Antonio Segni: Difference between revisions
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{{Short description|President of Italy from 1962 to 1964}} |
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{{Infobox President |
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{{Use dmy dates|date=August 2023}} |
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| name = Antonio Segni |
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{{Infobox officeholder |
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| nationality = [[Italians|Italian]] |
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| honorific_prefix = |
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| image = Antonio Segni.jpg |
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| name = Antonio Segni |
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| image = Antonio Segni Official 1962.jpg |
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| caption = Official portrait, 1962 |
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| primeminister = [[Amintore Fanfani]] <br> [[Giovanni Leone]] <br> [[Aldo Moro]] |
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| office = [[President of Italy]] |
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| primeminister = [[Amintore Fanfani]]<br />[[Giovanni Leone]]<br />[[Aldo Moro]] |
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| term_start = 11 May 1962 |
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| term_end = 6 December 1964 |
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| successor = ''[[Cesare Merzagora]]'' ''acting'' <br> [[Giuseppe Saragat]] |
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| predecessor = [[Giovanni Gronchi]] |
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| birth_date = {{birth date|1891|2|2|df=y}} |
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| successor = [[Giuseppe Saragat]] |
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| order1 = [[Prime Minister of Italy]] |
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| death_date = {{death date and age|1972|12|1|1891|2|2|df=y}} |
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| term_start1 = 16 February 1959 |
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| term_end1 = 26 March 1960 |
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| nationality = [[Italian people|Italian]] |
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| president1 = Giovanni Gronchi |
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| predecessor1 = Amintore Fanfani |
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| party = [[Christian Democracy (Italy, historical)|Christian Democracy]] |
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| successor1 = [[Fernando Tambroni]] |
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| term_start2 = 6 July 1955 |
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| order2 = 50th and 47th <br> [[President of the Council of Ministers of Italy]] |
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| term_end2 = 20 May 1957 |
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| president2 = Giovanni Gronchi |
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| term_start2 = [[15 February]] [[1959]] |
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| deputy2 = Giuseppe Saragat |
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| predecessor2 = [[Mario Scelba]] |
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| successor2 = [[Adone Zoli]] |
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| order3 = [[Deputy Prime Minister of Italy]] |
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| primeminister3 = Amintore Fanfani |
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| term_start3 = |
| term_start3 = 2 July 1958 |
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| term_end3 = |
| term_end3 = 16 February 1959 |
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| predecessor3 = [[Giuseppe Pella]] |
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| successor3 = [[Attilio Piccioni]] |
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{{Collapsed infobox section begin|last=yes|Ministerial offices |
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| successor3 = [[Adone Zoli]] |
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|titlestyle = border:1px dashed lightgrey;}}{{Infobox officeholder |embed=yes |
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| order4 = [[Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs|Minister of Foreign Affairs]] |
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| order4 = [[Minister of Foreign Affairs (Italy)|Minister of Foreign Affairs]] |
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| primeminister4 = [[Fernando Tambroni]] <br> [[Amintore Fanfani]] |
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| primeminister4 = Fernando Tambroni<br />Amintore Fanfani |
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| term_start4 = [[25 March]] [[1960]] |
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| term_start4 = 26 March 1960 |
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| term_end4 = 7 May 1962 |
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| predecessor4 = Giuseppe Pella |
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| successor4 = Amintore Fanfani |
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| order5 = [[Italian Minister of the Interior|Minister of the Interior]] |
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| order5 = [[Minister of the Interior (Italy)|Minister of the Interior]] |
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| primeminister5 = ''Himself'' |
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| primeminister5 = ''Himself'' |
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| term_start5 = [[15 February]] [[1959]] |
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| term_start5 = 16 February 1959 |
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| term_end5 = 26 March 1960 |
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| predecessor5 = [[Fernando Tambroni]] |
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| predecessor5 = Fernando Tambroni |
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| successor5 = [[Giuseppe Spataro]] |
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| order6 = [[Minister of Defence (Italy)|Minister of Defence]] |
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| primeminister6 = [[Amintore Fanfani]] |
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| primeminister6 = Amintore Fanfani |
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| term_start6 = 2 July 1958 |
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| term_end6 = 16 February 1959 |
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| predecessor6 = [[Paolo Emilio Taviani]] |
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| predecessor6 = [[Paolo Emilio Taviani]] |
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| successor6 = [[Giulio Andreotti]] |
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| order7 = [[Minister of Public Education (Italy)|Minister of Public Education]] |
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| primeminister7 = [[Giuseppe Pella]] |
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| primeminister7 = Giuseppe Pella |
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| term_start7 = 17 August 1953 |
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| term_end7 = 19 January 1954 |
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| predecessor7 = Giovanni Bettiol |
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| successor7 = Egidio Tosato |
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| primeminister8 = [[Alcide De Gasperi]] |
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| primeminister8 = [[Alcide De Gasperi]] |
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| term_start8 = 26 July 1951 |
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| term_end8 = 16 July 1953 |
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| predecessor8 = [[Guido Gonella]] |
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| successor8 = Giovanni Bettiol |
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| order9 = [[Minister of Agriculture (Italy)|Minister of Agriculture]] |
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| primeminister9 = Alcide De Gasperi |
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| term_start9 = 13 July 1946 |
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| term_end9 = 26 July 1951 |
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| predecessor9 = [[Fausto Gullo]] |
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| successor9 = Amintore Fanfani{{Collapsed infobox section end}} |
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}} |
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{{Collapsed infobox section begin|last=yes|Parliamentary offices |
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|titlestyle = border:1px dashed lightgrey;}}{{Infobox officeholder |
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|embed = yes |
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|office10 = Member of the [[Senate of the Republic (Italy)|Senate of the Republic]] |
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|term_label10 = [[Senators for life in Italy|Life tenure]] |
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|term_start10 = 6 December 1964 |
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|term_end10 = 1 December 1972 |
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|status10 = ''[[Ex officio]]'' |
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|office11 = Member of the [[Chamber of Deputies (Italy)|Chamber of Deputies]] |
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|term_start11 = 8 May 1948 |
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|term_end11 = 10 May 1962 |
