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'''Harold Joseph Laski''' (30 June 1893 – 24 March 1950) was an English [[political theorist]] and [[economist]]. He was active in [[politics]] and served as the chairman of the [[British Labour Party]] from 1945 to 1946 and was a professor at the [[London School of Economics]] from 1926 to 1950. He first promoted pluralism by emphasising the importance of local voluntary communities such as trade unions. After 1930, he began to emphasize the need for a [[workers' revolution]], which he hinted might be violent.<ref>{{cite book|author=Bill Jones|title=The Russia Complex: The British Labour Party and the Soviet Union|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kPDoAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA16|year=1977|publisher=Manchester University Press|page=16|isbn=9780719006968}}</ref> Laski's position angered Labour leaders who promised a nonviolent democratic transformation. Laski's position on democracy-threatening violence came under further attack from Prime Minister [[Winston Churchill]] in the [[1945 United Kingdom general election|1945 general election]], and the Labour Party had to disavow Laski, its own chairman.<ref>{{cite book|author=Kenneth R. Hoover|title=Economics As Ideology: Keynes, Laski, Hayek, and the Creation of Contemporary Politics|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TRPbeVirpysC&pg=PA164|year=2003|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield|page=164|isbn=9780742531130}}</ref>
'''Harold Joseph Laski''' (30 June 1893 – 24 March 1950) was an English [[political theorist]] and [[economist]]. He was active in [[politics]] and served as the chairman of the [[British Labour Party]] from 1945 to 1946 and was a professor at the [[London School of Economics]] from 1926 to 1950. He first promoted [[Pluralism (political philosophy)|pluralism]] by emphasising the importance of local voluntary communities such as trade unions. After 1930, he began to emphasize the need for a [[workers' revolution]], which he hinted might be violent.<ref>{{cite book|author=Bill Jones|title=The Russia Complex: The British Labour Party and the Soviet Union|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=kPDoAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA16|year=1977|publisher=Manchester University Press|page=16|isbn=9780719006968}}</ref> Laski's position angered Labour leaders who promised a nonviolent democratic transformation. Laski's position on democracy-threatening violence came under further attack from Prime Minister [[Winston Churchill]] in the [[1945 UK general election]], and the Labour Party had to disavow Laski, its own chairman.<ref>{{cite book|author=Kenneth R. Hoover|title=Economics As Ideology: Keynes, Laski, Hayek, and the Creation of Contemporary Politics|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=TRPbeVirpysC&pg=PA164|year=2003|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield|page=164|isbn=9780742531130}}</ref>


Laski was one of Britain's most influential intellectual spokesmen for [[Marxism]] in the [[interwar years]].{{Citation needed|date=January 2018}} In particular, his teaching greatly inspired students, some of whom later became leaders of the newly independent nations in Asia and Africa. He was perhaps the most prominent intellectual in the Labour Party, especially for those on the hard left who shared his trust and hope in [[Joseph Stalin]]'s [[Soviet Union]].<ref>{{cite book|author=Michael R. Gordon|title=Conflict and Consensus in Labour's Foreign Policy, 1914–1965|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6zesAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA157|year=1969|publisher=Stanford UP|page=157|isbn=9780804706865}}</ref> However, he was distrusted by the moderate Labour politicians, who were in charge{{Citation needed|date=May 2017}} such as Prime Minister [[Clement Attlee]], and he was never given a major government position or a peerage.
Laski was one of Britain's most influential intellectual spokesmen for [[Marxism]] in the [[interwar years]].{{Citation needed|date=January 2018}} In particular, his teaching greatly inspired students, some of whom later became leaders of the newly independent nations in Asia and Africa. He was perhaps the most prominent intellectual in the Labour Party, especially for those on the far left who shared his trust and hope in [[Joseph Stalin]]'s [[Soviet Union]];<ref>{{cite book|author=Michael R. Gordon|title=Conflict and Consensus in Labour's Foreign Policy, 1914–1965|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=6zesAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA157|year=1969|publisher=Stanford UP|page=157|isbn=9780804706865}}</ref> however, he was distrusted by the moderate Labour politicians who were in charge,{{Citation needed|date=May 2017}} such as Prime Minister [[Clement Attlee]], and he was never given a major government position or a peerage.


Born to a [[Jewish]] family, Laski was also a supporter of [[Zionism]] and supported the creation of a [[Jewish state]].<ref name="gorni"/>
Born to a [[Jewish]] family, Laski was also a supporter of [[Zionism]] and supported the creation of a [[Jewish state]].<ref name="gorni"/>


==Early life==
==Early life==
He was born in [[Manchester]] on 30 June 1893 to Nathan and Sarah Laski. Nathan Laski was a [[Lithuanian Jews|Lithuanian Jewish]] cotton merchant from [[Brest-Litovsk]] in what is now [[Belarus]]<ref>''UK, Naturalisation Certificates and Declarations, 1870–1916''</ref> and a leader of the [[Liberal Party (UK)|Liberal Party]], while his mother was born in Manchester to [[Polish Jewish]] parents.<ref name="1871census">''1871 England Census''</ref> He had a disabled sister, Mabel, who was one year younger. His elder brother was [[Neville Laski]] (the father of [[Marghanita Laski]]), and his cousin [[Neville Blond]] was the founder of the [[Royal Court Theatre]] and the father of the author and publisher Anthony Blond.<ref>[https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/1580358/Anthony-Blond.html Obituary: Anthony Blond], telegraph.co.uk, 1 March 2008</ref>
Laski was born in [[Manchester]] on 30 June 1893 to Nathan and Sarah Laski. Nathan Laski was a [[Lithuanian Jewish]] cotton merchant from [[Brest-Litovsk]] in what is now [[Belarus]],<ref>''UK, Naturalisation Certificates and Declarations, 1870–1916''</ref> as well as a local leader of the [[Liberal Party (UK)|Liberal Party]], while his mother was born in Manchester to [[Polish Jewish]] parents.<ref name="1871census">''1871 England Census''</ref> He had a disabled sister, Mabel, who was one year younger. His elder brother was [[Neville Laski]] (the father of [[Marghanita Laski]]), and his cousin [[Neville Blond]] was the founder of the [[Royal Court Theatre]] and the father of the author and publisher Anthony Blond.<ref>[https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/obituaries/1580358/Anthony-Blond.html Obituary: Anthony Blond], telegraph.co.uk, 1 March 2008</ref>


Harold attended the [[Manchester Grammar School]]. In 1911, he studied [[eugenics]] under [[Karl Pearson]] for six months at [[University College London]] ([[University College London|UCL]]). The same year, he met and married [[Frida Laski|Frida Kerry]], a lecturer of eugenics. His marriage to Frida, a [[Gentile]] and eight years his senior, antagonised his family. He also repudiated his faith in [[Judaism]] by claiming that reason prevented him from believing in God. After studying for a degree in history at [[New College, Oxford]], he graduated in 1914. He was awarded the Beit memorial prize during his time at New College.<ref name="lamb">{{Cite journal| first = Peter |last=Lamb| title =Harold Laski (1893–1950): Political Theorist of a World in Crisis| journal = Review of International Studies| volume = 25| issue = 2| pages = 329–342| date = April 1999| jstor = 20097600| doi=10.1017/s0260210599003290|s2cid=145139622 }}</ref> In April 1913, in the cause of [[Suffragette bombing and arson campaign|women's suffrage]], he and a friend planted an explosive device in the men's lavatory at [[Oxted railway station]], Surrey: it exploded, but caused only slight damage.<ref>Kramnick and Sheerman 1993, pp. 66–68.</ref>
Laski attended the [[Manchester Grammar School]]. In 1911, he studied [[eugenics]] under [[Karl Pearson]] for six months at [[University College London]] (UCL). The same year, he met and married [[Frida Laski|Frida Kerry]], a lecturer of eugenics. His marriage to Frida, a [[Gentile]] and eight years his senior, antagonised his family. He also repudiated his faith in [[Judaism]] by claiming that reason prevented him from believing in God. After studying for a degree in history at [[New College, Oxford]], he graduated in 1914. He was awarded the Beit memorial prize during his time at New College.<ref name="lamb">{{Cite journal| first = Peter |last=Lamb| title =Harold Laski (1893–1950): Political Theorist of a World in Crisis| journal = Review of International Studies| volume = 25| issue = 2| pages = 329–342| date = April 1999| jstor = 20097600| doi=10.1017/s0260210599003290|s2cid=145139622 }}</ref>


Laski failed his medical eligibility tests and so missed fighting in [[World War I]]. After graduation, he worked briefly at the ''[[Daily Herald (UK newspaper)|Daily Herald]]'' under [[George Lansbury]]. His daughter Diana was born in 1916.<ref name="lamb"/>
In April 1913, in the cause of [[Suffragette bombing and arson campaign|women's suffrage]], he and a friend planted an explosive device in the men's lavatory at [[Oxted railway station]], Surrey; it exploded but caused only slight damage.<ref>Kramnick and Sheerman 1993, pp. 66–68.</ref> Laski failed his medical eligibility tests and so missed fighting in [[World War I]]. After graduation, he worked briefly at the ''[[Daily Herald (UK newspaper)|Daily Herald]]'' under [[George Lansbury]]. His daughter Diana was born in 1916.<ref name="lamb"/>


