. {{ISBN|0-7735-3054-1}}
{{div col end}}
* [[S. P. Sathe]], December 2003. ''Judicial Activism in India'' ([[Oxford University Press]] Publishers), 406pp. {{ISBN|0-19-566823-5}}

* [[Robert Bork]], 2003. ''Coercing Virtue: The Worldwide Rule of Judges'' (AEI Press) {{ISBN|0-8447-4162-0}}
{{Authority control}}
* [[Herman Schwartz]], editor, 2002. ''The Rehnquist Court: Judicial Activism on the Right'' {{ISBN|0-8090-8073-7}}.
* [[David Gwynn Morgan]], 2001. ''A Judgment Too Far? Judicial Activism and the Constitution'' (Cork University Press). {{ISBN|1-85918-229-1}}
* [[Bradley C. Canon]] and [[Charles A. Johnson (author)|Charles A. Johnson]], 1998. ''Judicial Policies: Implementation and Impact'' 2nd ed. (Congressional Quarterly Books).
{{div col end|2}}


{{DEFAULTSORT:Judicial Activism}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:Judicial Activism}}
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[[Category:Sociology of law]]
[[Category:Sociology of law]]
[[Category:Philosophy of law]]
[[Category:Philosophy of law]]
[[Category:Ethically disputed judicial practices]]
[[Category:Conflict of interest]]
[[Category:Conflict of interest]]
[[Category:Rhetoric]]
[[Category:Rhetoric]]

Latest revision as of 14:07, 12 December 2024

Judicial activism is a judicial philosophy holding that courts can and should go beyond the applicable law to consider broader societal implications of their decisions. It is sometimes used as an antonym of judicial restraint.[1] The term usually implies that judges make rulings based on their own views rather than on precedent.[2] The definition of judicial activism and the specific decisions that are activist are controversial political issues. The question of judicial activism is closely related to judicial interpretation, statutory interpretation, and separation of powers.

Etymology

[edit]

Arthur Schlesinger Jr. introduced the term "judicial activism" in a January 1947 Fortune magazine article titled "The Supreme Court: 1947".[3]

The phrase has been controversial since its beginning. An article by Craig Green, "An Intellectual History of Judicial Activism," is critical of Schlesinger's use of the term; "Schlesinger's original introduction of judicial activism was doubly blurred: not only did he fail to explain what counts as activism, he also declined to say whether activism is good or bad."[4]

Even before this phrase was first used, the general concept already existed. For example, Thomas Jefferson referred to the "despotic behaviour" of Federalist federal judges, in particular Chief Justice John Marshall.[5]

Definitions

[edit]

Black's Law Dictionary defines judicial activism as a "philosophy of judicial decision-making whereby judges allow their personal views about public policy, among other factors, to guide their decisions."[6]

Political science professor Bradley Canon has posited six dimensions along which judge courts may be perceived as activist:[7] majoritarianism, interpretive stability, interpretive fidelity, substance/democratic process, specificity of policy, and availability of an alternate policymaker.

David A. Strauss has argued that judicial activism can be narrowly defined as one or more of three possible actions: overturning laws as unconstitutional, overturning judicial precedent, and ruling against a preferred interpretation of the constitution.[8]

Others have been less confident of the term's meaning, finding it instead to be little more than a rhetorical shorthand. Kermit Roosevelt III has argued that "in practice 'activist' turns out to be little more than a rhetorically charged shorthand for decisions the speaker disagrees with". Roosevelt defines judicial activism as "an approach to the exercise of judicial review, or a description of a particular judicial decision, in which a judge is generally considered more willing to decide constitutional issues and to invalidate legislative or executive actions.";[9][10] likewise, the solicitor general under George W. Bush, Theodore Olson, said in an interview on Fox News Sunday, with regard to a case for same-sex marriage he had successfully litigated, that "most people use the term 'judicial activism' to explain decisions that they don't like."[11] Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy said that, "An activist court is a court that makes a decision you don't like."[12][13]

[edit]

Defenders of judicial activism say that in many cases it is a legitimate form of judicial review and that the interpretation of the law must change with changing times. Sunset provisions can limit the interpretation uncertainties in the law.[14]

According to law professor Brian Z. Tamanaha, "Throughout the so-called formalist age, it turns out, many prominent judges and jurists acknowledged that there were gaps and uncertainties in the law and that judges must sometimes make choices."[15][16] Under this view, any judge's use of judicial discretion will necessarily be shaped by that judge's personal and professional experience and his or her views on a wide range of matters, from legal and juridical philosophy to morals and ethics. This implies a tension between granting flexibility (to enable the dispensing of justice) and placing bounds on that flexibility (to hold judges to ruling from legal grounds rather than extralegal ones).