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|constituency11 = [[Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro–Oristano constituency (1946–1994)|Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro]] |
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|office12 = Member of the [[Constituent Assembly of Italy|Constituent Assembly]] |
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|term_start12 = 25 June 1946 |
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|term_end12 = 31 January 1948 |
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|constituency12 = [[Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro–Oristano constituency (1946–1994)|Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro]]{{Collapsed infobox section end}} |
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}} |
}} |
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| birth_date = {{birth date|1891|2|2|df=y}} |
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'''Antonio Segni''' ([[2 February]] [[1891]] – [[1 December]] [[1972]]) was an Italian politician who was twice [[Prime Minister of Italy]] (1955-1957, 1959-1960), and the [[President of the Italian Republic]] from 1962 to 1964. Adhering to the centrist [[Christian Democracy (Italy, historical)|Christian Democratic]] party ([[Italian Language|Italian]]: ''Democrazia Cristiana'' – DC), he was the first Sardinian ever to become Prime Minister of Italy. |
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| birth_place = [[Sassari]], Italy |
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| death_date = {{death date and age|1972|12|1|1891|2|2|df=y}} |
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| death_place = [[Rome]], Italy |
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| spouse = {{marriage|Laura Carta Camprino|1921}} |
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| children = 4 (including [[Mario Segni|Mario]]) |
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| party = [[Italian People's Party (1919)|PPI]] (1919–1926)<br/>[[Christian Democracy (Italy)|DC]] (1943–1972) |
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| awards = [[Charlemagne Prize]] |
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| signature = Antonio Segni signature.svg |
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}} |
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'''Antonio Segni''' ({{IPA|it|anˈtɔːnjo ˈseɲɲi|-|It-Antonio Segni.ogg}}; 2 February 1891 – 1 December 1972) was an Italian politician and statesman who served as [[President of Italy]] from 1962 to 1964, and as [[Prime Minister of Italy]] in from 1955 to 1957 and again from 1959 to 1960.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8Uoxr2NtY8oC&pg=PA71|title=Parla il Capo dello Stato: sessanta anni di vita repubblicana attraverso il Quirinale 1946–2006|last=Rizzo|first=Tito Lucrezio|date=2 October 2012|publisher=Gangemi Editore spa|isbn=9788849274608|language=it}}</ref> |
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A member of the [[Christian Democracy (Italy)|Christian Democracy]] party, Segni held numerous prominent offices in Italy's post-war period, serving as the country's [[Minister of Foreign Affairs (Italy)|Minister of Foreign Affairs]], [[Minister of the Interior (Italy)|Interior]], [[Minister of Defence (Italy)|Defence]], [[Minister of Agriculture (Italy)|Agriculture]], and [[Minister of Public Education (Italy)|Public Education]]. He was the first Sardinian to become head of state and government. He was also the second shortest-serving president in the history of the Republic and the first to resign from office, due to illness.<ref>[https://www.panorama.it/news/dimissioni-presidente-repubblica-precedenti Dimissioni del Presidente della Repubblica], Panorama</ref> |
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==Biography== |
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The son of a Sardinian landowning family, born in [[Sassari]], [[Sardinia]], he studied to become a lawyer with a degree in agricultural and commercial law. Segni joined the [[Italian People's Party (1919-1926)|Italian People's Party]] ({{lang-it|Partito Popolare Italiano}}) – the predecessor of the Christian Democratic Party – in 1919. In 1924 he was a member of the party’s national council, until all political organizations were dissolved by [[Benito Mussolini]] two years later in 1926. For the next 17 years Segni taught Agrarian Law for at the Universities of [[Pavia]], [[Perugia]], and [[Cagliari]]; he was also rector of Sassari University. |
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==Early life== |
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In 1943 Segni was one of the organizers of the new Christian Democratic Party in Sardinia. He held ministerial positions in many Christian Democrat governments from 1944 onward, despite his frail physique. Time Magazine once quoted a friend: "He is like the Colosseum; he looks like a ruin but he'll be around for a long time."<ref name=time180562/> In 1946, he was elected to the [[Italian Constituent Assembly|Constituent Assembly]] after World War II and then to parliament in 1948. |
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Segni was born in [[Sassari]] in 1891. His father, Celestino Segni, was a lawyer and professor at the [[University of Sassari]], while his mother, Annetta Campus, was a housewife. He grew up in a well-off family, involved in Sardinian politics; his father served as municipal and provincial councilor for Sassari, as well as deputy mayor during the early 1910s.<ref>[http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/antonio-segni_%28Dizionario-Biografico%29/ Antonio Segni, Dizionario Biografico], Enciclopedia Treccani</ref> He began studying at the University of Sassari, where he would found a section of [[Azione Cattolica Italiana]].<ref name=":2">{{Cite book|last1=Gilbert|first1=Mark|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7Kg_LDseivUC&q=%22Segni%22|title=The A to Z of Modern Italy|last2=Nilsson|first2=Robert K.|date=2 April 2010|publisher=Scarecrow Press|isbn=978-1-4616-7202-9|language=en}}</ref> |
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In 1913, Segni graduated with merit at the University of Sassari, with the thesis ''Il vadimonium'' on [[civil procedure]] in [[Roman law]].<ref name=":2" /> He completed his studies in Rome with Giuseppe Chiovenda, of which he became the favorite student; in the law firm of the jurist, he met [[Piero Calamandrei]], with whom he built a close friendship that would last a lifetime.<ref>[https://www.lanuovasardegna.it/tempo-libero/2019/12/19/news/antonio-segni-un-europeista-al-quirinale-1.38236041 Antonio Segni, un europeista al Quirinale], La Nuova Sardegna</ref> |
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===In Government=== |
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Segni made his reputation as Minister of Agriculture (1946-1951) under [[Alcide de Gasperi]]. He favoured land reform legislation and ordered the expropriation of most of his own estate in Sardinia.<ref name=time180755>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,866479,00.html New Man on the Job], Time Magazine, July 18, 1955</ref> He became known as a “white Bolshevik” for his introduction of agrarian reform. |
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When the [[World War I]] broke out, Segni was enlisted as an artillery officer. Discharged, after some months, he continued his profession as lawyer, specializing in civil procedure. In 1920, he started his academic career as law professor at the [[University of Perugia]]. In 1921, he married Laura Carta Caprino (18 April 1896 – 21 July 1977)<ref>[http://www.tottusinpari.it/2020/06/12/le-sorelle-sassaresi-laura-e-vannina-carta-caprino-mogli-rispettivamente-del-presidente-antonio-segni-e-del-prof-carlo-vercesi/ LE SORELLE SASSARESI LAURA E VANNINA CARTA CAPRINO, MOGLI RISPETTIVAMENTE DEL PRESIDENTE ANTONIO SEGNI E DEL PROF. CARLO VERCESI] {{in lang|it}}</ref> daughter of a rich landowner,<ref>[https://www.gettyimages.it/immagine/laura-carta-caprino Laura Carta Caprino], Getty</ref> with whom he had four children,<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.accademiasarda.it/2009/07/le-amministratrici-cattoliche-delle-opere-pie-del-centro-nord/|title=Accademia sarda di storia di cultura e di lingua » Blog Archive » Protagoniste del caritatismo cattolico sassarese (1856–1970) a cura di Angelino Tedde|language=it-IT|access-date=21 August 2019}}</ref> including [[Mario Segni|Mario]], who would become a prominent politician during the early 1990s.<ref>[http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/mariotto-segni/ Mariotto Segni], Enciclopedia Treccani</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.geni.com/people/Celestino-Segni/6000000068523254930|title=Celestino Segni|website=geni_family_tree|language=en-US|access-date=21 August 2019}}</ref> |
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He became Prime Minster in 1955, succeeding [[Mario Scelba]]. During Segni’s government the treaties instituting the [[European Economic Community]] (EEC) were signed on March 25, 1957, and Italy joined the community. |
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During these years, Segni started his involvement in politics. In 1919, he joined the [[Italian People's Party (1919)|Italian People's Party]] (PPI), a [[Christian democratic]] party, led by Don [[Luigi Sturzo]].<ref name="Payne1995">{{cite book|author=Stanley G. Payne|title=A History of Fascism, 1914–1945|url=https://archive.org/details/historyoffascism00payn|url-access=registration|year=1995|publisher=Univ of Wisconsin Press|isbn=978-0-299-14874-4|page=[https://archive.org/details/historyoffascism00payn/page/88 88]}}</ref> In 1923, he was appointed in party's national council. Segni ran in the [[1924 Italian general election]] for [[Sardinia]]'s constituency but was not elected.<ref name="NS">[[Dieter Nohlen]] & Philip Stöver (2010) ''Elections in Europe: A data handbook'', p1047 {{ISBN|978-3-8329-5609-7}}</ref> He remained a member of the PPI until all political organizations were dissolved by [[Benito Mussolini]] two years later in 1926. For the next 17 years, Segni left political life, continuing to teach civil procedure and [[agrarian law]] at the universities of [[University of Pavia|Pavia]], [[University of Perugia|Perugia]], [[University of Cagliari|Cagliari]], and Sassari, where he later served as rector from 1946 to 1951.<ref>[http://presidenti.quirinale.it/Segni/seg-biografia.htm La Biografia del Presidente Segni], quirinale.it</ref> |