==Career==
==Career==
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Laski cultivated a large network of American friends centred at Harvard, whose law review he had edited. He was often invited to lecture in America and wrote for ''[[The New Republic]]''. He became friends with [[Felix Frankfurter]], [[Herbert Croly]], [[Walter Lippmann]], [[Edmund Wilson]], and [[Charles A. Beard]]. His long friendship with Supreme Court Justice [[Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr.]] was cemented by weekly letters, which were later published.<ref>M. de Wolfe, ed., ''Holmes–Laski letters: the correspondence of Mr. Justice Holmes and Harold J. Laski'' (2 vols. 1953)</ref> He knew many powerful figures and claimed to know many more. Critics have often commented on Laski's repeated exaggerations and self-promotion, which Holmes tolerated. His wife commented that he was "half-man, half-child, all his life".<ref name="Schlesinger, 1993">Schlesinger, 1993</ref>
Laski cultivated a large network of American friends centred at Harvard, whose law review he had edited. He was often invited to lecture in America and wrote for ''[[The New Republic]]''. He became friends with [[Felix Frankfurter]], [[Herbert Croly]], [[Walter Lippmann]], [[Edmund Wilson]], and [[Charles A. Beard]]. His long friendship with Supreme Court Justice [[Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr.]] was cemented by weekly letters, which were later published.<ref>{{cite book |editor= Howe, Mark DeWolfe |title= Holmes–Laski letters: the correspondence of Mr. Justice Holmes and Harold J. Laski |volume= 1 |year= 1953 |place= London |publisher= Geoffrey Cumberlege |url= https://archive.org/details/holmeslaskilette0001unse/page/n7/mode/2up?view=theater |url-access= registration |via= [[Internet Archive]]}}; {{cite book |editor= Howe, Mark DeWolfe |title= Holmes–Laski letters: the correspondence of Mr. Justice Holmes and Harold J. Laski | volume= 2 |year= 1953 |place= London |publisher= Geoffrey Cumberlege |url= https://archive.org/details/holmeslaskilette0002unse/page/n7/mode/2up?view=theater |url-access= registration |via= [[Internet Archive]]}}</ref> He knew many powerful figures and claimed to know many more. Critics have often commented on Laski's repeated exaggerations and self-promotion, which Holmes tolerated. His wife commented that he was "half-man, half-child, all his life".<ref name="Schlesinger, 1993">Schlesinger, 1993</ref>
Laski returned to England in 1920 and began teaching government at the [[London School of Economics]] (LSE). In 1926, he was made professor of political science at the LSE. Laski was an executive member of the socialist [[Fabian Society]] from 1922 to 1936. In 1936, he co-founded the [[Left Book Club]] along with [[Victor Gollancz]] and [[John Strachey (politician)|John Strachey]]. He was a prolific writer and produced a number of books and essays throughout the 1920s and the 1930s.<ref name="mortimer">{{cite web| last=Mortimer| first=Molly |title=Harold Laski: A Political Biography. – book reviews | date= September 1993 | url =http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2242/is_n1532_v263/ai_14567902/| work =Contemporary Review}}</ref>
Laski returned to England in 1920 and began teaching government at the [[London School of Economics]] (LSE). In 1926, he was made professor of political science at the LSE. Laski was an executive member of the socialist [[Fabian Society]] from 1922 to 1936. In 1936, he co-founded the [[Left Book Club]] along with [[Victor Gollancz]] and [[John Strachey (politician)|John Strachey]]. He was a prolific writer and produced a number of books and essays throughout the 1920s and the 1930s.<ref name="mortimer">{{cite web| last=Mortimer| first=Molly |title=Harold Laski: A Political Biography. – book reviews | date= September 1993 | url =http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2242/is_n1532_v263/ai_14567902/| work =Contemporary Review}}</ref>


At the LSE in the 1930s, Laski developed a connection with scholars from the [[Institute for Social Research]], now more commonly known as the [[Frankfurt School]]. In 1933, with almost all the Institute's members in exile, Laski was among a number of British socialists, including [[Sidney Webb]] and [[RH Tawney]], who arranged for the establishment of a London office for the Institute's use. After the Institute moved to [[Columbia University]] in 1934, Laski was one of its sponsored guest lecturers invited to New York.<ref>Martin Jay ''The Dialectical Imagination'', Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972, p.30, 115</ref> Laski also played a role in bringing [[Franz Neumann (political scientist)|Franz Neumann]] to join the Institute. After fleeing Germany almost immediately after [[Adolf Hitler's rise to power]], Neumann did graduate work in political science under Laski and [[Karl Mannheim]] at the LSE and wrote his dissertation on the rise and fall of the [[rule of law]]. It was on Laski's recommendation that Neumann was then invited to join the Institute in 1936.<ref>Franz Neumann ''Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism, 1933–1944'', Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2009, p. ix–x</ref>
At the LSE in the 1930s, Laski developed a connection with scholars from the [[Institute for Social Research]], now more commonly known as the [[Frankfurt School]]. In 1933, with almost all the Institute's members in exile, Laski was among a number of British socialists, including [[Sidney Webb]] and [[R. H. Tawney]], who arranged for the establishment of a London office for the Institute's use. After the Institute moved to [[Columbia University]] in 1934, Laski was one of its sponsored guest lecturers invited to New York.<ref>Martin Jay ''The Dialectical Imagination'', Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972, p.30, 115</ref> Laski also played a role in bringing [[Franz Neumann (political scientist)|Franz Neumann]] to join the Institute. After fleeing Germany almost immediately after [[Adolf Hitler's rise to power]], Neumann did graduate work in political science under Laski and [[Karl Mannheim]] at the LSE and wrote his dissertation on the rise and fall of the [[rule of law]]. It was on Laski's recommendation that Neumann was then invited to join the Institute in 1936.<ref>Franz Neumann ''Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism, 1933–1944'', Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2009, p. ix–x</ref>


===Teacher===
===Teacher===
Laski was a gifted lecturer, but he would alienate his audience by humiliating those who asked questions. However, he was liked by his students, and was especially influential among the [[Asia]]n and [[Africa]]n students who attended the LSE.<ref name="Schlesinger, 1993"/> Describing Laski's approach, [[Kingsley Martin]] wrote in 1968:
Laski was regarded as a gifted lecturer but he would alienate his audience by humiliating those who asked questions. Despite this, he was liked by his students, and was especially influential among the [[Asia]]n and [[Africa]]n students who attended the LSE.<ref name="Schlesinger, 1993"/> Describing Laski's approach, [[Kingsley Martin]] wrote in 1968:
{{blockquote|He was still in his late twenties and looked like a schoolboy. His lectures on the history of political ideas were brilliant, eloquent, and delivered without a note; he often referred to current controversies, even when the subject was Hobbes's theory of sovereignty.<ref name="Martin1968">{{cite book|last=Martin|first=Kingsley|title=Editor: a second volume of autobiography, 1931–45|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RvIqAAAAMAAJ|access-date=22 April 2012|year=1968|publisher=Hutchinson|page=94|isbn=9780090860401}}</ref>}}
{{blockquote|He was still in his late twenties and looked like a schoolboy. His lectures on the history of political ideas were brilliant, eloquent, and delivered without a note; he often referred to current controversies, even when the subject was Hobbes's theory of sovereignty.<ref name="Martin1968">{{cite book|last=Martin|first=Kingsley|title=Editor: a second volume of autobiography, 1931–45|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RvIqAAAAMAAJ|access-date=22 April 2012|year=1968|publisher=Hutchinson|page=94|isbn=9780090860401}}</ref>}}


[[Ralph Miliband]], another student of Laski, praised his teaching: {{blockquote|His lectures taught more, much more than political science. They taught a faith that ideas mattered, that knowledge was important and its pursuit exciting.... His seminars taught tolerance, the willingness to listen although one disagreed, the values of ideas being confronted. And it was all immense fun, an exciting game that had meaning, and it was also a sieve of ideas, a gymnastics of the mind carried on with vigour and directed unobtrusively with superb craftsmanship. I think I know now why he gave himself so freely. Partly it was because he was human and warm and that he was so interested in people. But mainly it was because he loved students, and he loved students because they were young. Because he had a glowing faith that youth was generous and alive, eager and enthusiastic and fresh. That by helping young people he was helping the future and bringing nearer that brave world in which he so passionately believed.<ref name="Newman2002">{{cite book|last=Newman|first=Michael|title=Ralph Miliband and the politics of the New Left|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZuoEAQAAIAAJ|access-date=22 April 2012|year=2002|publisher=Merlin Press|isbn=978-0-85036-513-9|page=22}}</ref>}}
[[Ralph Miliband]], another of Laski's student, praised his teaching: {{blockquote|His lectures taught more, much more than political science. They taught a faith that ideas mattered, that knowledge was important and its pursuit exciting.... His seminars taught tolerance, the willingness to listen although one disagreed, the values of ideas being confronted. And it was all immense fun, an exciting game that had meaning, and it was also a sieve of ideas, a gymnastics of the mind carried on with vigour and directed unobtrusively with superb craftsmanship. I think I know now why he gave himself so freely. Partly it was because he was human and warm and that he was so interested in people. But mainly it was because he loved students, and he loved students because they were young. Because he had a glowing faith that youth was generous and alive, eager and enthusiastic and fresh. That by helping young people he was helping the future and bringing nearer that brave world in which he so passionately believed.<ref name="Newman2002">{{cite book|last=Newman|first=Michael|title=Ralph Miliband and the politics of the New Left|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZuoEAQAAIAAJ|access-date=22 April 2012|year=2002|publisher=Merlin Press|isbn=978-0-85036-513-9|page=22}}</ref>}}


===Ideology and political convictions===
===Ideology and political convictions===
Laski's early work promoted [[Pluralism (political philosophy)|pluralism]], especially in the essays collected in ''Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty'' (1917), ''Authority in the Modern State'' (1919), and ''The Foundations of Sovereignty'' (1921). He argued that the state should not be considered supreme since people could and should have loyalties to local organisations, clubs, labour unions and societies. The state should respect those allegiances and promote pluralism and decentralisation.<ref name="Newman, 2011">Newman, Michael. "Laski, Harold Joseph (1893–1950)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography'' (Oxford University Press, 2004) online edn, Jan 2011 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/34412, accessed 11 June 2013] doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/34412</ref>
Laski's early work promoted [[Pluralism (political philosophy)|pluralism]], especially in the essays collected in ''Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty'' (1917), ''Authority in the Modern State'' (1919), and ''The Foundations of Sovereignty'' (1921). He argued that the state should not be considered supreme since people could and should have loyalties to local organisations, clubs, labour unions, and societies. The state should respect those allegiances and promote pluralism and decentralisation.<ref name="Newman, 2011">Newman, Michael. "Laski, Harold Joseph (1893–1950)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography'' (Oxford University Press, 2004) online edn, Jan 2011 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/34412, accessed 11 June 2013] doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/34412</ref>