Critical legal studies argues that political argument and legal argument cannot be entirely separated.[17]

Sentiments include: "The courts have gradually abandoned their proper role of policing the structural limits on government and neutrally interpreting the laws and constitutional provisions without personal bias."[18]

Judicial independence

[edit]

Some proponents of a stronger judiciary argue that the judiciary helps provide checks and balances and should grant itself an expanded role to counterbalance the effects of transient majoritarianism, i.e., there should be an increase in the powers of a branch of government that is not directly subject to the electorate, so that the majority cannot dominate or oppress any particular minority through its elective powers.[19] Other scholars have proposed that judicial activism is most appropriate when it restrains the tendency of democratic majorities to act out of passion and prejudice rather than after reasoned deliberation.[20]

Richard H. Fallon Jr. quotes Justice Holmes "great cases... make bad law." in their explanation on presidential overreach. "Presidents frequently interpret their own powers without judicial review and where executive precedents play a large role in subsequent interpretive debates, some of the historical assertions of presidential authority that stretch constitutional and statutory language the furthest seem hard to condemn in light of the practical stakes."[21]

Electoral accountability

[edit]

Detractors of judicial activism charge that it usurps the power of the elected branches of government and of legislatively created agencies, damaging the rule of law and democracy.[22] Advocates of minimalist definitions of democracy focus on electoral accountability as source of political legitimacy, while maximalist definitions of democracy, include additional values typically enshrined in the constitutions.[23] Parliamentary sovereignty views legislative bodies as supreme over judiciary.[24] Constitutionalism views the constitution as supreme.[25]

By country

[edit]

United States

[edit]

The following rulings have been characterized as judicial activism.

Some US Presidents have also commented on the idea. When President George W. Bush announced his first nominations for the federal bench, he declared:

Every judge I appoint will be a person who clearly understands the role of a judge is to interpret the law, not to legislate from the bench. To paraphrase 4th president of the United States James Madison Jr (hailed as the Father of the Constitution for his role in drafting the Constitution of the United States and the Bill of Rights) the courts exist to exercise not the will of men, but the judgment of law. My judicial nominees will know the difference.[39][40][41]

Canada

[edit]

Judges in Canada are given the power to interpret law passed down from the legislature, discretionary power to resolve disputes, and the power to use common law and accepted judicial policy to render judgement. By the principle of separation of powers, a strong tradition in Canada and accepted practice, judges should respect the role of the legislature to create law.[according to whom?] Judges are also charged to impartially apply the law as it is written.[citation needed]

Canada has a legal system that is derived from the British system of common law (and the French system in the province of Quebec). Canadian Courts have a structure that relies more heavily on the discretion of its judges, policy and common law to create a workable body of law.[citation needed] Thus Canada's legal system may have more potential for conflicts with regards to the accusation of judicial activism, as compared to the United States. [neutrality is disputed]

Former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada Beverley McLachlin has stated that:

the charge of judicial activism may be understood as saying that judges are pursuing a particular political agenda, that they are allowing their political views to determine the outcome of cases before them. ... It is a serious matter to suggest that any branch of government is deliberately acting in a manner that is inconsistent with its constitutional role.[1]

European Union

[edit]

In the Cassis de Dijon Case, the European Court of Justice ruled the German laws prohibiting sales of liquors with alcohol percentages between 15% and 25% conflicted with EU laws. This ruling confirmed that EU law has primacy over member-state law.[42] When the treaties are unclear, they leave room for the Court to interpret them in different ways. When EU treaties are negotiated, it is difficult to get all governments to agree on a clear set of laws. In order to get a compromise, governments agree to leave a decision on an issue to the Court.[43][page needed]

The Court can only practice judicial activism to the extent the EU Governments leave room for interpretation in the treaties.[44][page needed]

The Court makes important rulings that set the agenda for further EU integration, but it cannot happen without the consensual support of the member-states.[44][page needed]

In the Irish referendum on the Lisbon Treaty many issues not directly related to the treaty, such as abortion were included in the debate because of worries that the Lisbon Treaty will enable the European Court of Justice to make activist rulings in these areas. After the rejection of the Lisbon Treaty in Ireland, the Irish Government received concessions from the rest of the member states of the European Union to make written guarantees that the EU will under no circumstances interfere with Irish abortion, taxation or military neutrality.[45] Ireland voted on the Lisbon Treaty a second time in 2009, with a 67.13% majority voting Yes to the treaty.