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In March 1959, he became Prime Minister again, succeeding [[Amintore Fanfani]], in whose government he had been Minister of Defense.<ref name=>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,892251,00.html Right Turn], Time Magazine, March 2, 1959</ref> |
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==Early political career== |
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===President=== |
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In 1943, after the fall of Mussolini's [[National Fascist Party|Fascist]] regime, Segni was one of the founders of [[Christian Democracy (Italy)|Christian Democracy]] (DC), the heir of the PPI.<ref name="MarksWilson">{{cite book|author1=Gary Marks|author2=Carole Wilson|chapter=National Parties and the Contestation of Europe|editor1=T. Banchoff|editor2=Mitchell P. Smith|title=Legitimacy and the European Union|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GgvLEFPY8l4C&pg=PA126|access-date=26 August 2012|year=1999|publisher=Taylor & Francis|isbn=978-0-415-18188-4|page=126}}</ref> On 12 December 1944, he was appointed Undersecretary to the Ministry of Agriculture in the [[second Bonomi government]].<ref>[http://www.governo.it/it/i-governi-dal-1943-ad-oggi/ordinamento-provvisorio-25-luglio-1943-23-maggio-1948-assemblea-5 Governo Bonomi II], governo.it</ref> |
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Segni was elected President of the Italian Republic on [[6 May]] [[1962]] (854 to 443 votes).<ref name=time180562>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,896165,00.html Symbol of the Nation], Time Magazine, May 18, 1962</ref> He suffered a serious [[cerebral hemorrhage]] while working at the presidential palace on [[7 August]] [[1964]]. At the time he was 73 years old and the first prognosis were not positive. He only partially recovered, and he retired from office on [[6 December]] [[1964]]. In the interim, the President of the Senate [[Cesare Merzagora]] served as acting president. |
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===Minister of Agriculture=== |
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Politically, Segni was a moderate conservative opposed to "opening to the centre-left" enabling coalition governments between the [[Italian Socialist Party]] (PSI) and the Christian Democrats. Segni was later accused of having tried to instigate a coup d'état (known as [[Piano Solo]]) along with General [[Giovanni De Lorenzo]] during his presidency to frustrate the opening to the left.<ref name=marcus>Marcus, [http://books.google.nl/books?id=WJOknreVQJsC&pg=RA1-PA207&lpg=RA1-PA207&dq=%22antonio+segni%22+%22de+lorenzo%22&source=bl&ots=mxaXT7ZeVQ&sig=hngz5xOkJM4jzTU4iq9w4OlHzLU&hl=nl&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=3&ct=result#PRA1-PA208,M1 Paranoia Within Reason], pp. 207-08</ref> |
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[[File:Antonio Segni 1946.jpg|thumb|left|180px|Segni in 1946]] |
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In the [[1946 Italian general election]], Segni was elected to the [[Italian Constituent Assembly|Constituent Assembly]] for the consistency of [[List of Italian constituencies (1946–1994)#Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro–Oristano|Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro]], receiving more than 40,000 votes.<ref>[https://elezionistorico.interno.gov.it/index.php?tpel=A&dtel=02/06/1946&tpa=I&tpe=I&lev0=0&levsut0=0&lev1=31&levsut1=1&ne1=31&es0=S&es1=S&ms=S Elezioni del 1946: Collegio di Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro], Ministero dell'Interno</ref> On 13 July 1946, he was appointed [[Italian Minister of Agriculture|Minister of Agriculture]] in the [[second De Gasperi government]].<ref>[http://www.governo.it/i-governi-dal-1943-ad-oggi/ordinamento-provvisorio-25-luglio-1943-23-maggio-1948-assemblea-2 Governo De Gasperi II], governo.it</ref> As minister, he primarily focused on the growth of agricultural production, functional to improving Italy's conditions after the end of the war. Segni tried to reform agricultural contracts but was strongly opposed by conservatives and by many members of the DC. The failure of this legislative proposal accelerated the timing of the development of the [[land reform]].<ref>[http://www.occupazioneterre.altervista.org/la-riforma-fondiaria-a-montescaglioso.html La Riforma Agraria], Occupazione delle Terre</ref> |
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The land reform, approved by the [[Italian Parliament]] in October 1950, was financed in part by the funds of the [[Marshall Plan]] launched by the United States in 1947 and considered by some scholars as the most important reform of the entire post-war period.<ref>Corrado Barberis, ''Teoria e storia della riforma agraria'', [[Florence]], Vallecchi, 1957</ref> Segni's reform proposed, through forced expropriation, the distribution of land to agricultural labourers, thus making them small entrepreneurs and no longer subject to the large landowner.<ref>[https://agriregionieuropa.univpm.it/it/content/article/31/52/riforma-agraria-e-modernizzazione-rurale-italia-nel-ventesimo-secolo Riforma agraria e modernizzazione rurale in Italia nel ventesimo secolo]</ref> If in some ways the reform had this beneficial result, for others it significantly reduced the size of farms, effectively removing any possibility of transforming them into advanced businesses. This negative element was mitigated and in some cases eliminated by forms of [[cooperative]]s.<ref>[https://www.jstor.org/stable/23719889?seq=1 Alcide De Gasperi tra riforma agraria e guerra fredda (1948–1950)]</ref> |
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Segni was also a professor of law at University of Sassari. Straightforward, witty and courteous, Segni was more at ease in the classroom or the law court than in the back rooms of Italian politics.<ref name=time180755/> He died on December 1, 1972, in Rome. The frail, often ailing Segni, was affectionately called ''malato di ferro''—"the invalid with the iron constitution".<ref name=time021064>[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,940494,00.html Malato di Ferro], Time Magazine, October 2, 1964</ref> |
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Segni, who was a landowner, ordered the expropriation of most of his own estate in Sardinia.<ref name=":1">{{Cite magazine|url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,866479,00.html|title=Italy: New Man on the Job|date=1 July 1955|magazine=Time|access-date=21 August 2019|language=en-US|issn=0040-781X}}</ref> He became known as a "white Bolshevik" for his agrarian reforms.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=7s5JDwAAQBAJ&dq=segni+bolscevico+bianco&pg=PA170 Il colle più alto]</ref> Modern historians assert that landowners were instead favoured by Segni, and his decrees allowed them to reclaim land that had been granted to the peasantry by the preceding administration.<ref>Ginsborg, Paul (2003). ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=uhgRA9j9FOwC A History of Contemporary Italy: Society and Politics, 1943–1988]'', Palgrave Macmillan, p. 122{{ISBN|1-4039-6153-0}}</ref> |
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Segni's son, [[Mario Segni|Mariotto Segni]], is also a prominent Italian politician. |
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===Minister of Public Education=== |
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In July 1951, after a cabinet reshuffle, Segni left his office as Minister of Agriculture and was appointed the [[Italian Minister of Public Education]] in [[De Gasperi's seventh government]], succeeding [[Guido Gonella]].<ref>[http://storia.camera.it/governi/vii-governo-de-gasperi VII Governo De Gasperi], camera.it</ref> |
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As minister, Segni was particularly involved in the fight against [[illiteracy]], in the improvement of teaching activities, and in the construction of new schools around the country; however, he did not continue the important reforms started by his predecessor. He tried to implement the reform step by step but encountered strong resistance, even in the ministries that were supposed to finance these measures. Segni proposed to replace the high school exam with an admission test to university, but this was rejected.<ref>[https://www.mulino.it/isbn/9788815271167 Antonio Segni], Salvatore Mura, il Mulino</ref> His reforms, which also received various appreciations from the opposition parties due to his secular idea of school that was very different from that of Gonella, were not ambitious as the ones of his predecessor.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=4tHnCgAAQBAJ&dq=segni+educazione+antonio&pg=PA143 Educazione, laicità e democrazia], Antonio Santoni</ref> |
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[[File:Segni De Gasperi Colombo.jpg|thumb|left|220px|Segni with [[Alcide De Gasperi]] and [[Emilio Colombo]] in the early 1950s]] |