Laski became a proponent of [[Marxism]] and believed in a [[planned economy]] based on the [[State ownership|public ownership]] of the [[means of production]]. Instead of, as he saw it, a coercive state, Laski believed in the evolution of co-operative states that were internationally bound and stressed [[Welfare|social welfare]].<ref>Laski, ''The State in Theory and Practice'' (Transaction Publishers, 2009) p. 242</ref> He also believed that since the [[capitalist class]] would not acquiesce in its own liquidation, the [[Co-operative Commonwealth (society)|co-operative commonwealth]] was not likely to be attained without violence. However, he also had a commitment to [[civil liberties]], [[Freedom of speech|free speech]] and [[Freedom of association|association]] and [[representative democracy]].<ref name="wm">{{cite web| last=Schlesinger Jr. | first=Arthur |title=Harold Laski: A Life on the Left | url =http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Harold+Laski:+A+Life+on+the+Left.-a014687963| work =[[The Washington Monthly]]| access-date = 16 January 2010}}</ref> Initially, he believed that the [[League of Nations]] would bring about an "international democratic system". However, from the late 1920s, his political beliefs became radicalised, and he believed that it was necessary to go beyond capitalism to "transcend the existing system of [[Sovereign state|sovereign states]]". Laski was dismayed by the [[Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact]] of August 1939 and wrote a preface to the [[Left Book Club]] collection criticising it, titled ''[[Betrayal of the Left]]''.<ref>Angus Calder, ''The People's War: Britain, 1939–1945'' (Panther Books, 1969) p. 733.</ref>
Laski became a proponent of [[Marxism]] and believed in a [[planned economy]] based on the [[public ownership]] of the [[means of production]]. Instead of, as he saw it, a coercive state, Laski believed in the evolution of co-operative states that were internationally bound and stressed [[Welfare|social welfare]].<ref>Laski, ''The State in Theory and Practice'' (Transaction Publishers, 2009) p. 242</ref> He also believed that since the [[capitalist class]] would not acquiesce in its own liquidation, the [[Co-operative Commonwealth (society)|co-operative commonwealth]] was not likely to be attained without violence. He also had a commitment to [[civil liberties]], [[Freedom of speech|free speech]] and [[Freedom of association|association]], and [[representative democracy]].<ref name="wm">{{cite web| last=Schlesinger Jr. | first=Arthur |title=Harold Laski: A Life on the Left | url =http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Harold+Laski:+A+Life+on+the+Left.-a014687963| work =[[The Washington Monthly]]| access-date = 16 January 2010}}</ref> Initially, he believed that the [[League of Nations]] would bring about an "international democratic system". From the late 1920s, his political beliefs became radicalised, and he believed that it was necessary to go beyond capitalism to "transcend the existing system of [[Sovereign state|sovereign states]]". Laski was dismayed by the [[Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact]] of August 1939 and wrote a preface to the [[Left Book Club]] collection criticising it, titled ''[[Betrayal of the Left]]''.<ref>Angus Calder, ''The People's War: Britain, 1939–1945'' (Panther Books, 1969) p. 733.</ref>


Between the beginning of [[World War II]] in 1939 and the [[Attack on Pearl Harbor]] in 1941, which drew the [[United States]] into the war, Laski was a prominent voice advocating American support for the [[Allies of World War II|Allies]], became a prolific author of articles in the [[Mass media in the United States|American press]], frequently undertook lecture tours in the US and influenced prominent American friends including [[Felix Frankfurter]], [[Edward R. Murrow]], [[Max Lerner]], and [[Eric Sevareid]].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=O'Connell |first1=Jeffrey |author-link1=Jeffrey O'Connell |last2=O'Connell |first2=Thomas E. |year=1996 |title=The Rise and Fall (and Rise Again?) of Harold Laski |url=http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?page=1384&handle=hein.journals%2Fmllr55&collection=journals|journal=Maryland Law Review|volume=55 |issue=4 |pages=1387–1388|issn=0025-4282 |access-date=23 July 2014|url-access=subscription }}</ref> In his last years, he was disillusioned by the [[Cold War]] and the [[1948 Czechoslovak coup d'état]].<ref name="lamb"/><ref name="mortimer"/><ref name="wm"/> [[George Orwell]] described him thus: "A socialist by allegiance, and a liberal by temperament".<ref name="Schlesinger, 1993"/>
Between the beginning of [[World War II]] in 1939 and the [[attack on Pearl Harbor]] in 1941, which drew the United States into the war, Laski was a prominent voice advocating American support for the [[Allies of World War II|Allies]], became a prolific author of articles in the [[Mass media in the United States|American press]], frequently undertook lecture tours in the United States and influenced prominent American friends including [[Felix Frankfurter]], [[Edward R. Murrow]], [[Max Lerner]], and [[Eric Sevareid]].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=O'Connell |first1=Jeffrey |author-link1=Jeffrey O'Connell |last2=O'Connell |first2=Thomas E. |year=1996 |title=The Rise and Fall (and Rise Again?) of Harold Laski |url=http://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?page=1384&handle=hein.journals%2Fmllr55&collection=journals|journal=Maryland Law Review|volume=55 |issue=4 |pages=1387–1388|issn=0025-4282 |access-date=23 July 2014|url-access=subscription }}</ref> In his last years, he was disillusioned by the [[Cold War]] and the [[1948 Czechoslovak coup d'état]].<ref name="lamb"/><ref name="mortimer"/><ref name="wm"/> [[George Orwell]] described him as a "socialist by allegiance, and a liberal by temperament".<ref name="Schlesinger, 1993"/> Laski tried to mobilise Britain's academics, teachers, and intellectuals behind the socialist cause, the Socialist League being one effort. He had some success but that element typically found itself marginalised in the Labour Party.<ref>Robert Dare, "Instinct and Organization: Intellectuals and British Labour after 1931", ''Historical Journal,'' (1983) 26#3 pp.&nbsp;677–697 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/2639086 in JSTOR]</ref>

Laski tried to mobilise Britain's academics, teachers and intellectuals behind the socialist cause, the Socialist League being one effort. He had some success but that element typically found itself marginalised in the Labour Party.<ref>Robert Dare, "Instinct and Organization: Intellectuals and British Labour after 1931", ''Historical Journal,'' (1983) 26#3 pp.&nbsp;677–697 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/2639086 in JSTOR]</ref>


===Zionism and anti-Catholicism===
===Zionism and anti-Catholicism===
Laski was always a [[Zionist]] at heart and always felt himself a part of the [[Jews|Jewish nation]], but he viewed traditional [[Judaism|Jewish religion]] as restrictive.<ref name="gorni">Yosef Gorni, "The Jewishness and Zionism of Harold Laski," ''Midstream'' (1977) 23#9 pp&nbsp;72–77.</ref> In 1946, Laski said in a radio address that the [[Catholic Church]] opposed democracy,<ref>"Catholic Church for Democracy, Foley Says in Reply to Laski"[[Poughkeepsie Journal]], 7 February 1946, p. 9. ([https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/115092782/ Newspapers.com])</ref> and said that "it is impossible to make peace with the Roman Catholic Church. It is one of the permanent enemies of all that is decent in the human spirit".<ref>"[http://catholicexchange.com/walls-have-ears Walls Have Ears]", ''Catholic Exchange'', 13 April 2004</ref>
Laski was always a [[Zionist]] at heart and always felt himself a part of the [[Jews|Jewish nation]] but viewed traditional [[Judaism|Jewish religion]] as restrictive.<ref name="gorni">Yosef Gorni, "The Jewishness and Zionism of Harold Laski," ''Midstream'' (1977) 23#9 pp&nbsp;72–77.</ref> In 1946, Laski said in a radio address that the [[Catholic Church]] opposed democracy,<ref>"Catholic Church for Democracy, Foley Says in Reply to Laski"[[Poughkeepsie Journal]], 7 February 1946, p. 9. ([https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/115092782/ Newspapers.com])</ref> and said that "it is impossible to make peace with the Roman Catholic Church. It is one of the permanent enemies of all that is decent in the human spirit."<ref>"[http://catholicexchange.com/walls-have-ears Walls Have Ears]", ''Catholic Exchange'', 13 April 2004</ref> In his final years, he became critical of what he saw as extremism in Israel at the outbreak of the [[1947–1948 civil war in Mandatory Palestine]], arguing that they had not prevailed "upon an indefensible group among them to desist from using indefensible means for an end to which they were never proportionate."<ref>{{Cite news |date=April 1, 1948 |title=Laski Chides Jews in Palestine Crisis |pages=3 |work=[[The New York Times]] |url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1948/04/01/96590305.html?pageNumber=3 |access-date=November 6, 2023}}</ref>


===Political career===
===Political career===
Laski's main political role came as a writer and lecturer on every topic of concern to the left at that time, including [[socialism]], capitalism, [[working conditions]], [[eugenics]],<ref>{{Cite news|last=Freedland|first=Jonathan|date=2012-02-17|title=Eugenics: the skeleton that rattles loudest in the left's closet {{!}} Jonathan Freedland|language=en-GB|work=The Guardian|url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/feb/17/eugenics-skeleton-rattles-loudest-closet-left|access-date=2020-06-15|issn=0261-3077}}</ref> [[women's suffrage]], [[imperialism]], [[Decolonization|decolonisation]], [[disarmament]], [[human rights]], worker education and [[Zionism]]. He was tireless in his speeches and pamphleteering and was always on call to help a Labour candidate. In between, he served on scores of committees and carried a full load as a professor and advisor to students.<ref>Isaac Kramnick and Barry Sheerman, ''Harold Laski: A Life on the Left'' (1993)</ref>
Laski's main political role came as a writer and lecturer on every topic of concern to the left at that time, including [[socialism]], capitalism, [[working conditions]], [[eugenics]],<ref>{{Cite news|last=Freedland|first=Jonathan|date=2012-02-17|title=Eugenics: the skeleton that rattles loudest in the left's closet {{!}} Jonathan Freedland|language=en-GB|work=The Guardian|url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/feb/17/eugenics-skeleton-rattles-loudest-closet-left|access-date=2020-06-15|issn=0261-3077}}</ref> [[women's suffrage]], [[imperialism]], [[Decolonization|decolonisation]], [[disarmament]], [[human rights]], worker education, and [[Zionism]]. He was tireless in his speeches and pamphleteering and was always on call to help a Labour candidate. In between, he served on scores of committees and carried a full load as a professor and advisor to students.<ref>Isaac Kramnick and Barry Sheerman, ''Harold Laski: A Life on the Left'' (1993)</ref>


Laski plunged into Labour Party politics on his return to London in 1920. In 1923, he turned down the offer of a Parliament seat and cabinet position by [[Ramsay MacDonald]] and also a seat in the Lords. He felt betrayed by MacDonald in the crisis of 1931 and decided that a peaceful, democratic transition to socialism would be blocked by the violence of the opposition. In 1932, Laski joined the [[Socialist League (UK, 1932)|Socialist League]], a left-wing faction of the Labour Party.<ref>Ben Pimlott, "The Socialist League: Intellectuals and the Labour Left in the 1930s," ''Journal of Contemporary History'' (1971) 6#3 pp.&nbsp;12–38 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/259876 in JSTOR]</ref> In 1937, he was involved in the failed attempt by the Socialist League in co-operation with the [[Independent Labour Party]] (ILP) and the [[Communist Party of Great Britain]] (CPGB) to form a [[Popular Front (UK)|Popular Front]] to bring down the Conservative government of [[Neville Chamberlain]]. In 1934 to 1945, he served as an alderman in the [[Fulham]] Borough Council and also the chairman of the libraries committee.
Laski plunged into Labour Party politics on his return to London in 1920. In 1923, he turned down the offer of a Parliament seat and cabinet position by [[Ramsay MacDonald]] and also a seat in the Lords. He felt betrayed by MacDonald in the crisis of 1931 and decided that a peaceful, democratic transition to socialism would be blocked by the violence of the opposition. In 1932, Laski joined the [[Socialist League (UK, 1932)|Socialist League]], a left-wing faction of the Labour Party.<ref>Ben Pimlott, "The Socialist League: Intellectuals and the Labour Left in the 1930s," ''Journal of Contemporary History'' (1971) 6#3 pp.&nbsp;12–38 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/259876 in JSTOR]</ref>