India

[edit]

India has a recent history of judicial activism, originating after the Emergency in India which saw attempts by the Government to control the judiciary. Public Interest Litigation was thus an instrument devised by the courts to reach out directly to the public, and take cognizance though the litigant may not be the victim. "Suo motu" cognizance allows the courts to take up such cases on its own. The trend has been supported as well as criticized.[46][47][48][49][50][51] New York Times writer Gardiner Harris sums this up as[52]

India's judges have sweeping powers and a long history of judicial activism that would be all but unimaginable in the United States. In recent years, judges required Delhi's auto-rickshaws to convert to natural gas to help cut down on pollution,[53][54] closed much of the country's iron-ore-mining industry to cut down on corruption and ruled that politicians facing criminal charges could not seek re-election. Indeed, India's Supreme Court and Parliament have openly battled for decades, with Parliament passing multiple constitutional amendments to respond to various Supreme Court rulings.

All such rulings carry the force of Article 39A of the Constitution of India,[55] although before and during the Emergency the judiciary desisted from "wide and elastic" interpretations, termed Austinian, because Directive Principles of State Policy are non-justiciable. This despite the constitutional provisions for judicial review and B R Ambedkar arguing in the Constituent Assembly Debates that "judicial review, particularly writ jurisdiction, could provide quick relief against abridgment of Fundamental Rights and ought to be at the heart of the Constitution."[56][better source needed]

Fundamental Rights as enshrined in the Constitution have been subjected to wide review, and have now been said to encompass a right to privacy, right to livelihood and right to education, among others. The 'basic structure' of the Constitution has been mandated by the Supreme Court not to be alterable, notwithstanding the powers of the Legislature under Article 368.[55] This doctrine has been recognized by several countries like Bangladesh, Pakistan and Malaysia as part of their jurisprudence. Other countries such as Singapore, Belize and Uganda has heard important cases regarding the use of this doctrine in their own countries. The modern trend of judicial activism began in 1973 when the Allahabad High Court rejected the candidature of Indira Gandhi in State of Uttar Pradesh v. Raj Narain. The introduction of public interest litigation by Justice V. R. Krishna Iyer further expanded its scope.[57] Recent examples quoted include the order to Delhi Government to convert the Auto rickshaw to CNG,[53] a move believed to have reduced Delhi's erstwhile acute smog problem (it is now argued to be back)[58] and contrasted with that of Beijing.[59]

Israel

[edit]

The Israeli approach to judicial activism has transformed significantly in the three decades since the 1992 Constitutional Revolution led by Aharon Barak, and, as of 2022, presents an especially broad version of robust judicial review and intervention.[60][61] Additionally, taking into consideration the intensity of public life in Israel and the challenges that the country faces (including security threats), the case law of the Israeli Supreme Court[62] touches on diverse and controversial public matters.[original research?]

United Kingdom

[edit]

British courts were largely deferential towards their attitudes against the government before the 1960s. Since then, judicial activism has been well established throughout the UK. One of the first cases for this activism to be present was the Conway v Rimmer (1968); a Public-interest immunity, previously known as Crown privilege.[63] Previously, a claim like this would be defined as definitive, but the judges had slowly begun to adopt more of an activist line approach.[64] This had become more prominent in which government actions were overturned by the courts. This can inevitably lead to clashes between the courts against the government as shown in the Miller case consisting of the 2016 Conservative government.[65] The perceptions of judicial activism derived from the number of applications for judicial review made to the courts, which led to R (Miller) v The Prime Minister and Cherry v Advocate General for Scotland in 2019, joint landmark constitutional law cases on the limits of the power of royal prerogative to prorogue the Parliament of the United Kingdom. This can be seen throughout the 1980s, where there were about 500 applications within a year.[66] This number dramatically increased as by 2013, there were 15,594 applications.[67] This trend has become more frequent as time passes along, possibly pointing to a greater influence in the UK courts against the government. Along with the number of applications submitted to the courts, in some instances it has attracted media attention. For instance, in 1993, William Rees-Mogg had challenged the Conservative government to ratify the Maastricht Treaty (a legislation that self described as "a new stage in the process of European integration"), which eventually had formed into the European Union and initiated the Eurodollar.[68] This was rejected by the Divisional Court and attracted large amounts of media attention to this case. Through these components it is largely evident that judicial activism should not be exaggerated. Ultimately, judicial activism is greatly established throughout the UK as the courts are becoming more prone to scrutinise at their own will, and at times, reject government legislation that they deem to be not within balance to the UK constitution and becoming more visible doing so.[69]