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The [[1953 Italian general election]] was characterised by changes in the electoral law. Even if the general structure remained uncorrupted, the government introduced a [[majority bonus system]] of two-thirds of seats in the country's [[Chamber of Deputies (Italy)|Chamber of Deputies]] for the coalition that would obtain [[at-large]] the [[absolute majority]] of votes. The change was strongly opposed by both the opposition parties and DC's smaller coalition partners that had no realistic chance of success under this system. The new law was called the ''[[scam law]]'' by its detractors,<ref>Also its parliamentarian exam had a disruptive effect: "Among the iron pots of political forces that faced in the Cold War, Senate cracked as earthenware pot": {{cite journal|last1=Buonomo|first1=Giampiero|title=Come il Senato si scoprì vaso di coccio|journal=L'Ago e Il Filo|year=2014|url=https://www.questia.com/projects#!/project/89210209|access-date=2 April 2020|archive-date=24 March 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160324160801/https://www.questia.com/projects#!/project/89210209|url-status=dead}}</ref> including some dissidents of minor government parties who founded special opposition groups to deny the artificial [[landslide victory]] of the DC. |
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The campaign of the opposition to the electoral law achieved its goal, as the government coalition won 49.9% of national vote, just a few thousand votes of the threshold for a [[supermajority]], resulting in an ordinary proportional distribution of the seats. Technically, the government won the election, winning a clear working majority of seats in both houses. In July 1953, Segni was ousted from office in the newly formed government of [[Alcide De Gasperi]].<ref>[https://storia.camera.it/governi/viii-governo-de-gasperi Governo De Gasperi VIII], camera.it</ref> Frustration with the failure to win a supermajority caused significant tensions in the leading coalition, and De Gasperi was forced to resign by the Italian Parliament on 2 August.<ref>{{in lang|it}} [https://web.archive.org/web/20120801002834/http://www.questia.com/projects#!/project/89210209 {{lang|it|Come il Senato si scoprì vaso di coccio}}, in L’Ago e il filo, 2014]</ref> On 17 August, Italian president [[Luigi Einaudi]] appointed Pella as new prime minister, who selected Segni as his Minister of Public Education.<ref>[http://www.repubblica.it/politica/2018/05/12/news/matterella_cita_einaudi_e_l_incarico_a_pella_fu_il_primo_governo_del_presidente-196214438/?ref=RHPPLF-BL-I0-C8-P1-S1.8-T2 Mattarella cita Einaudi e l'incarico a Pella: fu il primo governo del presidente]</ref> Pella remained in power only for five months.<ref>[https://storia.camera.it/governi/i-governo-pella Governo Pella], Governo.it</ref><ref>[https://www.corriere.it/romano/08-07-31/01.spm Cattolico e risorgimentale, Pella e il caso di Trieste]</ref> In the successive governments of [[Amintore Fanfani]] and [[Mario Scelba]], Segni was not appointed in any office.<ref>[http://www.senato.it/leg/02/BGT/Schede/Governi/0042_M.htm Composizione del Governo Scelba], senato.it</ref> |
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==Prime Minister of Italy== |
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In the [[1955 Italian presidential election]] held on 28–29 April of that year, [[Giovanni Gronchi]] was elected the new president of the Republic.<ref name=tim090555>[http://205.188.238.109/time/printout/0,8816,861442,00.html "Danger on the Left"]{{Dead link|date=June 2020 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}, ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'', 9 May 1955</ref> After the election, a political crisis between prime minister Scelba and DC's leader Fanfani broke out.<ref>{{Cite web|date=1 July 1955|title=Segni Hopeful of Breaking Up Crisis in Italy|url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1665&dat=19550701&id=AvdQAAAAIBAJ&pg=3511,9017|access-date=21 July 2020}}</ref> In July 1955, Scelba resigned from the office, and Segni received the task of forming a new cabinet.<ref>[http://www.governo.it/it/i-governi-dal-1943-ad-oggi/ii-legislatura-25-giugno-1953-14-marzo-1958/governo-segni/3220 Governo Segni I], governo.it</ref> He started consultations with parties to explore the possibilities of forming a new coalition government, obtaining the approval of DC, [[Italian Democratic Socialist Party]] (PSDI) and [[Italian Liberal Party]] (PLI), and the external support from the [[Italian Republican Party]] (PRI). On 6 July, Segni sworn in as the new prime minister. On 18 July, the government's program was approved by the Chamber of Deputies with 293 votes in favour and 265 against. On 22 July, the [[Senate of the Republic (Italy)|Senate of the Republic]] approved the confidence vote with 121 votes in favour and 100 against.<ref>[http://www.dellarepubblica.it/ii-legislatura-i-segni Il governo Segni I]</ref> |
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===First government=== |
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[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-45653-0001, Rom, Verträge über Zollpakt und Eurotom unterzeichnet.jpg|thumb|220px|Segni with German chancellor [[Konrad Adenauer]] and diplomat [[Walter Hallstein]] during the signing of the [[Treaty of Rome]] in 1957]] |
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[[Segni's first government]] is widely considered among the most important cabinets in the history of the Republic.<ref>[https://www.federalismi.it/nv14/articolo-documento.cfm?artid=22958 I primi passi della Presidenza Gronchi ed il governo Segni]</ref> During his premiership, in 1955, Italy became a member of the [[United Nations]] (UN) in 1955.<ref>[https://www.esteri.it/mae/resource/pubblicazioni/2015/08/60_anni_italia.pdf 60 anni dell'Italia all'ONU], Ministero degli Esteri</ref> In March 1957, Segni signed the [[Treaty of Rome]], which brought about the creation of the [[European Economic Community]] (EEC), between Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and West Germany.<ref>[https://www.ilpost.it/2017/06/20/trattati-di-roma-cosa-sono-unione-europea/ Cosa sono i Trattati di Roma e perché sono importanti], il Post</ref> The Treaty of Rome still remains one of the two most important treaties in the modern-day [[European Union]] (EU).<ref>[https://www.ilpost.it/2017/03/25/trattati-di-roma-cosa-sono/ Trattati di Roma: cosa sono e perché sono stati celebrati], il Post</ref> |
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Segni had always been a strong supporter of [[European integration]]; according to him, in a world governed by great powers, European unity was the only possible way to influence the world. He also strengthened relations with West Germany, becoming a close friend of [[Konrad Adenauer]].<ref>[http://www.gianninispa.it/zzgiaspa1856/anteprima/633-5_Italia%20e%20mondo%20tedesco_anteprima.pdf Italia e mondo tedesco all'epoca di Adenauer]</ref> As premier, he also had to face the complicated [[Suez crisis]] of 1956, in which he staunchly defended Italy's economic interests in the area, always bearing in mind the need to safeguard Atlantic and European solidarity.<ref>[https://www.restorica.it/novecento/la-crisi-di-suez-e-la-fine-del-primato-delleuropa/ La crisi di Suez e la fine del primato dell’Europa]</ref> |
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During his premiership, Segni often had conflict with Fanfani, who believed that the government should have a more critical attitude towards the Anglo-French choices. Moreover, the brutal Soviet repression of the [[Hungarian Revolution of 1956]] further divided Segni and Fanfani. Segni opposed an [[anti-communist]] legislative intervention, as Fanfani asked. The clash between the two leaders was so bitter that Segni threatened to resign. In his diary, Segni wrote: "The events of Hungary are unfortunately subjected to repressive political speculation. I refuse to speculate on them."<ref>''Diario (1956–1964)'', S. Mura, 2012, page 101)</ref> |
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In domestic policy, Segni's government was particularly active in judiciary policies. A law established the [[National Council of Economy and Labour]] (CNEL), as well as the Superior Council of the Judiciary. The most important event of all was the official opening of the [[Constitutional Court of Italy]].<ref>[https://www.jstor.org/stable/43204685 I primi due anni di funzionamento della Corte Costituzionale Italiana]</ref> In 1957, political tensions arose between the Italian president Gronchi and foreign affairs minister [[Gaetano Martino]], regarding government's foreign policy. In May 1957, the PSDI withdrew its support for the government, and Segni resigned on 6 May.<ref>[https://storia.camera.it/governi/i-governo-segni I Governo Segni], camera.it</ref> On 20 May, [[Adone Zoli]] sworn in as new head of government.<ref>[https://storia.camera.it/governi/i-governo-zoli Governo Zoli], camera.it</ref> |
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===After the premiership=== |
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[[File:Antonio Segni and Konrad Adenauer by Giuseppe Moro, August 1959.jpg|thumb|Segni and Adenauer in August 1959]] |
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In July 1958, Zoli resigned, after having lost his majority in the Italian Parliament, and Fanfani became the prime minister again. Segni was appointed [[Deputy Prime Minister of Italy]] and the country's [[Minister of Defence (Italy)|Minister of Defence]].<ref>[http://www.senato.it/leg/03/BGT/Schede/Governi/0045_M.htm Governo Fanfani II], senato.it</ref> |
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As minister, Segni worked to represent the interests of the [[Italian Armed Forces]], increasing wages and social securities for retired veterans, as well as strengthening military equipment and weapons.<ref>{{Cite magazine|url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,892251,00.html|title=Italy: Right Turn|date=2 March 1959|magazine=Time|access-date=21 August 2019|language=en-US|issn=0040-781X}}</ref> He also accepted [[NATO]] missile bases for [[atomic weapon]]s, convinced that they were a necessary tool to ensure the defence of Italy more than a danger that exposed the country to possible reprisals.<ref>[http://www.fondazionemicheletti.it/altronovecento/articolo.aspx?id_articolo=9&tipo_articolo=d_documenti&id=14 L’Italia nella guerra fredda e i missili americani IRBM Jupiter], Debora Sorrenti</ref> |