In 1937, the Socialist League was rejected by the Labour Party and folded. He was elected as a member of the Labour Party's [[National Executive Committee of the Labour Party|National Executive Committee]] and he remained a member until 1949. In 1944, he chaired the Labour Party Conference and served as the party's chair in 1945 to 1946.<ref name="Newman, 2011"/>
In 1937, he was involved in the failed attempt by the Socialist League in co-operation with the [[Independent Labour Party]] (ILP) and the [[Communist Party of Great Britain]] (CPGB) to form a [[Popular Front (UK)|Popular Front]] to bring down the Conservative government of [[Neville Chamberlain]]. In 1934 to 1945, he served as an alderman in the [[Fulham]] Borough Council and also the chairman of the libraries committee. Also in 1937, the Socialist League was rejected by the Labour Party and folded. He was elected as a member of the Labour Party's [[National Executive Committee of the Labour Party|National Executive Committee]] and he remained a member until 1949. In 1944, he chaired the Labour Party Conference and served as the party's chair in 1945 to 1946.<ref name="Newman, 2011"/>


===Declining role===
===Declining role===
During the war, he supported Prime Minister [[Winston Churchill]]'s coalition government and gave countless speeches to encourage the battle against [[Nazi Germany]]. He suffered a [[nervous breakdown]] brought about by overwork. During the war, he repeatedly feuded with other Labour figures and with Churchill on matters great and small. He steadily lost his influence.<ref>T. D. Burridge, "A Postscript to Potsdam: The Churchill-Laski Electoral Clash, June 1945," ''Journal of Contemporary History'' (1977) 12#4 pp.&nbsp;725–739 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/260169 in JSTOR]</ref>
During the war, he supported Prime Minister [[Winston Churchill]]'s coalition government and gave countless speeches to encourage the battle against [[Nazi Germany]]. He suffered a [[nervous breakdown]] brought about by overwork. During the war, he repeatedly feuded with other Labour figures and with Churchill on matters great and small. He steadily lost his influence.<ref>T. D. Burridge, "A Postscript to Potsdam: The Churchill-Laski Electoral Clash, June 1945," ''Journal of Contemporary History'' (1977) 12#4 pp.&nbsp;725–739 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/260169 in JSTOR]</ref> In 1942, he drafted the Labour Party pamphlet ''The Old World and the New Society'' calling for the transformation of Britain into a [[socialist state]] by allowing its government to retain wartime [[economic planning]] and [[price controls]] into the [[Post-war Britain (1945–1979)|postwar era]].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Thorpe |first=Andrew |url=http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-1-349-25305-0 |title=A History of the British Labour Party |date=1997 |publisher=Macmillan Education UK |isbn=978-0-333-56081-5 |location=London |pages=106 |language=en |doi=10.1007/978-1-349-25305-0 |ref=none}}</ref>


In the [[1945 United Kingdom general election|1945 UK general election]] campaign, Churchill warned that Laski, as the Labour Party chairman, would be the [[power behind the throne]] in an [[Attlee government]]. While speaking for the Labour candidate in [[Newark (UK Parliament constituency)|Nottinghamshire]] on 16 June 1945, Laski said, "If Labour did not obtain what it needed by general consent, we shall have to use violence even if it means revolution." The next day, accounts of Laski's speech appeared, and the Conservatives attacked the Labour Party for its chairman's advocacy of violence. Laski filed a libel suit against the ''[[Daily Express]]'' newspaper, which backed the Conservatives. The defence showed that over the years Laski had often bandied about loose threats of "revolution". The jury found for the newspaper within forty minutes of deliberations.<ref>{{cite book | first=Michael | last= Rubinstein| year= 1972| title= Wicked, wicked libels | publisher= Taylor & Francis| pages=167–168| isbn= 9780710072399|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SY09AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA168}}</ref>
In 1942, he drafted the Labour Party pamphlet ''The Old World and the New Society'' calling for the transformation of Britain into a [[socialist state]] by allowing its government to retain wartime [[Planned economy|central economic planning]] and [[price controls]] into the [[Postwar Britain (1945–1979)|postwar era]].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Thorpe |first=Andrew |url=http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-1-349-25305-0 |title=A History of the British Labour Party |date=1997 |publisher=Macmillan Education UK |isbn=978-0-333-56081-5 |location=London |pages=106 |language=en |doi=10.1007/978-1-349-25305-0 |ref=none}}</ref>

In the [[1945 United Kingdom general election|1945 general election campaign]], Churchill warned that Laski, as the Labour Party chairman, would be the [[power behind the throne]] in an Attlee government. While speaking for the Labour candidate in [[Newark (UK Parliament constituency)|Nottinghamshire]] on 16 June 1945, Laski said, "If Labour did not obtain what it needed by general consent, we shall have to use violence even if it means revolution". The next day, accounts of Laski's speech appeared, and the Conservatives attacked the Labour Party for its chairman's advocacy of violence. Laski filed a libel suit against the ''[[Daily Express]]'' newspaper, which backed the Conservatives. The defence showed that over the years Laski had often bandied about loose threats of "revolution". The jury found for the newspaper within forty minutes of deliberations.<ref>{{cite book | first=Michael | last= Rubinstein| year= 1972| title= Wicked, wicked libels | publisher= Taylor & Francis| pages=167–168| isbn= 9780710072399|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SY09AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA168}}</ref>


Attlee gave Laski no role in the new Labour government. Even before the libel trial, Laski's relationship with Attlee had been strained. Laski had once called Attlee "uninteresting and uninspired" in the American press and even tried to remove him by asking for Attlee's resignation in an open letter. He tried to delay the [[Potsdam Conference]] until after Attlee's position was clarified. He tried to bypass Attlee by directly dealing with Churchill.<ref name="mortimer"/> Laski tried to pre-empt foreign policy decisions by laying down guidelines for the new Labour government. Attlee rebuked him:
Attlee gave Laski no role in the new Labour government. Even before the libel trial, Laski's relationship with Attlee had been strained. Laski had once called Attlee "uninteresting and uninspired" in the American press and even tried to remove him by asking for Attlee's resignation in an open letter. He tried to delay the [[Potsdam Conference]] until after Attlee's position was clarified. He tried to bypass Attlee by directly dealing with Churchill.<ref name="mortimer"/> Laski tried to pre-empt foreign policy decisions by laying down guidelines for the new Labour government. Attlee rebuked him:
{{blockquote| You have no right whatever to speak on behalf of the Government. Foreign affairs are in the capable hands of [[Ernest Bevin]]. His task is quite sufficiently difficult without the irresponsible statements of the kind you are making&nbsp;... I can assure you there is widespread resentment in the Party at your activities and a period of silence on your part would be welcome.<ref>{{cite book|last=Pugh|first=Martin| author-link = Martin Pugh (author)|title=Speak for Britain!: A New History of the Labour Party|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=69EJz1ewsLIC&pg=PA282|year=2010|publisher=Random House|page=282|isbn=9781407051550}}</ref>}}
{{blockquote| You have no right whatever to speak on behalf of the Government. Foreign affairs are in the capable hands of [[Ernest Bevin]]. His task is quite sufficiently difficult without the irresponsible statements of the kind you are making&nbsp;... I can assure you there is widespread resentment in the Party at your activities and a period of silence on your part would be welcome.<ref>{{cite book|last=Pugh|first=Martin| author-link = Martin Pugh (author)|title=Speak for Britain!: A New History of the Labour Party|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=69EJz1ewsLIC&pg=PA282|year=2010|publisher=Random House|page=282|isbn=9781407051550}}</ref>}}


Though he continued to work for the Labour Party until he died, he never regained political influence. His pessimism deepened as he disagreed with the [[anti-Soviet]] policies of the Attlee government in the emerging [[Cold War]], and he was profoundly disillusioned with the anti-Soviet direction of [[History of United States foreign policy|American foreign policy]].<ref name="Newman, 2011"/>
Although he continued to work for the Labour Party until he died, Laski never regained political influence. His pessimism deepened as he disagreed with the [[anti-Soviet]] policies of the Attlee government in the emerging [[Cold War]], and he was profoundly disillusioned with the anti-Soviet direction of [[History of the United States foreign policy|American foreign policy]].<ref name="Newman, 2011"/>


==Death==
==Death==
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[[File:HaroldLaskiBluePlaque.jpg|thumb|Blue plaque, 5 Addison Bridge Place, [[West Kensington]], London]]
[[File:HaroldLaskiBluePlaque.jpg|thumb|Blue plaque, 5 Addison Bridge Place, [[West Kensington]], London]]
[[Columbia University|Columbia]] professor [[Herbert A. Deane]] has identified five distinct phases of Laski's thought that he never integrated. The first three were pluralist (1914–1924), Fabian (1925–1931), and Marxian (1932–1939). There followed a 'popular-front' approach (1940–1945), and in the last years (1946–1950) near-incoherence and multiple contradictions.<ref>Deane, Herbert A. ''The Political Ideas of Harold Laski'' (1955)</ref> Laski's long-term impact on Britain is hard to quantify. Newman notes that "It has been widely held that his early books were the most profound and that he subsequently wrote far too much, with polemics displacing serious analysis."<ref name="Newman, 2011"/> In an essay published a few years after Laski's death, Professor [[Alfred Cobban]] of [[University College London]] observed:{{blockquote|Among recent political thinkers, it seems to me that one of the very few, perhaps the only one, who followed the traditional pattern, accepted the problems presented by his age, and devoted himself to the attempt to find an answer to them was Harold Laski. Though I am bound to say that I do not agree with his analysis or his conclusions, I think that he was trying to do the right kind of thing. And this, I suspect, is the reason why, practically alone among political thinkers in Great Britain, he exercised a positive influence over both political thought and action.<ref> Alfred Cobban, "The Decline of Political Theory," ''Political Science Quarterly,'' Vol. LXVIII, September 1953, p. 332. </ref>}}
[[Columbia University]] professor [[Herbert A. Deane]] identified five distinct phases of Laski's thought that he never integrated. The first three were pluralist (1914–1924), [[Fabian Society|Fabian]] (1925–1931), and Marxian (1932–1939). There followed a [[popular front]] approach (1940–1945), and in the last years (1946–1950) near-incoherence and multiple contradictions.<ref>Deane, Herbert A. ''The Political Ideas of Harold Laski'' (1955)</ref> Laski's long-term impact on Britain is hard to quantify. Newman observes: "It has been widely held that his early books were the most profound and that he subsequently wrote far too much, with polemics displacing serious analysis."<ref name="Newman, 2011"/> In an essay published a few years after Laski's death, Professor [[Alfred Cobban]] of [[University College London]] commented:{{blockquote|Among recent political thinkers, it seems to me that one of the very few, perhaps the only one, who followed the traditional pattern, accepted the problems presented by his age, and devoted himself to the attempt to find an answer to them was Harold Laski. Though I am bound to say that I do not agree with his analysis or his conclusions, I think that he was trying to do the right kind of thing. And this, I suspect, is the reason why, practically alone among political thinkers in Great Britain, he exercised a positive influence over both political thought and action.<ref> Alfred Cobban, "The Decline of Political Theory," ''Political Science Quarterly,'' Vol. LXVIII, September 1953, p. 332. </ref>}}