Obviously since the United Kingdom's judiciary powers do not come from electoral methods, they differ in strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats compared to a free and democratic system.[70][71][72][73] Baroness Hale of Richmond raises the popular concern that this system operates on a fundamentally different playbook to the United States of America's court of law, and personal bias can be inherited, through an 'old boys' club'.

Among critics of judicial activism in the United Kingdom are Richard Ekins, John Finnis, and Sir Stephen Laws. Policy Exchange's Judicial Power Project, headed by Ekins, is dedicated to opposing judicial activism by British judges.

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ Wolfe, Christopher (1997). Judicial activism. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. ISBN 0-8476-8531-4.
  2. ^ "judicial activism | Definition, Types, Examples, & Facts | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 18 February 2022. It is not pejorative, and studies suggest that it does not have a consistent political valence.
  3. ^ Kmiec, Keenan D. (2004). "The Origin and Current Meanings of 'Judicial Activism'". Cal. L. Rev. 92 (5): 1441–1477. doi:10.2307/3481421. JSTOR 3481421. Archived from the original on 6 July 2017. Retrieved 12 June 2022. Schlesinger's article profiled all nine Supreme Court justices on the Court at that time and explained the alliances and divisions among them. The article characterized Justices Black, Douglas, Murphy, and Rutledge as the 'Judicial Activists' and Justices Frankfurter, Jackson, and Burton as the 'Champions of Self Restraint.' Justice Reed and Chief Justice Vinson comprised a middle group.
  4. ^ "An Intellectual History of Judicial Activism" Craig Green, August 2008, p. 4
  5. ^ Haines, Charles Grove (1944). "The Role of the Supreme Court in American Government and Politics 1789-1835". University of California Press – via Google Books.
  6. ^ As quoted in "Takings Clause Jurisprudence: Muddled, Perhaps; Judicial Activism, No" DF O'Scannlain, Geo. JL & Pub. Pol'y, 2002
  7. ^ Canon, Bradley C. (1983). "Defining the Dimensions of Judicial Activism". Judicature. 66 (6): 236–247.
  8. ^ "David Strauss Looks at History and Future of the "Activist" Supreme Court | University of Chicago Law School". www.law.uchicago.edu. 12 July 2010.
  9. ^ "judicial activism | Definition, Types, Examples, & Facts | Britannica". www.britannica.com. 29 December 2023.
  10. ^ Kermit Roosevelt, III, The Myth of Judicial Activism: Making Sense of Supreme Court Decisions, Yale University Press, 2008, ISBN 0-300-12691-3, ISBN 978-0-300-12691-4.
  11. ^ Wallace, Chris; Olson, Theodore (8 August 2010). "Ted Olson on Debate Over Judicial Activism and Same-Sex Marriage". Fox News Sunday. Fox News Channel.
  12. ^ Frederick P. Lewis, The context of judicial activism: the endurance of the Warren Court legacy in a conservative age, Rowman & Littlefield: 1999, ISBN 0-8476-8992-1
  13. ^ Matt Sedensky, "Justice questions way court nominees are grilled," Associated Press, May 14, 2010, Retrieved 14 May 2010
  14. ^ Davis, Lewis Anthony (1981). "Review Procedures And Public Accountability In Sunset Legislation: An Analysis And Proposal For Reform". Administrative Law Review. 33 (4). American Bar Association: 393–413. ISSN 0001-8368. JSTOR 40709182.
  15. ^ Tamanaha, Brian Z. (2010). Beyond the Formalist-Realist Divide: The Role of Politics in Judging. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-14279-1.
  16. ^ See also, Alschuler, Albert W., Law Without Values: The Life, Work, and Legacy of Justice Holmes (University of Chicago Press, 2000), p. 98. ("Possibly some now-obscure German legal theorist fit Holmes's description [in The Common Law] of the deductive formalist bogeyman, but I know of no American who did.")