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In January 1959, a conspicuous group of Christian Democrats started voting against their own government, forcing Fanfani to resign on 26 January 1959 after six months in power.<ref name=time160661>[https://web.archive.org/web/20090813222259/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,895359,00.html Italy's Fanfan], ''Time'', 16 June 1961</ref> |
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===Second government=== |
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In February 1959, Gronchi gave Segni the task of forming a new cabinet, and he officially sworn in as the new prime minister on 16 February.<ref>[http://www.dellarepubblica.it/iii-legislatura-ii-segni II Governo Segni], ''Della Repubblica''</ref> Segni formed a one-party government, which was composed only by DC members, and was externally supported by minor centre-right and right-wing parties, as well as the neo-fascist [[Italian Social Movement]] (MSI).<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=eyaODAAAQBAJ&dq=governo+segni+msi&pg=PT23 L'anima nera della Repubblica: storia del MSI]</ref> |
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Segni attempted to strengthen Atlantic solidarity and to present Italy as Europe's most reliable ally of the United States. He also tried to represent the reassuring alternative to Fanfani's resourcefulness, advocating for [[Atlanticism]] in a season characterized by openings to the left, which was supported by Fanfani. The most comforting signals came from the economy, as industry and commerce expanded, unemployment declined, and Italy's GDP grew by over 6%, a rhythm that placed it among the most dynamic countries in the world.<ref>[http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/il-miracolo-economico-italiano_%28Il-Contributo-italiano-alla-storia-del-Pensiero:-Tecnica%29/ Il miracolo economico italiano], Enciclopedia Treccani</ref> |
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In social policy, various reforms in social welfare were carried out. A law of 21 March 1959 extended insurance against occupational diseases to agricultural workers, while a law approved on 17 May 1959 introduced a special additional indemnity for retired civil servants. Another important law, dated 4 July 1959, extended pension insurance to all artisans.<ref>Growth to Limits: The Western European Welfare States Since World War II Volume 4 edited by Peter Flora</ref> |
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In March 1960, the PLI withdrew its support to his government and Segni was forced to resign. After few months of [[Fernando Tambroni]]'s government, Fanfani returned to the premiership on 26 July, this time with an openly centre-left program supported by the PSI abstention, and Segni was appointed [[Minister of Foreign Affairs (Italy)|Minister of Foreign Affairs]].<ref>[http://www.dellarepubblica.it/iii-legislatura-iii-fanfani III Legislatura: 12 giugno 1958 – 15 maggio 1963]</ref> In August 1961, Segni and Fanfani made an historic trip to Moscow to meet the Soviet leaders.<ref>[https://patrimonio.archivioluce.com/luce-web/detail/IL0030000527/11/fanfani-e-segni-al-ritorno-mosca.html?indexPhoto=15&startPage=$%7BstartPage%7D Fanfani e Segni al ritorno da Mosca], Archivio Luce</ref> |
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==President of Italy== |
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[[File:Kennedy Segni 1962.jpg|thumb|left|220px|Segni with U.S. president [[John F. Kennedy]] in Rome, 1962]] |
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In May 1962, when Gronchi's term as [[president of Italy]] expired, Segni was proposed as the DC's candidate by new party's leader [[Aldo Moro]] for the [[1962 Italian presidential election|1962 presidential election]] held on 2–6 May. With Segni's choice, Moro wanted to reassure the conservative representatives of his own party, worried about a possible extreme shift on leftist stances, after the beginning of the [[Organic Centre-left|organic centre-left]] period in February 1962.<ref>[https://www.panorama.it/news/corsa-al-colle-l-elezione-di-antonio-segni Corsa al Colle: L'elezione di Antonio Segni (1962)], Panorama</ref> On the first two rounds, the [[Italian Communist Party]] (PCI) decided to vote for [[Umberto Terracini]], while the PSI supported [[Sandro Pertini]]. After the third round, the PCI and PSI decided to converge on the candidacy of the PSDI, [[Giuseppe Saragat]], who gained also the favor of some DC representatives.<ref>[https://www.repubblica.it/enwiki/static/speciali/politica/2013/elezioni-presidente-repubblica/numeri-dati-fati-quirinale/tutti-presidenti-repubblica-italiana.html Tutti i presidenti della Repubblica Italiana], ''la Repubblica''</ref> |
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After several ballots, Segni was finally elected president on 6 May 1962 with 51% of the votes, 443 votes on a total 854 electors.<ref>[http://presidenti.quirinale.it/Segni/seg-elezione.htm L'elezione del Presidente Segni], quirinale.it</ref><ref>[https://storia.camera.it/foto/19620502-elezione-presidente-repubblica-antonio-segni-21 Elezione a Presidente della Repubblica di Antonio Segni], camera.it</ref> His election was allowed thanks to the votes of monarchist and neo-fascist representatives.<ref>[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hRL9S3FAQ7A La Repubblica italiana ha il suo terzo presidente]</ref> It was the first time that DC's official candidate succeeded in being elected president of the Republic.<ref name=":0" /> |
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Many influent entities, notably including the [[Bank of Italy]], the Armed Forces, Vatican hierarchies, as well as economic and financial world, were concerned about the entry of the PSI into the government, and considered Segni a reference of stability and their most prominent political landmark. His power grew further in the aftermath of the [[1963 Italian general election]], which was characterized by a loss for the DC due to its new leftist policies.<ref>[https://elezionistorico.interno.gov.it/index.php?tpel=C&dtel=28/04/1963&tpa=I&tpe=A&lev0=0&levsut0=0&es0=S&ms=S Elezioni del 1963], Ministero dell'Interno</ref> Despite Segni's opposition, at the end of the year, Moro and the PSI secretary [[Pietro Nenni]] launched their first centre-left government, ruling the country for more than four years.<ref>[http://www.governo.it/it/i-governi-dal-1943-ad-oggi/iv-legislatura-16-maggio-1963-11-marzo-1968/governo-moro-i/3210 I Governo Moro], governo.it</ref> |
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===Vajont Dam disaster=== |
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[[File:Longarone Pirago.jpg|thumb|220px|The destroyed town of [[Longarone]] after the megatsunami of 1963]] |
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As president, Segni had to face one of the most tragic events in Italian republican history, namely the [[Vajont Dam]] disaster.<ref>[https://www.ilfriuliveneziagiulia.it/il-9-settembre-1963-il-disastro-del-vajont-commemorazioni-in-tutta-la-regione/ Il 9 settembre 1963 il disastro del Vajont: commemorazioni in tutta la regione], Friuli Venezia Giulia</ref> On 9 October 1963, a landslide occurred on [[Monte Toc]], in the province of [[Pordenone]]. The landslide caused a [[megatsunami]] in the artificial lake in which 50 million cubic metres of water overtopped the dam in a wave of {{convert|250|metres|ft}}, leading to the complete destruction of several villages and towns, and 1,917 deaths.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.uwsp.edu/geo/projects/geoweb/participants/Dutch/VTrips/Vaiont.HTM |title=Vaiont Dam photos and virtual field trip |publisher=University of Wisconsin |access-date=1 July 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090729032357/http://www.uwsp.edu/geo/projects/geoweb/participants/Dutch/VTrips/Vaiont.HTM |archive-date=29 July 2009 |url-status=dead }}</ref> In the previous months, the Adriatic Society of Electricity (SADE) and the Italian government, which both owned the dam, dismissed evidence and concealed reports describing the geological instability of Monte Toc on the southern side of the basin and other early warning signs reported prior to the disaster.<ref>[https://www.ansa.it/web/notizie/photostory/primopiano/2013/09/27/cronaca-disastro-processo_9373313.html La cronaca del disastro e il processo], ''ANSA''</ref> |
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On the following day, Segni visited the affected areas, promising justice for the victims.<ref>[https://www.ilgazzettino.it/home/mauro_corona_mano_assassina_lancio_sasso_distrusse_la_erto-204263.html Mauro Corona: «Una mano assassina lanciò il sasso che distrusse la mia Erto»], ''Il Gazzettino''</ref> Immediately after the disaster, both the government and local authorities insisted on attributing the tragedy to an unexpected and unavoidable natural event. Despite these statements, numerous warnings, signs of danger, and negative appraisals had been disregarded in the previous months and the eventual attempt to safely control the landslide into the lake by lowering its level came when the landslide was almost imminent and was too late to prevent it.<ref>[http://www.raiscuola.rai.it/programma-unita/la-tragedia-del-vajont/273/11009/default.aspx La tragedia del Vajont] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200609090547/http://www.raiscuola.rai.it/programma-unita/la-tragedia-del-vajont/273/11009/default.aspx |date=9 June 2020 }}, ''Rai Scuola''</ref> The communist newspaper ''[[l'Unità]]'' was the first to denounce the actions of management and government.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.mattolinimusic.com/vajont/nove.htm |title=Mattolinimusic.com |publisher=Mattolinimusic.com |access-date=29 October 2012 }}{{Dead link|date=June 2020 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref> The DC accused the PCI of political profiteering from the tragedy and then-prime minister [[Giovanni Leone]] promised to bring justice to the people killed in the disaster. A few months after the end of his premiership, he became the head of SADE's team of lawyers, who significantly reduced the amount of compensation for the survivors and ruled out payment for at least 600 victims.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.sopravvissutivajont.org/images2/Secondovajont.htm |title=Vajont, Due Volte Tragedia |publisher=Sopravvissutivajont.org |date=9 October 2002|access-date=29 October 2012}}</ref> |