Laski had a major long-term impact on support for socialism in India and other countries in Asia and Africa. He taught generations of future leaders at the LSE, including India's [[Jawaharlal Nehru]]. According to [[John Kenneth Galbraith]], "the centre of Nehru's thinking was Laski" and "India the country most influenced by Laski's ideas".<ref name="wm"/> It is mainly due to his influence that the LSE has a semi-mythological status in India.{{Citation needed|date=March 2020}} He was steady in his unremitting advocacy of the [[independence of India]]. He was a revered figure to Indian students at the LSE. One Prime Minister of India{{who|date=December 2020}} said "in every meeting of the Indian Cabinet there is a chair reserved for the ghost of Professor Harold Laski".<ref>Isaac Kramnick and Barry Sheerman ''Harold Laski: A Life on the Left'', The Penguin Press, 1993</ref><ref name="guha">{{cite news| last=Guha| first=Ramachandra| author-link =Ramachandra Guha|title= The LSE and India | date= 23 November 2003 | url =https://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-features/tp-sundaymagazine/the-lse-and-india/article28524830.ece| work =[[The Hindu]]}}</ref> His recommendation of [[K. R. Narayanan]] (later President of India) to Nehru (then Prime Minister of India), resulted in Nehru appointing Narayanan to the [[Indian Foreign Service]].<ref name="gandhi">{{cite web|last=Gandhi |first=Gopalakrishna |title=A remarkable life-story |date=2 December 2005 |url=http://www.flonnet.com/fl2224/stories/20051202005812900.htm |work=[[Frontline (magazine)|Frontline]] |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100207224741/http://www.flonnet.com/fl2224/stories/20051202005812900.htm |archive-date=7 February 2010 }}</ref> In his memory, the Indian government established The Harold Laski Institute of Political Science in 1954 at [[Ahmedabad]].<ref name="Newman, 2011"/>
Laski had a major long-term impact on support for socialism in India and other countries in Asia and Africa. He taught generations of future leaders at the LSE, including India's [[Jawaharlal Nehru]]. According to [[John Kenneth Galbraith]], "the centre of Nehru's thinking was Laski" and "India the country most influenced by Laski's ideas".<ref name="wm"/> It is mainly due to his influence that the LSE has a semi-mythological status in India.{{Citation needed|date=March 2020}} He was steady in his unremitting advocacy of the [[independence of India]]. He was a revered figure to Indian students at the LSE. One Prime Minister of India{{who|date=December 2020}} said "in every meeting of the Indian Cabinet there is a chair reserved for the ghost of Professor Harold Laski".<ref>Isaac Kramnick and Barry Sheerman ''Harold Laski: A Life on the Left'', The Penguin Press, 1993</ref><ref name="guha">{{cite news| last=Guha| first=Ramachandra| author-link =Ramachandra Guha|title= The LSE and India | date= 23 November 2003 | url =https://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-features/tp-sundaymagazine/the-lse-and-india/article28524830.ece| work =[[The Hindu]]}}</ref> His recommendation of [[K. R. Narayanan]] (later president of India) to Nehru (then Prime Minister of India), resulted in Nehru appointing Narayanan to the [[Indian Foreign Service]].<ref name="gandhi">{{cite web|last=Gandhi |first=Gopalakrishna |title=A remarkable life-story |date=2 December 2005 |url=http://www.flonnet.com/fl2224/stories/20051202005812900.htm |work=[[Frontline (magazine)|Frontline]] |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100207224741/http://www.flonnet.com/fl2224/stories/20051202005812900.htm |archive-date=7 February 2010 }}</ref> In his memory, the Indian government established The Harold Laski Institute of Political Science in 1954 at [[Ahmedabad]].<ref name="Newman, 2011"/>


Speaking at a meeting organised in Laski's memory by the Indian League at London on 3 May 1950, Nehru praised him as follows:
Speaking at a meeting organised in Laski's memory by the Indian League at London on 3 May 1950, Nehru praised him as follows:
{{blockquote|It is difficult to realise that Professor Harold Laski is no more. Lovers of freedom all over the world pay tribute to the magnificent work that he did. We in India are particularly grateful for his staunch advocacy of India's freedom, and the great part he played in bringing it about. At no time did he falter or compromise on the principles he held dear, and a large number of persons drew splendid inspiration from him. Those who knew him personally counted that association as a rare privilege, and his passing away has come as a great sorrow and a shock.<ref name="nehru">{{cite web|title=Tributes to Harold Laski | date= 4 May 1950 | url =http://www.hinduonnet.com/2000/05/04/stories/10041045.htm| archive-url =https://web.archive.org/web/20110606102200/http://www.hinduonnet.com/2000/05/04/stories/10041045.htm| url-status =usurped| archive-date =6 June 2011| work =[[The Hindu]]| access-date = 16 January 2010}}</ref>}}
{{blockquote|It is difficult to realise that Professor Harold Laski is no more. Lovers of freedom all over the world pay tribute to the magnificent work that he did. We in India are particularly grateful for his staunch advocacy of India's freedom, and the great part he played in bringing it about. At no time did he falter or compromise on the principles he held dear, and a large number of persons drew splendid inspiration from him. Those who knew him personally counted that association as a rare privilege, and his passing away has come as a great sorrow and a shock.<ref name="nehru">{{cite web|title=Tributes to Harold Laski | date= 4 May 1950 | url =http://www.hinduonnet.com/2000/05/04/stories/10041045.htm| archive-url =https://web.archive.org/web/20110606102200/http://www.hinduonnet.com/2000/05/04/stories/10041045.htm| url-status =usurped| archive-date =6 June 2011| work =[[The Hindu]]| access-date = 16 January 2010}}</ref>}}


Laski educated the outspoken Chinese intellectual and journalist [[Chu Anping]] at LSE. Anping was later prosecuted by the Chinese Communist regime of the 1960s.<ref>{{cite book|last=Fung|first= Edmund S. K. |title=In search of Chinese democracy: civil opposition in Nationalist China, 1929–1949 |year=2000|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|isbn=978-0-521-77124-5|page=309|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jw-U3UGoRWgC&q=chu+anping+laski&pg=PA309}}</ref> [[Juan Perón]], Argentine lieutenant general as well as [[left-wing populist]] and [[left-wing nationalism|nationalist]] who served as the 35th and 45th president of Argentina,<ref>{{cite book |title=Emerging Markets and the State: Developmentalism in the 21st Century |first=Christopher |last=Wylde |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=978-1-137-55654-7 |doi=10.1057/978-1-137-55655-4 |year=2017 |pages=138–139 |quote=Perón and Peronismo (Peronism) therefore represented a form of leftist–populist nationalism, rooted in an urban working-class movement that was allied to elements of the domestic bourgeoisie as well as the military.}}</ref> was also inspired by Laski and based many of his economic policies on Laski's postulates, including his welfare state project. Perón stated that Laski provided “theoretical support” to his policies, and that his [[Labour Party (Argentina)|Labour Party]] was based on Laski's party model.<ref>{{cite journal |title=The populist economic policy paradigm: Early peronism as an archetype |year=2020 |first=Emilio |last=Ocampo |issue=731 |journal=Serie Documentos de Trabajo |publisher=Universidad del Centro de Estudios Macroeconómicos de Argentina (UCEMA) |location=Buenos Aires |url=https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/238356/1/731.pdf |pages=11, 37}}</ref> Perón consistently cited Laski as one of his main political inspirations, along with [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] and [[Christian socialism]].<ref>{{cite journal |first=Emilio |last=Ocampo |year=2021 |title=Capitalism, Populism and Democracy: Revisiting Samuelson’s Reformulation of Schumpeter |journal=CEMA Working Papers: Serie Documentos de Trabajo |issue=796 |publisher=Universidad del CEMA |url=https://ucema.edu.ar/publicaciones/download/documentos/796.pdf |page=22}}</ref> Perón's ideological legacy is highly contested - denounced as a form of fascism by some,<ref>{{Cite book |last=Montes de Oca |first=Ignacio |title=El fascismo argentino - La matriz autoritaria del peronismo |publisher=Sudamericana |year=2018 |isbn=9789500761680 |language=Spanish}}</ref> [[Peronism]] is variously defined as "Christian socialism, national socialism, demagogic dictatorship, plebiscitary presidential system, state socialism, non-Marxist collectivism, worker democracy or national capitalism".<ref>{{cite book |title=Election Year 2006: Latin America at the Crossroads? |first1=Pavlína |last1=Springerová |first2=Lenka |last2=Špičanová |first3=Jan |last3=Němec |first4=Jiří |last4=Chalupa |author-link1=:cs:Pavlína Springerová |author-link4=:cs:Jiří Chalupa |chapter=Statesmen in uniforms: Several notes about militarism in politics in the modern history of the Latin America |isbn=978-80-87092-03-3 |year=2008 |publisher=Association for International Affairs (AMO) |location=Prague |page=34}}</ref> Contemporary scholars of Peronism such as [[Federico Finchelstein]] see it as "the synthesis of nationalism and non-Marxist Christian socialism".<ref>{{cite book |title=The Ideological Origins of the Dirty War: Fascism, Populism, and Dictatorship in Twentieth Century Argentina |first=Federico |last=Finchelstein |author-link=Federico Finchelstein |year=2014 |isbn=978-0-19-993024-1 |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=New York |page=75}}</ref> Judith Adler Hellman wrote on Perón and Peronism: "Rather than Mussolini's Italy, Perón's most frequently quoted model was none other than Britain's new Labour Government, which was no more comfortable with Harold Laski than was the Peronist Movement with its left wing."<ref>{{cite journal |title=Review |first=Judith Adler |last=Hellman |journal=Journal of Latin American Studies |volume=17 |issue=2 |year=1985 |page=458 |url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/156835 |publisher=Cambridge University Press}}</ref>
Laski also educated the outspoken Chinese intellectual and journalist [[Chu Anping]] at LSE. Anping was later prosecuted by the Chinese Communist regime of the 1960s.<ref>{{cite book|last=Fung|first= Edmund S. K. |title=In search of Chinese democracy: civil opposition in Nationalist China, 1929–1949 |year=2000|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|isbn=978-0-521-77124-5|page=309|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jw-U3UGoRWgC&q=chu+anping+laski&pg=PA309}}</ref>