  17. ^ Price, David Andrew. "Taking rights cynically: a review of critical legal studies." The Cambridge Law Journal 48.2 (1989): 271-301.
  18. ^ Slattery, Elizabeth. "How to Spot Judicial Activism: Three Recent Examples". The Heritage Foundation.
  19. ^ Ely, John Hart (1980). Democracy and Distrust. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. chapters 4–6. ISBN 0-674-19636-8.
  20. ^ Evan Zoldan, "Targeted Judicial Activism," 16 Green Bag 2d 465-66 (2014) SSRN 2310915
  21. ^ Fallon, Richard (1 November 2013). "Interpreting Presidential Powers". Duke Law Journal. 63 (2): 347–392.
  22. ^ Justice Antonin Scalia's dissent in Romer v. Evans; Romer, Governor of Colorado, et al. v. Evans et al. (94-1039), 517 U.S. 620 (1996).
  23. ^ Feldman, David (1990). "Democracy, the Rule of Law and Judicial Review". Federal Law Review. 19 (1): 1–30. doi:10.1177/0067205X9001900101. ISSN 0067-205X.
  24. ^ "Statutory Interpretation and Legislative Supremacy". 78 Geo. L. J. 281 (1989-1990).
  25. ^ Don E. Fehrenbacher, Constitutions and Constitutionalism in the Slaveholding South (University of Georgia Press, 1989). p. 1. ISBN 978-0-8203-1119-7.
  26. ^ Hall, Kermit (1992). Oxford Companion to the Supreme Court of the United States. Oxford University Press. p. 889. ISBN 9780195176612. American legal and constitutional scholars consider the Dred Scott decision to be the worst ever rendered by the Supreme Court. Historians have abundantly documented its role in crystallizing attitudes that led to war. Taney's opinion stands as a model of censurable judicial craft and failed judicial statesmanship.
  27. ^ Vincent Martin Bonventre, "Judicial activism, judges' speech, and merit selection: conventional wisdom and nonsense," Albany Law Review, Summer 2005, Judicial activism, judges' speech, and merit selection: conventional wisdom and nonsense Archived 2011-11-25 at the Wayback Machine Albany Law Review, 2005
  28. ^ Greenhouse 2005, pp. 135–36
  29. ^ The real case of judicial activism Archived 2016-03-07 at the Wayback Machine The Times Herald, June 2, 2009
  30. ^ Mann, Thomas E. (26 January 2010). "Commentary: Citizens United vs. FEC is an egregious exercise of judicial activism". McClatchy News Service. Archived from the original on 15 March 2010. Retrieved 29 April 2010.
  31. ^ Stone, Geoffrey R. (2012). "Citizens United and Conservative Judicial Activism" (PDF). University of Illinois Law Review. 2012 (2): 485–500.
  32. ^ "Symposium: Judicial activism on marriage causes harm: What does the future hold? - SCOTUSblog". SCOTUSblog. 26 June 2015. Retrieved 3 April 2017.
  33. ^ Marvit, Moshe Z. (26 February 2018). "Opinion | The Consequences of Judicial Activism on the Supreme Court (Published 2018)". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 25 October 2020.
  34. ^ Bruno, Robert (21 May 2018). "A Supreme Court ruling for Janus would be judicial activism at its worst". chicagotribune.com. Retrieved 25 October 2020.
  35. ^ Chermerinsky, Edwin (9 July 2018). "The Supreme Court's Janus ruling was pure judicial activism. Unions, look out". The Sacramento Bee. Retrieved 25 October 2020.
  36. ^ "Supreme Court Rules For DREAMers, Against Trump". NPR. 18 June 2020. Retrieved 9 December 2020.
  37. ^ "Lewis Denounces DACA Ruling as Judicial Activism". LewisForMN. 18 June 2020. Retrieved 9 December 2020.
  38. ^ Filipovic, Jill (2023). "Conservatives love judicial activism – as long as the law is moved in their favor". The Guardian.
  39. ^ "Hot Topics: Judicial Activism". fedsoc.org. July 2003.
  40. ^ "Judicial Activism Bush Style". Rewire News Group. 20 June 2006.
  41. ^ "Untitled". law2.umkc.edu.
  42. ^ EUabc – Cassis de Djion case: http://en.euabc.com/word/140
  43. ^ Bache & George 2006.
  44. ^ a b Moravcsik 2002.
  45. ^ Irish secure concessions on Lisbon Treaty: http://www.europeanvoice.com/article/2008/12/irish-secure-concessions-on-lisbon-treaty/63409.aspx