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===1964 coalition crisis=== |
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On 25 June 1964, the government of [[Aldo Moro]] was beaten on the budget law for the [[Italian Ministry of Education]] concerning the financing of private education, and on the same day Moro resigned. During the presidential consultations for the formation of a new cabinet, Segni asked Nenni to exit from the government majority.<ref>[[Indro Montanelli]], ''Storia d'Italia'' Vol. 10, ''RCS Quotidiani'', [[Milan]], 2004, page 379-380.</ref> |
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On 16 July, Segni sent the [[Carabinieri]] General Giovanni De Lorenzo to a meeting of representatives of the DC, to deliver a message in case the negotiations around the formation of a new centre-left government would fail. According to some historians, De Lorenzo reported that Segni was ready to give a subsequent mandate to [[Cesare Merzagora]], the president of the Senate, asking him of forming a president's government composed by all the conservative forces in the Italian Parliament.<ref>Gianni Flamini, ''L'Italia dei colpi di Stato'', Newton Compton Editori, [[Rome]], page 82.</ref><ref>Sergio Romano, ''Cesare Merzagora: uno statista contro I partiti'', in: [[Corriere della Sera]], 14 marzo 2005.</ref> Ultimately, Moro managed to form another centre-left majority. During the negotiations, Nenni had accepted the downsizing of his reform programs. On 17 July, Moro went to the [[Quirinal Palace]], with the acceptance of the assignment and the list of ministers of his second government.<ref>[http://www.governo.it/it/i-governi-dal-1943-ad-oggi/iv-legislatura-16-maggio-1963-11-marzo-1968/governo-moro-ii/3209 Governo Moro II], ''governo.it''</ref> |
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===Illness and resignation=== |
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On 7 August 1964, during a meeting at the Quirinal Palace with Moro and Saragat, Segni suffered a serious [[cerebral hemorrhage]]. At the time, he was 73 years old and the first prognosis was not positive.<ref>[https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2013/04/13/quirinale-11-presidenti-segni-uomo-solo-tra-sciabole-e-generali-golpisti/561023/ Segni, uomo solo tra sciabole e golpisti], ''Il Fatto Quotidiano''</ref> In the interim, Merzagora served as Acting President of the Republic.<ref>[https://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/1992/04/28/merzagora-fanfani-supplenti-del-passato.html Merzagora e Fanfani, supplenti del passato]</ref> Segni only partially recovered and decided to retire from office on 6 December 1964.<ref>[https://www.unionesarda.it/fotogallery/fotogallery/2017/12/06/accaddeoggi_6_dicembre_1964_antonio_segni_si_dimette_da_president-18-673370.html Il 6 dicembre 1964, Antonio Segni si dimette da presidente della Repubblica], ''L'Unione Sarda''</ref> Immediately after his resignation, Segni was appointed [[senator for life]] ''ex officio''. The [[1964 Italian presidential election]] resulted in the election of Saragat on 29 December.<ref>[https://storia.camera.it/presidenti/saragat-giuseppe Giuseppe Saragat – Storia della Camera], camera.it</ref> |
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==Death and legacy== |
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[[File:Antonio Segni Quirinale.jpg|thumb|180px|Segni at the Quirinal Palace's library]] |
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On 1 December 1972, Segni died in Rome at the age of 81.<ref>[https://archivio.quirinale.it/aspr/presidente/biografia/antonio-segni Antonio Segni – Portale storico della Presidenza della Repubblica], quirinale.it</ref> |
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During all his political career, Segni acted as a moderate conservative, staunchly opposing the "opening to the left" proposed by Fanfani and Moro, but he also tried not to bring his own party too far to the right.<ref>[https://www.lanuovasardegna.it/tempo-libero/2019/12/20/news/tra-segni-e-moro-braccio-di-ferro-per-la-supremazia-1.38241085 Tra Segni e Moro braccio di ferro per la supremazia], ''La Nuova Sardegna''</ref> He was the first Italian president to resign from office.<ref>[https://ricerca.repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/1992/04/26/dimissioni-segni-leone-precedenti.html Dimissioni di Segni e Leone. I precedenti], ''la Repubblica''</ref> |
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The frail, often ailing Segni, was affectionately called ''il malato di ferro'', which literally means "the iron invalid".<ref>{{Cite magazine|url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,940494,00.html|title=Italy: Malato di Ferro|date=2 October 1964|magazine=Time|access-date=21 August 2019|language=en-US|issn=0040-781X}}</ref> ''[[Time (magazine)|Time]]'' once quoted a friend of his: "He is like the [[Colosseum]]; he looks like a ruin but he'll be around for a long time."<ref name=":0">{{Cite magazine|url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,896165,00.html|title=Italy: Symbol of the Nation|date=1 May 1962|magazine=Time|access-date=21 August 2019|language=en-US|issn=0040-781X}}</ref> |
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===Controversies=== |
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{{main|Piano Solo}} |
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During his presidency, Segni was particularly influenced by General Giovanni De Lorenzo, commander of the Carabinieri, a former partisan with monarchical ideals. On 25 March 1964, De Lorenzo met with Carabinieri's commanders of the divisions of Milan, Rome, and Naples, proposing a response to a hypothetical national crisis, known as ''[[Piano Solo]]''.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WJOknreVQJsC&pg=RA1-PA207|title=Paranoia Within Reason: A Casebook on Conspiracy as Explanation|last=Marcus|first=George E.|date=1 March 1999|publisher=University of Chicago Press|isbn=9780226504575|language=en}}</ref> The plan consisted of a set of measures to occupy certain institutions, such as Quirinal Palace in Rome, and essential media infrastructures, like television and radio, as well as the neutralisation of communist and socialist parties, with the deportation of hundreds of left-wing politicians to a secret military base in [[Sardinia]].<ref>Gianni Flamini, ''L'Italia dei colpi di Stato'', Newton Compton Editori, [[Rome]], page 79</ref> The list of people to be deported also included intellectuals, such as [[Pier Paolo Pasolini]].<ref>[http://www.misteriditalia.it/cn/?page_id=2560Piano Solo], Mister d'Italia</ref> |
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On 10 May, De Lorenzo presented his plan to Segni, who was particularly impressed by it. Journalists [[Giorgio Galli (historian)|Giorgio Galli]] and [[Indro Montanelli]] believed that Segni did not really want to carry out a ''coup d'état'', but that he wanted to use the plan like a threat for political purposes.<ref>Giorgio Galli, ''Affari di Stato'', Edizioni Kaos, [[Milan]], 1991, page 94</ref><ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20180712183416/http://buongiornonews.it/antonio-segni-e-il-piano-solo-storia-da-riscrivere/ Antonio Segni e il Piano Solo: una storia da riscrivere]</ref> The coup plans were revealed in 1967, when the journalists [[Eugenio Scalfari]] and [[Lino Jannuzzi]] published the plan in the Italian news magazine ''[[L'Espresso]]'' in May 1967.<ref>Cento Bull, ''Italian Neofascism'', p. 4</ref> The results of the official investigation remained classified until the early 1990s. It was released by premier [[Giulio Andreotti]] to the parliamentary investigation into [[Operation Gladio]]. ''L'Espresso'' mentioned that some 20,000 Carabinieri were supposed to be deployed around the country, with more than 5,000 agents in Rome.<ref>{{cite news | title = Twenty-Six Years Later, Details of Planned Rightist Coup Emerge | agency = Associated Press | date = 5 January 1991}}</ref> Segni was never investigated for this fact.<ref>[https://www.avvenire.it/agora/pagine/il-piano-solo-non-fu-golpe_201011230931126500000 Il Piano Solo? Non fu un golpe], ''Avvenire''</ref> |
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==Electoral history== |
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{|class=wikitable style="width:55%; border:1px #AAAAFF solid" |
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! width=12%|Election |
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! width=25%|House |
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! width=25%|Constituency |
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! width=5% colspan="2"|Party |
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! width=12%|Votes |
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! width=12%|Result |
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|- |
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! [[1924 Italian general election|1924]] |
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| [[Chamber of Deputies (Italy)|Chamber of Deputies]] |
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| [[Sardinia]] |
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| bgcolor="{{party color|Italian People's Party (1919)}}" | |
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| [[Italian People's Party (1919)|PPI]] |
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| {{N/A}} |
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| {{nowrap|{{xmark|15}} '''Not elected'''}} |
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|- |
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! [[1946 Italian general election|1946]] |
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| [[Constituent Assembly of Italy|Constituent Assembly]] |