Laski was an inspiration for [[Ellsworth Toohey]], the antagonist in [[Ayn Rand]]'s novel ''[[The Fountainhead]]'' (1943).<ref>Olson, Walter (1998). "[http://reason.com/archives/1998/02/01/the-writerly-rand The Writerly Rand]", Reason.com, October 1998</ref> The posthumously published ''[[Journals of Ayn Rand]]'', edited by David Harriman, include a detailed description of Rand attending a New York lecture by Laski, as part of gathering material for her novel, following which she changed the physical appearance of the fictional Toohey to fit that of the actual Laski.<ref>Rand, Ayn (1997). Harriman, David, ed. "Journals of Ayn Rand". New York: Dutton. {{ISBN|0-525-94370-6}}. OCLC 36566117.</ref>


Laski had a tortuous writing style. [[George Orwell]], in his 1946 essay "[[Politics and the English Language]]" cited, as his first example of poor writing, a 53-word sentence with five negatives from Laski's "Essay in Freedom of Expression": "I am not, indeed, sure whether it is not true to say that the Milton who once seemed not unlike a seventeenth-century Shelley had not become, out of an experience ever more bitter in each year, more alien (sic) to the founder of that Jesuit sect which nothing could induce him to tolerate." (Orwell parodied it with " A not unblack dog was chasing a not unsmall rabbit across a not ungreen field.") However, 67 of the Labour MPs elected in 1945 had been taught by Laski as university students, at [[Workers' Educational Association]] classes or on courses for wartime officers.<ref>{{cite book|editor-last=Rosen|editor-first=Greg|author-last=Cowell|first=Nick|chapter=Harold Laski (1893–1950)|title=Dictionary of Labour Biography|location=London|publisher=Politico|year=2001|page=348}}</ref> When Laski died, the Labour MP [[Ian Mikardo]] commented: "His mission in life was to translate the religion of the universal brotherhood of man into the language of political economy."<ref>{{cite news|last=Clark|first=Neil|url=https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/uk-politics/2013/01/harold-laski-man-who-influenced-ralph-miliband|title=Harold Laski - the man who influenced Ralph Miliband|work=New Statesman|date=3 January 2013|access-date=10 October 2019}}</ref>
Laski was an inspiration for [[Ellsworth Toohey]], the antagonist in [[Ayn Rand]]'s novel ''[[The Fountainhead]]'' (1943).<ref>Olson, Walter (1998). "[http://reason.com/archives/1998/02/01/the-writerly-rand The Writerly Rand]", Reason.com, October 1998</ref> The posthumously published ''[[Journals of Ayn Rand]]'', edited by David Harriman, include a detailed description of Rand attending a New York lecture by Laski, as part of gathering material for her novel, following which she changed the physical appearance of the fictional Toohey to fit that of the actual Laski.<ref>Rand, Ayn (1997). Harriman, David, ed. "Journals of Ayn Rand". New York: Dutton. {{ISBN|0-525-94370-6}}. OCLC 36566117.</ref> [[George Orwell]], in his 1946 essay "[[Politics and the English Language]]" cited, as his first example of poor writing, a 53-word sentence with five negatives from Laski's "Essay in Freedom of Expression": "I am not, indeed, sure whether it is not true to say that the Milton who once seemed not unlike a seventeenth-century Shelley had not become, out of an experience ever more bitter in each year, more alien (sic) to the founder of that Jesuit sect which nothing could induce him to tolerate." Orwell parodied it with "A not unblack dog was chasing a not unsmall rabbit across a not ungreen field." 67 of the Labour MPs elected in 1945 had been taught by Laski as university students, at [[Workers' Educational Association]] classes or on courses for wartime officers.<ref>{{cite book|editor-last=Rosen|editor-first=Greg|author-last=Cowell|first=Nick|chapter=Harold Laski (1893–1950)|title=Dictionary of Labour Biography|location=London|publisher=Politico|year=2001|page=348}}</ref> When Laski died, the Labour MP [[Ian Mikardo]] commented: "His mission in life was to translate the religion of the universal brotherhood of man into the language of political economy."<ref>{{cite news|last=Clark|first=Neil|url=https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/uk-politics/2013/01/harold-laski-man-who-influenced-ralph-miliband|title=Harold Laski - the man who influenced Ralph Miliband|work=New Statesman|date=3 January 2013|access-date=10 October 2019}}</ref>


==Partial bibliography==
==Partial bibliography==
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*[https://archive.org/details/cu31924074296330 ''Karl Marx''] 1921
*[https://archive.org/details/cu31924074296330 ''Karl Marx''] 1921
*[http://digital.library.lse.ac.uk/objects/lse:qon235yom ''The state in the new social order''] 1922
*[http://digital.library.lse.ac.uk/objects/lse:qon235yom ''The state in the new social order''] 1922
*''Letters of Edmund Burke: A Selection'', 1922
*[http://digital.library.lse.ac.uk/objects/lse:guh818hih ''The position of parties and the right of dissolution''] 1924
*[http://digital.library.lse.ac.uk/objects/lse:guh818hih ''The position of parties and the right of dissolution''] 1924
*''A Grammar of Politics'', 1925
*''A Grammar of Politics'', 1925
* {{cite book |url= https://www.jstor.org/stable/community.29886760 |title= Socialism and freedom |place= Westminster |publisher= The Fabian Society |year= 1925 |last1= Britain) |first1= Fabian Society (Great |last2= Laski |first2= Harold J. 1893-1950. (Harold Joseph) |issue= 216 }}
*[http://digital.library.lse.ac.uk/objects/lse:baz942hap ''Socialism and freedom''] 1925
*[http://digital.library.lse.ac.uk/objects/lse:feh593cey ''The problem of a second chamber''] 1925
*[http://digital.library.lse.ac.uk/objects/lse:feh593cey ''The problem of a second chamber''] 1925
*''Communism'', 1927
*''Communism'', 1927
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* {{Internet Archive author |sname=Harold Joseph Laski}}
* {{Internet Archive author |sname=Harold Joseph Laski}}
* {{Librivox author |id=10843}}
* {{Librivox author |id=10843}}
* [https://socialsciences.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/laski/index.html Texts by Laski] at McMaster University
* [https://socialsciences.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/laski/index.html Texts by Laski] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220308134545/https://socialsciences.mcmaster.ca/~econ/ugcm/3ll3/laski/index.html |date=8 March 2022 }} at McMaster University
* [http://www.spartacus-educational.com/TUlaski.htm Biography and various quotations regarding Laski]
* [http://www.spartacus-educational.com/TUlaski.htm Biography and various quotations regarding Laski]
* [http://www.lse.ac.uk/resources/LSEHistory/laski.htm Brief biographical sketch from the London School of Economics]
* [http://www.lse.ac.uk/resources/LSEHistory/laski.htm Brief biographical sketch from the London School of Economics]
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[[Category:Chairs of the Fabian Society]]
[[Category:Chairs of the Fabian Society]]
[[Category:Chairs of the Labour Party (UK)]]
[[Category:Chairs of the Labour Party (UK)]]
[[Category:Deaths from influenza in the United Kingdom]]
[[Category:English economists]]
[[Category:English economists]]
[[Category:English male non-fiction writers]]
[[Category:English male non-fiction writers]]

Latest revision as of 09:12, 5 December 2024

Harold Laski
Photograph of a man with circular glasses and a thick black mustache
Laski in 1936
Born
Harold Joseph Laski

(1893-06-30)30 June 1893
Manchester, England
Died24 March 1950(1950-03-24) (aged 56)
London, England
Political partyLabour
Spouse
Frida Kerry
(m. 1911)
Academic background
Alma materNew College, Oxford (BA)
Influences
Academic work
Discipline
Sub-discipline
School or traditionMarxism
InstitutionsLondon School of Economics
Doctoral students
Notable students
Notable worksA Grammar of Politics (1925)
Influenced

Harold Joseph Laski (30 June 1893 – 24 March 1950) was an English political theorist and economist. He was active in politics and served as the chairman of the British Labour Party from 1945 to 1946 and was a professor at the London School of Economics from 1926 to 1950. He first promoted pluralism by emphasising the importance of local voluntary communities such as trade unions. After 1930, he began to emphasize the need for a workers' revolution, which he hinted might be violent.[3] Laski's position angered Labour leaders who promised a nonviolent democratic transformation. Laski's position on democracy-threatening violence came under further attack from Prime Minister Winston Churchill in the 1945 UK general election, and the Labour Party had to disavow Laski, its own chairman.[4]

Laski was one of Britain's most influential intellectual spokesmen for Marxism in the interwar years.[citation needed] In particular, his teaching greatly inspired students, some of whom later became leaders of the newly independent nations in Asia and Africa. He was perhaps the most prominent intellectual in the Labour Party, especially for those on the far left who shared his trust and hope in Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union;[5] however, he was distrusted by the moderate Labour politicians who were in charge,[citation needed] such as Prime Minister Clement Attlee, and he was never given a major government position or a peerage.