  46. ^ "Tyranny Of The Unelect Influencing Judiciary?". legalserviceindia.com.
  47. ^ "judicial Supremacy v. Parliamentary Supremacy in India – Lloyd Law". www.lloydlawcollege.edu.in.
  48. ^ Anant, T. C. A.; Jaivir Singh (2002). "An Economic Analysis of Judicial Activism". Economic and Political Weekly. 37 (43): 4433–4439. JSTOR 4412779 – via JSTOR.
  49. ^ "Opinion | Rana Ayyub: The destruction of India's judicial independence is almost complete". The Washington Post. 24 March 2020. Retrieved 11 June 2022.
  50. ^ Rai, Diva (22 June 2021). "Indian Judiciary - inducing activism or leading towards overreach".
  51. ^ Tewari, Manish; Saxena, Rekha (2017). "The Supreme Court of India". Courts in Federal Countries. University of Toronto Press. pp. 223–255. ISBN 9781487500627. JSTOR 10.3138/j.ctt1whm97c.12.
  52. ^ Harris, Gardiner (11 December 2013). "India's Supreme Court Restores an 1861 Law Banning Gay Sex". The New York Times.
  53. ^ a b "Note on change over to CNG in transport sector in Delhi". Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 21 December 2013.
  54. ^ "Supreme Court of India Cause List". Causelists.nic.in. Archived from the original on 19 January 2014. Retrieved 21 December 2013.
  55. ^ a b "The Constitution Of India". Lawmin.nic.in. Archived from the original on 2 April 2012. Retrieved 21 December 2013.
  56. ^ Singh, Satbir. Where did the revolution go? The Supreme Court of India & Socio-economic rights since the end of Emergency Rule (Masters thesis). University of Oxford – via www.academia.edu.
  57. ^ T. R. Andhyarujina, "Disturbing trends in judicial activism", The Hindu, 6 August 2012 Retrieved 21 December 2019
  58. ^ Neha Lalchandani, TNN (3 November 2012). "Delhi enveloped in smog, back to pre-CNG levels". The Times of India. Archived from the original on 5 November 2012. Retrieved 21 December 2013.
  59. ^ "Beijing like Delhi, goes the CNG way!! - Investment News and Commentary from Emerging Markets in Asia". 2point6billion.com. 27 August 2007. Retrieved 21 December 2013.
  60. ^ "Barak-Erez, Daphne --- "Broadening the Scope of Judicial Review in Israel: Between Activism and Restraint" [2009] INJlConLaw 8; (2009) 3 Indian Journal of Constitutional Law 118". www.commonlii.org.
  61. ^ "The Tal Law: Judicial Activism at its Height". en.idi.org.il. 20 April 2012. Retrieved 20 April 2024.
  62. ^ "Israeli Supreme Court decisions search - Israeli Lawyers | Israeli Law Firm Golan & Co". Israeli Supreme Court Decisions database. Archived from the original on 5 May 2014. Retrieved 15 May 2014.
  63. ^ "Conway v Rimmer | [1968] AC 910 | United Kingdom House of Lords | Judgment | Law | CaseMine". www.casemine.com. Retrieved 22 January 2021.
  64. ^ Scarman, Leslie (1974). English Law - The New Dimension. London: The Hamlyn Trust. pp. 48–49. ISBN 9780420446909.
  65. ^ "Gina Miller: Who is campaigner behind Brexit court cases?". BBC News. 25 September 2019. Retrieved 23 January 2021.
  66. ^ "Judicial review procedures to be made simpler". The Independent. 23 October 2011. Retrieved 22 January 2021.
  67. ^ "The true statistics behind judicial review's success rates". UK Human Rights Blog. 23 March 2015. Retrieved 22 January 2021.
  68. ^ "Lord Rees-Mogg Loses Challenge to Maastricht Treaty". AP NEWS. Retrieved 23 January 2021.
  69. ^ Scarman, Leslie (1974). English Law - The New Dimension. London: The Hamlyn Trust. pp. 48–52. ISBN 9780420446909.
  70. ^ "Judicial selection in the states". Ballotpedia.
  71. ^ "Lady Hale warns UK not to select judges on basis of political views". the Guardian. 18 December 2019.
  72. ^ "Judges and Parliament". www.judiciary.uk.
  73. ^ "The justice system and the constitution". www.judiciary.uk.

References

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Further reading

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