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| [[Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro–Oristano constituency (1946–1994)|Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro]] |
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| bgcolor="{{party color|Christian Democracy (Italy)}}" | |
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| [[Christian Democracy (Italy)|DC]] |
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| 40,394 |
|||
| {{tick|15}} '''Elected''' |
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|- |
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! [[1948 Italian general election|1948]] |
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| [[Chamber of Deputies (Italy)|Chamber of Deputies]] |
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| [[Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro–Oristano constituency (1946–1994)|Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro]] |
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| bgcolor="{{party color|Christian Democracy (Italy)}}" | |
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| [[Christian Democracy (Italy)|DC]] |
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| 61,168 |
|||
| {{tick|15}} '''Elected''' |
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|- |
|||
! [[1953 Italian general election|1953]] |
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| [[Chamber of Deputies (Italy)|Chamber of Deputies]] |
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| [[Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro–Oristano constituency (1946–1994)|Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro]] |
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| bgcolor="{{party color|Christian Democracy (Italy)}}" | |
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| [[Christian Democracy (Italy)|DC]] |
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| 77,306 |
|||
| {{tick|15}} '''Elected''' |
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|- |
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! [[1958 Italian general election|1958]] |
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| [[Chamber of Deputies (Italy)|Chamber of Deputies]] |
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| [[Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro–Oristano constituency (1946–1994)|Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro]] |
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| bgcolor="{{party color|Christian Democracy (Italy)}}" | |
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| [[Christian Democracy (Italy)|DC]] |
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| 107,054 |
|||
| {{tick|15}} '''Elected''' |
|||
|} |
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===Presidential elections=== |
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{| class=wikitable style=text-align:right |
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|- |
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!colspan=5|[[1962 Italian presidential election|1962 presidential election]] {{Small|(9th ballot)}} |
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|- |
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!colspan=2|Candidate |
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!Supported by |
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!Votes |
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!% |
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|- |
|||
|bgcolor="{{party color|Christian Democracy (Italy)}}"| |
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|align=left|'''Antonio Segni''' |
|||
|align=left|[[Christian Democracy (Italy)|DC]], [[Italian Social Movement|MSI]], [[Italian Democratic Party of Monarchist Unity|PDIUM]] |
|||
|443 |
|||
|51.9 |
|||
|- |
|||
|bgcolor="{{party color|Italian Democratic Socialist Party}}"| |
|||
|align=left|[[Giuseppe Saragat]] |
|||
|align=left|[[Italian Democratic Socialist Party|PSDI]], [[Italian Socialist Party|PSI]], [[Italian Communist Party|PCI]], [[Italian Republican Party|PRI]] |
|||
|334 |
|||
|39.1 |
|||
|- |
|||
|bgcolor="{{party color|Other}}"| |
|||
|align=left colspan=2|Others / Invalid votes |
|||
|77 |
|||
|9.0 |
|||
|- |
|||
|align=left colspan=3|'''Total''' |
|||
|'''854''' |
|||
|'''100.0''' |
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|} |
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== See also == |
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==References== |
==References== |
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{{ |
{{Reflist}} |
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* Marcus, George E. (1999). |
* Marcus, George E. (1999). ‘'Paranoia Within Reason: A Casebook on Conspiracy as Explanation'’, Chicago: University of Chicago Press {{ISBN|0-226-50457-3}} |
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==External links== |
==External links== |
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{{Commons category|Antonio Segni}} |
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* [http://english.camera.it/_presidents/schede/segni.asp President Antonio Segni], Italian Chamber of Deputies |
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* [https://web.archive.org/web/20060829032136/http://english.camera.it/_presidents/schede/segni.asp President Antonio Segni], Italian Chamber of Deputies |
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* [http://www.foia.cia.gov/browse_docs.asp?doc_no=0000778921 Political factors related to the illness of Italian President Antonio Segni], declassified CIA document dated August 14, 1964 |
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* [https://web.archive.org/web/20110522135616/http://www.foia.cia.gov/browse_docs.asp?doc_no=0000778921 Political factors related to the illness of Italian President Antonio Segni], declassified CIA document dated 14 August 1964 |
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* {{PM20|FID=pe/016292}} |
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Latest revision as of 04:02, 13 December 2024
Antonio Segni | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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President of Italy | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 11 May 1962 – 6 December 1964 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Prime Minister | Amintore Fanfani Giovanni Leone Aldo Moro | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | Giovanni Gronchi | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Giuseppe Saragat | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Prime Minister of Italy | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 16 February 1959 – 26 March 1960 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
President | Giovanni Gronchi | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | Amintore Fanfani | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Fernando Tambroni | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 6 July 1955 – 20 May 1957 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
President | Giovanni Gronchi | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Deputy | Giuseppe Saragat | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | Mario Scelba | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Adone Zoli | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Deputy Prime Minister of Italy | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 2 July 1958 – 16 February 1959 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Prime Minister | Amintore Fanfani | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | Giuseppe Pella | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Attilio Piccioni | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Personal details | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Born | Sassari, Italy | 2 February 1891||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Died | 1 December 1972 Rome, Italy | (aged 81)||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Political party | PPI (1919–1926) DC (1943–1972) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Spouse |
Laura Carta Camprino
(m. 1921) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Children | 4 (including Mario) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Awards | Charlemagne Prize | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Signature | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Antonio Segni (Italian pronunciation: [anˈtɔːnjo ˈseɲɲi] ; 2 February 1891 – 1 December 1972) was an Italian politician and statesman who served as President of Italy from 1962 to 1964, and as Prime Minister of Italy in from 1955 to 1957 and again from 1959 to 1960.[1]
A member of the Christian Democracy party, Segni held numerous prominent offices in Italy's post-war period, serving as the country's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Interior, Defence, Agriculture, and Public Education. He was the first Sardinian to become head of state and government. He was also the second shortest-serving president in the history of the Republic and the first to resign from office, due to illness.[2]
Early life
[edit]Segni was born in Sassari in 1891. His father, Celestino Segni, was a lawyer and professor at the University of Sassari, while his mother, Annetta Campus, was a housewife. He grew up in a well-off family, involved in Sardinian politics; his father served as municipal and provincial councilor for Sassari, as well as deputy mayor during the early 1910s.[3] He began studying at the University of Sassari, where he would found a section of Azione Cattolica Italiana.[4]
In 1913, Segni graduated with merit at the University of Sassari, with the thesis Il vadimonium on civil procedure in Roman law.[4] He completed his studies in Rome with Giuseppe Chiovenda, of which he became the favorite student; in the law firm of the jurist, he met Piero Calamandrei, with whom he built a close friendship that would last a lifetime.[5]