Born to a Jewish family, Laski was also a supporter of Zionism and supported the creation of a Jewish state.[6]

Early life

[edit]

Laski was born in Manchester on 30 June 1893 to Nathan and Sarah Laski. Nathan Laski was a Lithuanian Jewish cotton merchant from Brest-Litovsk in what is now Belarus,[7] as well as a local leader of the Liberal Party, while his mother was born in Manchester to Polish Jewish parents.[8] He had a disabled sister, Mabel, who was one year younger. His elder brother was Neville Laski (the father of Marghanita Laski), and his cousin Neville Blond was the founder of the Royal Court Theatre and the father of the author and publisher Anthony Blond.[9]

Laski attended the Manchester Grammar School. In 1911, he studied eugenics under Karl Pearson for six months at University College London (UCL). The same year, he met and married Frida Kerry, a lecturer of eugenics. His marriage to Frida, a Gentile and eight years his senior, antagonised his family. He also repudiated his faith in Judaism by claiming that reason prevented him from believing in God. After studying for a degree in history at New College, Oxford, he graduated in 1914. He was awarded the Beit memorial prize during his time at New College.[10]

In April 1913, in the cause of women's suffrage, he and a friend planted an explosive device in the men's lavatory at Oxted railway station, Surrey; it exploded but caused only slight damage.[11] Laski failed his medical eligibility tests and so missed fighting in World War I. After graduation, he worked briefly at the Daily Herald under George Lansbury. His daughter Diana was born in 1916.[10]

Career

[edit]

Academic career

[edit]

In 1916, Laski was appointed as a lecturer of modern history at McGill University in Montreal and began to lecture at Harvard University. He also lectured at Yale in 1919 to 1920. For his outspoken support of the Boston Police Strike of 1919, Laski received severe criticism. He was briefly involved with the founding of The New School for Social Research in 1919,[12] where he also lectured.[13]

Laski cultivated a large network of American friends centred at Harvard, whose law review he had edited. He was often invited to lecture in America and wrote for The New Republic. He became friends with Felix Frankfurter, Herbert Croly, Walter Lippmann, Edmund Wilson, and Charles A. Beard. His long friendship with Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. was cemented by weekly letters, which were later published.[14] He knew many powerful figures and claimed to know many more. Critics have often commented on Laski's repeated exaggerations and self-promotion, which Holmes tolerated. His wife commented that he was "half-man, half-child, all his life".[15]

Laski returned to England in 1920 and began teaching government at the London School of Economics (LSE). In 1926, he was made professor of political science at the LSE. Laski was an executive member of the socialist Fabian Society from 1922 to 1936. In 1936, he co-founded the Left Book Club along with Victor Gollancz and John Strachey. He was a prolific writer and produced a number of books and essays throughout the 1920s and the 1930s.[16]

At the LSE in the 1930s, Laski developed a connection with scholars from the Institute for Social Research, now more commonly known as the Frankfurt School. In 1933, with almost all the Institute's members in exile, Laski was among a number of British socialists, including Sidney Webb and R. H. Tawney, who arranged for the establishment of a London office for the Institute's use. After the Institute moved to Columbia University in 1934, Laski was one of its sponsored guest lecturers invited to New York.[17] Laski also played a role in bringing Franz Neumann to join the Institute. After fleeing Germany almost immediately after Adolf Hitler's rise to power, Neumann did graduate work in political science under Laski and Karl Mannheim at the LSE and wrote his dissertation on the rise and fall of the rule of law. It was on Laski's recommendation that Neumann was then invited to join the Institute in 1936.[18]

Teacher

[edit]

Laski was regarded as a gifted lecturer but he would alienate his audience by humiliating those who asked questions. Despite this, he was liked by his students, and was especially influential among the Asian and African students who attended the LSE.[15] Describing Laski's approach, Kingsley Martin wrote in 1968:

He was still in his late twenties and looked like a schoolboy. His lectures on the history of political ideas were brilliant, eloquent, and delivered without a note; he often referred to current controversies, even when the subject was Hobbes's theory of sovereignty.[19]

Ralph Miliband, another of Laski's student, praised his teaching:

His lectures taught more, much more than political science. They taught a faith that ideas mattered, that knowledge was important and its pursuit exciting.... His seminars taught tolerance, the willingness to listen although one disagreed, the values of ideas being confronted. And it was all immense fun, an exciting game that had meaning, and it was also a sieve of ideas, a gymnastics of the mind carried on with vigour and directed unobtrusively with superb craftsmanship. I think I know now why he gave himself so freely. Partly it was because he was human and warm and that he was so interested in people. But mainly it was because he loved students, and he loved students because they were young. Because he had a glowing faith that youth was generous and alive, eager and enthusiastic and fresh. That by helping young people he was helping the future and bringing nearer that brave world in which he so passionately believed.[20]

Ideology and political convictions

[edit]

Laski's early work promoted pluralism, especially in the essays collected in Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty (1917), Authority in the Modern State (1919), and The Foundations of Sovereignty (1921). He argued that the state should not be considered supreme since people could and should have loyalties to local organisations, clubs, labour unions, and societies. The state should respect those allegiances and promote pluralism and decentralisation.[21]

Laski became a proponent of Marxism and believed in a planned economy based on the public ownership of the means of production. Instead of, as he saw it, a coercive state, Laski believed in the evolution of co-operative states that were internationally bound and stressed social welfare.[22] He also believed that since the capitalist class would not acquiesce in its own liquidation, the co-operative commonwealth was not likely to be attained without violence. He also had a commitment to civil liberties, free speech and association, and representative democracy.[23] Initially, he believed that the League of Nations would bring about an "international democratic system". From the late 1920s, his political beliefs became radicalised, and he believed that it was necessary to go beyond capitalism to "transcend the existing system of sovereign states". Laski was dismayed by the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact of August 1939 and wrote a preface to the Left Book Club collection criticising it, titled Betrayal of the Left.[24]

Between the beginning of World War II in 1939 and the attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941, which drew the United States into the war, Laski was a prominent voice advocating American support for the Allies, became a prolific author of articles in the American press, frequently undertook lecture tours in the United States and influenced prominent American friends including Felix Frankfurter, Edward R. Murrow, Max Lerner, and Eric Sevareid.[25] In his last years, he was disillusioned by the Cold War and the 1948 Czechoslovak coup d'état.[10][16][23] George Orwell described him as a "socialist by allegiance, and a liberal by temperament".[15] Laski tried to mobilise Britain's academics, teachers, and intellectuals behind the socialist cause, the Socialist League being one effort. He had some success but that element typically found itself marginalised in the Labour Party.[26]

Zionism and anti-Catholicism

[edit]

Laski was always a Zionist at heart and always felt himself a part of the Jewish nation but viewed traditional Jewish religion as restrictive.[6] In 1946, Laski said in a radio address that the Catholic Church opposed democracy,[27] and said that "it is impossible to make peace with the Roman Catholic Church. It is one of the permanent enemies of all that is decent in the human spirit."[28] In his final years, he became critical of what he saw as extremism in Israel at the outbreak of the 1947–1948 civil war in Mandatory Palestine, arguing that they had not prevailed "upon an indefensible group among them to desist from using indefensible means for an end to which they were never proportionate."[29]

Political career

[edit]

Laski's main political role came as a writer and lecturer on every topic of concern to the left at that time, including socialism, capitalism, working conditions, eugenics,[30] women's suffrage, imperialism, decolonisation, disarmament, human rights, worker education, and Zionism. He was tireless in his speeches and pamphleteering and was always on call to help a Labour candidate. In between, he served on scores of committees and carried a full load as a professor and advisor to students.[31]

Laski plunged into Labour Party politics on his return to London in 1920. In 1923, he turned down the offer of a Parliament seat and cabinet position by Ramsay MacDonald and also a seat in the Lords. He felt betrayed by MacDonald in the crisis of 1931 and decided that a peaceful, democratic transition to socialism would be blocked by the violence of the opposition. In 1932, Laski joined the Socialist League, a left-wing faction of the Labour Party.[32]

In 1937, he was involved in the failed attempt by the Socialist League in co-operation with the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) to form a Popular Front to bring down the Conservative government of Neville Chamberlain. In 1934 to 1945, he served as an alderman in the Fulham Borough Council and also the chairman of the libraries committee. Also in 1937, the Socialist League was rejected by the Labour Party and folded. He was elected as a member of the Labour Party's National Executive Committee and he remained a member until 1949. In 1944, he chaired the Labour Party Conference and served as the party's chair in 1945 to 1946.[21]

Declining role

[edit]

During the war, he supported Prime Minister Winston Churchill's coalition government and gave countless speeches to encourage the battle against Nazi Germany. He suffered a nervous breakdown brought about by overwork. During the war, he repeatedly feuded with other Labour figures and with Churchill on matters great and small. He steadily lost his influence.[33] In 1942, he drafted the Labour Party pamphlet The Old World and the New Society calling for the transformation of Britain into a socialist state by allowing its government to retain wartime economic planning and price controls into the postwar era.[34]

In the 1945 UK general election campaign, Churchill warned that Laski, as the Labour Party chairman, would be the power behind the throne in an Attlee government. While speaking for the Labour candidate in Nottinghamshire on 16 June 1945, Laski said, "If Labour did not obtain what it needed by general consent, we shall have to use violence even if it means revolution." The next day, accounts of Laski's speech appeared, and the Conservatives attacked the Labour Party for its chairman's advocacy of violence. Laski filed a libel suit against the Daily Express newspaper, which backed the Conservatives. The defence showed that over the years Laski had often bandied about loose threats of "revolution". The jury found for the newspaper within forty minutes of deliberations.[35]

Attlee gave Laski no role in the new Labour government. Even before the libel trial, Laski's relationship with Attlee had been strained. Laski had once called Attlee "uninteresting and uninspired" in the American press and even tried to remove him by asking for Attlee's resignation in an open letter. He tried to delay the Potsdam Conference until after Attlee's position was clarified. He tried to bypass Attlee by directly dealing with Churchill.[16] Laski tried to pre-empt foreign policy decisions by laying down guidelines for the new Labour government. Attlee rebuked him:

You have no right whatever to speak on behalf of the Government. Foreign affairs are in the capable hands of Ernest Bevin. His task is quite sufficiently difficult without the irresponsible statements of the kind you are making ... I can assure you there is widespread resentment in the Party at your activities and a period of silence on your part would be welcome.[36]

Although he continued to work for the Labour Party until he died, Laski never regained political influence. His pessimism deepened as he disagreed with the anti-Soviet policies of the Attlee government in the emerging Cold War, and he was profoundly disillusioned with the anti-Soviet direction of American foreign policy.[21]

Death

[edit]

Laski contracted influenza and died in London on 24 March 1950, aged 56.[21]

Legacy

[edit]

Laski's biographer Michael Newman wrote:

Convinced that the problems of his time were too urgent for leisurely academic reflection, Laski wrote too much, overestimated his influence, and sometimes failed to distinguish between analysis and polemic. But he was a serious thinker and a charismatic personality whose views have been distorted because he refused to accept Cold War orthodoxies.[37]

Blue plaque, 5 Addison Bridge Place, West Kensington, London

Columbia University professor Herbert A. Deane identified five distinct phases of Laski's thought that he never integrated. The first three were pluralist (1914–1924), Fabian (1925–1931), and Marxian (1932–1939). There followed a popular front approach (1940–1945), and in the last years (1946–1950) near-incoherence and multiple contradictions.[38] Laski's long-term impact on Britain is hard to quantify. Newman observes: "It has been widely held that his early books were the most profound and that he subsequently wrote far too much, with polemics displacing serious analysis."[21] In an essay published a few years after Laski's death, Professor Alfred Cobban of University College London commented:

Among recent political thinkers, it seems to me that one of the very few, perhaps the only one, who followed the traditional pattern, accepted the problems presented by his age, and devoted himself to the attempt to find an answer to them was Harold Laski. Though I am bound to say that I do not agree with his analysis or his conclusions, I think that he was trying to do the right kind of thing. And this, I suspect, is the reason why, practically alone among political thinkers in Great Britain, he exercised a positive influence over both political thought and action.[39]

Laski had a major long-term impact on support for socialism in India and other countries in Asia and Africa. He taught generations of future leaders at the LSE, including India's Jawaharlal Nehru. According to John Kenneth Galbraith, "the centre of Nehru's thinking was Laski" and "India the country most influenced by Laski's ideas".[23] It is mainly due to his influence that the LSE has a semi-mythological status in India.[citation needed] He was steady in his unremitting advocacy of the independence of India. He was a revered figure to Indian students at the LSE. One Prime Minister of India[who?] said "in every meeting of the Indian Cabinet there is a chair reserved for the ghost of Professor Harold Laski".[40][41] His recommendation of K. R. Narayanan (later president of India) to Nehru (then Prime Minister of India), resulted in Nehru appointing Narayanan to the Indian Foreign Service.[42] In his memory, the Indian government established The Harold Laski Institute of Political Science in 1954 at Ahmedabad.[21]

Speaking at a meeting organised in Laski's memory by the Indian League at London on 3 May 1950, Nehru praised him as follows:

It is difficult to realise that Professor Harold Laski is no more. Lovers of freedom all over the world pay tribute to the magnificent work that he did. We in India are particularly grateful for his staunch advocacy of India's freedom, and the great part he played in bringing it about. At no time did he falter or compromise on the principles he held dear, and a large number of persons drew splendid inspiration from him. Those who knew him personally counted that association as a rare privilege, and his passing away has come as a great sorrow and a shock.[43]

Laski educated the outspoken Chinese intellectual and journalist Chu Anping at LSE. Anping was later prosecuted by the Chinese Communist regime of the 1960s.[44] Juan Perón, Argentine lieutenant general as well as left-wing populist and nationalist who served as the 35th and 45th president of Argentina,[45] was also inspired by Laski and based many of his economic policies on Laski's postulates, including his welfare state project. Perón stated that Laski provided “theoretical support” to his policies, and that his Labour Party was based on Laski's party model.[46] Perón consistently cited Laski as one of his main political inspirations, along with Franklin D. Roosevelt and Christian socialism.[47] Perón's ideological legacy is highly contested - denounced as a form of fascism by some,[48] Peronism is variously defined as "Christian socialism, national socialism, demagogic dictatorship, plebiscitary presidential system, state socialism, non-Marxist collectivism, worker democracy or national capitalism".[49] Contemporary scholars of Peronism such as Federico Finchelstein see it as "the synthesis of nationalism and non-Marxist Christian socialism".[50] Judith Adler Hellman wrote on Perón and Peronism: "Rather than Mussolini's Italy, Perón's most frequently quoted model was none other than Britain's new Labour Government, which was no more comfortable with Harold Laski than was the Peronist Movement with its left wing."[51]

Laski was an inspiration for Ellsworth Toohey, the antagonist in Ayn Rand's novel The Fountainhead (1943).[52] The posthumously published Journals of Ayn Rand, edited by David Harriman, include a detailed description of Rand attending a New York lecture by Laski, as part of gathering material for her novel, following which she changed the physical appearance of the fictional Toohey to fit that of the actual Laski.[53] George Orwell, in his 1946 essay "Politics and the English Language" cited, as his first example of poor writing, a 53-word sentence with five negatives from Laski's "Essay in Freedom of Expression": "I am not, indeed, sure whether it is not true to say that the Milton who once seemed not unlike a seventeenth-century Shelley had not become, out of an experience ever more bitter in each year, more alien (sic) to the founder of that Jesuit sect which nothing could induce him to tolerate." Orwell parodied it with "A not unblack dog was chasing a not unsmall rabbit across a not ungreen field." 67 of the Labour MPs elected in 1945 had been taught by Laski as university students, at Workers' Educational Association classes or on courses for wartime officers.[54] When Laski died, the Labour MP Ian Mikardo commented: "His mission in life was to translate the religion of the universal brotherhood of man into the language of political economy."[55]

Partial bibliography

[edit]
  • Basis of Vicarious Liability 1916 26 Yale Law Journal 105
  • Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty 1917
  • Authority in the Modern State 1919, ISBN 1-58477-275-1
  • Political Thought in England from Locke to Bentham 1920
  • The Foundations of Sovereignty, and other essays 1921
  • Karl Marx 1921
  • The state in the new social order 1922
  • Letters of Edmund Burke: A Selection, 1922
  • The position of parties and the right of dissolution 1924
  • A Grammar of Politics, 1925
  • Britain), Fabian Society (Great; Laski, Harold J. 1893-1950. (Harold Joseph) (1925). Socialism and freedom. Westminster: The Fabian Society.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  • The problem of a second chamber 1925
  • Communism, 1927
  • The British Cabinet : a study of its personnel, 1801-1924 1928
  • Liberty in the Modern State, 1930
  • "The Dangers of Obedience and Other Essays" 1930
  • The limitations of the expert 1931
  • Democracy in Crisis 1933
  • The State in Theory and Practice, 1935, The Viking Press
  • The Rise of European Liberalism: An Essay in Interpretation, 1936
    • US title: The Rise of Liberalism: The Philosophy of a Business Civilization, 1936
  • The American Presidency, 1940
  • Where Do We Go From Here? A Proclamation of British Democracy 1940
  • Reflections on the Revolution of our Time , 1943
  • Faith, Reason, and Civilisation, 1944
  • The American Democracy, 1948, The Viking Press
  • Communist Manifesto: Socialist Landmark: A New Appreciation Written for the Labour Party (1948)[56]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ a b c Deane, Herbert A. (2008). "Laski, Harold J.". International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. Thomson Gale. Retrieved 4 May 2019.
  2. ^ Lamb, Peter (2014). "Laski's Political Philosophy Today: Socialism for an Individualist Age" (PDF). Retrieved 4 May 2019.
  3. ^ Bill Jones (1977). The Russia Complex: The British Labour Party and the Soviet Union. Manchester University Press. p. 16. ISBN 9780719006968.
  4. ^ Kenneth R. Hoover (2003). Economics As Ideology: Keynes, Laski, Hayek, and the Creation of Contemporary Politics. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 164. ISBN 9780742531130.
  5. ^ Michael R. Gordon (1969). Conflict and Consensus in Labour's Foreign Policy, 1914–1965. Stanford UP. p. 157. ISBN 9780804706865.
  6. ^ a b Yosef Gorni, "The Jewishness and Zionism of Harold Laski," Midstream (1977) 23#9 pp 72–77.
  7. ^ UK, Naturalisation Certificates and Declarations, 1870–1916
  8. ^ 1871 England Census
  9. ^ Obituary: Anthony Blond, telegraph.co.uk, 1 March 2008
  10. ^ a b c Lamb, Peter (April 1999). "Harold Laski (1893–1950): Political Theorist of a World in Crisis". Review of International Studies. 25 (2): 329–342. doi:10.1017/s0260210599003290. JSTOR 20097600. S2CID 145139622.
  11. ^ Kramnick and Sheerman 1993, pp. 66–68.
  12. ^ "NSSR :: About Us :: Message from the Dean". www.newschool.edu. Archived from the original on 26 September 2009. Retrieved 14 January 2022.
  13. ^ "About". New School. Retrieved 16 February 2020.
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Further reading

[edit]
  • Deane, H. The Political Ideas of Harold Laski (1955)
    • The Viscount Hailsham (Quintin Hogg), "The Political Ideas of Harold J. Laski by Herbert A. Deane: Review," Yale Law Journal, (1955) 65#2 pp 281–88 in JSTOR
  • Ekirch, Arthur. "Harold Laski: the Liberal Manqué or Lost Libertarian?" Journal of Libertarian Studies (1980) 4#2 pp 139–50.
  • Elliott W. Y. "The Pragmatic Politics of Mr. H. J. Laski," American Political Science Review (1924) 18#2 pp. 251–275 in JSTOR
  • Greenleaf, W. H. "Laski and British Socialism," History of Political Thought (1981) 2#3 pp 573–591.
  • Hawkins, Carroll, "Harold J. Laski: A Preliminary Analysis," Political Science Quarterly (1950) 65#3 pp. 376–392 in JSTOR
  • Hobsbawm, E.J., "The Left's Megaphone," London Review of Books (1993) 12#13 pp 12–13. http://www.lrb.co.uk/v15/n13/eric-hobsbawm/the-lefts-megaphone
  • Kampelman, Max M. "Harold J. Laski: A Current Analysis," Journal of Politics (1948) 10#1 pp. 131–154 in JSTOR
  • Kramnick, Isaac, and Barry Sheerman. Harold Laski: A Life on the Left (1993) 669pp
  • Lamb, Peter. "Laski on Sovereignty: Removing the Mask from Class Dominance," History of Political Thought (1997) 28#2 pp 327–42.
  • Lamb, Peter. "Harold Laski (1893–1950): political theorist of a world in crisis," Review of International Studies (1999) 25#2 pp 329–342.
  • Martin, Kingsley. Harold Laski (1893–1950) A Bibliographical Memoir (1953)
  • Miliband, Ralph. "Harold Laski's Socialism" (1995 [written 1958/59]) Socialist Register 1995, p. 239–65 (on marxists.org website)
  • Morefield, Jeanne. "States Are Not People: Harold Laski on Unsettling Sovereignty, Rediscovering Democracy," Political Research Quarterly (2005) 58#4 pp. 659–669 in JSTOR
  • Newman, Michael. Harold Laski: A Political Biography (1993), 438pp
  • Newman, Michael. "Laski, Harold Joseph (1893–1950)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004) online edn, Jan 2011 accessed 11 June 2013 doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/34412
  • Peretz, Martin. "Laski Redivivus," Journal of Contemporary History (1966) 1#2 pp. 87–101 in JSTOR
  • Schlesinger Jr., Arthur. "Harold Laski: A Life on the Left," Washington Monthly (1 November 1993) online
[edit]
Party political offices
Preceded by Chair of the Labour Party
1944–1945
Succeeded by
Preceded by Chairman of the Fabian Society
1946–1948
Succeeded by