When the World War I broke out, Segni was enlisted as an artillery officer. Discharged, after some months, he continued his profession as lawyer, specializing in civil procedure. In 1920, he started his academic career as law professor at the University of Perugia. In 1921, he married Laura Carta Caprino (18 April 1896 – 21 July 1977)[6] daughter of a rich landowner,[7] with whom he had four children,[8] including Mario, who would become a prominent politician during the early 1990s.[9][10]
During these years, Segni started his involvement in politics. In 1919, he joined the Italian People's Party (PPI), a Christian democratic party, led by Don Luigi Sturzo.[11] In 1923, he was appointed in party's national council. Segni ran in the 1924 Italian general election for Sardinia's constituency but was not elected.[12] He remained a member of the PPI until all political organizations were dissolved by Benito Mussolini two years later in 1926. For the next 17 years, Segni left political life, continuing to teach civil procedure and agrarian law at the universities of Pavia, Perugia, Cagliari, and Sassari, where he later served as rector from 1946 to 1951.[13]
Early political career
[edit]In 1943, after the fall of Mussolini's Fascist regime, Segni was one of the founders of Christian Democracy (DC), the heir of the PPI.[14] On 12 December 1944, he was appointed Undersecretary to the Ministry of Agriculture in the second Bonomi government.[15]
Minister of Agriculture
[edit]In the 1946 Italian general election, Segni was elected to the Constituent Assembly for the consistency of Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro, receiving more than 40,000 votes.[16] On 13 July 1946, he was appointed Minister of Agriculture in the second De Gasperi government.[17] As minister, he primarily focused on the growth of agricultural production, functional to improving Italy's conditions after the end of the war. Segni tried to reform agricultural contracts but was strongly opposed by conservatives and by many members of the DC. The failure of this legislative proposal accelerated the timing of the development of the land reform.[18]
The land reform, approved by the Italian Parliament in October 1950, was financed in part by the funds of the Marshall Plan launched by the United States in 1947 and considered by some scholars as the most important reform of the entire post-war period.[19] Segni's reform proposed, through forced expropriation, the distribution of land to agricultural labourers, thus making them small entrepreneurs and no longer subject to the large landowner.[20] If in some ways the reform had this beneficial result, for others it significantly reduced the size of farms, effectively removing any possibility of transforming them into advanced businesses. This negative element was mitigated and in some cases eliminated by forms of cooperatives.[21]
Segni, who was a landowner, ordered the expropriation of most of his own estate in Sardinia.[22] He became known as a "white Bolshevik" for his agrarian reforms.[23] Modern historians assert that landowners were instead favoured by Segni, and his decrees allowed them to reclaim land that had been granted to the peasantry by the preceding administration.[24]
Minister of Public Education
[edit]In July 1951, after a cabinet reshuffle, Segni left his office as Minister of Agriculture and was appointed the Italian Minister of Public Education in De Gasperi's seventh government, succeeding Guido Gonella.[25]
As minister, Segni was particularly involved in the fight against illiteracy, in the improvement of teaching activities, and in the construction of new schools around the country; however, he did not continue the important reforms started by his predecessor. He tried to implement the reform step by step but encountered strong resistance, even in the ministries that were supposed to finance these measures. Segni proposed to replace the high school exam with an admission test to university, but this was rejected.[26] His reforms, which also received various appreciations from the opposition parties due to his secular idea of school that was very different from that of Gonella, were not ambitious as the ones of his predecessor.[27]
The 1953 Italian general election was characterised by changes in the electoral law. Even if the general structure remained uncorrupted, the government introduced a majority bonus system of two-thirds of seats in the country's Chamber of Deputies for the coalition that would obtain at-large the absolute majority of votes. The change was strongly opposed by both the opposition parties and DC's smaller coalition partners that had no realistic chance of success under this system. The new law was called the scam law by its detractors,[28] including some dissidents of minor government parties who founded special opposition groups to deny the artificial landslide victory of the DC.
The campaign of the opposition to the electoral law achieved its goal, as the government coalition won 49.9% of national vote, just a few thousand votes of the threshold for a supermajority, resulting in an ordinary proportional distribution of the seats. Technically, the government won the election, winning a clear working majority of seats in both houses. In July 1953, Segni was ousted from office in the newly formed government of Alcide De Gasperi.[29] Frustration with the failure to win a supermajority caused significant tensions in the leading coalition, and De Gasperi was forced to resign by the Italian Parliament on 2 August.[30] On 17 August, Italian president Luigi Einaudi appointed Pella as new prime minister, who selected Segni as his Minister of Public Education.[31] Pella remained in power only for five months.[32][33] In the successive governments of Amintore Fanfani and Mario Scelba, Segni was not appointed in any office.[34]
Prime Minister of Italy
[edit]In the 1955 Italian presidential election held on 28–29 April of that year, Giovanni Gronchi was elected the new president of the Republic.[35] After the election, a political crisis between prime minister Scelba and DC's leader Fanfani broke out.[36] In July 1955, Scelba resigned from the office, and Segni received the task of forming a new cabinet.[37] He started consultations with parties to explore the possibilities of forming a new coalition government, obtaining the approval of DC, Italian Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI) and Italian Liberal Party (PLI), and the external support from the Italian Republican Party (PRI). On 6 July, Segni sworn in as the new prime minister. On 18 July, the government's program was approved by the Chamber of Deputies with 293 votes in favour and 265 against. On 22 July, the Senate of the Republic approved the confidence vote with 121 votes in favour and 100 against.[38]
First government
[edit]Segni's first government is widely considered among the most important cabinets in the history of the Republic.[39] During his premiership, in 1955, Italy became a member of the United Nations (UN) in 1955.[40] In March 1957, Segni signed the Treaty of Rome, which brought about the creation of the European Economic Community (EEC), between Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and West Germany.[41] The Treaty of Rome still remains one of the two most important treaties in the modern-day European Union (EU).[42]
Segni had always been a strong supporter of European integration; according to him, in a world governed by great powers, European unity was the only possible way to influence the world. He also strengthened relations with West Germany, becoming a close friend of Konrad Adenauer.[43] As premier, he also had to face the complicated Suez crisis of 1956, in which he staunchly defended Italy's economic interests in the area, always bearing in mind the need to safeguard Atlantic and European solidarity.[44]
During his premiership, Segni often had conflict with Fanfani, who believed that the government should have a more critical attitude towards the Anglo-French choices. Moreover, the brutal Soviet repression of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 further divided Segni and Fanfani. Segni opposed an anti-communist legislative intervention, as Fanfani asked. The clash between the two leaders was so bitter that Segni threatened to resign. In his diary, Segni wrote: "The events of Hungary are unfortunately subjected to repressive political speculation. I refuse to speculate on them."[45]
In domestic policy, Segni's government was particularly active in judiciary policies. A law established the National Council of Economy and Labour (CNEL), as well as the Superior Council of the Judiciary. The most important event of all was the official opening of the Constitutional Court of Italy.[46] In 1957, political tensions arose between the Italian president Gronchi and foreign affairs minister Gaetano Martino, regarding government's foreign policy. In May 1957, the PSDI withdrew its support for the government, and Segni resigned on 6 May.[47] On 20 May, Adone Zoli sworn in as new head of government.[48]
After the premiership
[edit]In July 1958, Zoli resigned, after having lost his majority in the Italian Parliament, and Fanfani became the prime minister again. Segni was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of Italy and the country's Minister of Defence.[49]
As minister, Segni worked to represent the interests of the Italian Armed Forces, increasing wages and social securities for retired veterans, as well as strengthening military equipment and weapons.[50] He also accepted NATO missile bases for atomic weapons, convinced that they were a necessary tool to ensure the defence of Italy more than a danger that exposed the country to possible reprisals.[51]
In January 1959, a conspicuous group of Christian Democrats started voting against their own government, forcing Fanfani to resign on 26 January 1959 after six months in power.[52]
Second government
[edit]In February 1959, Gronchi gave Segni the task of forming a new cabinet, and he officially sworn in as the new prime minister on 16 February.[53] Segni formed a one-party government, which was composed only by DC members, and was externally supported by minor centre-right and right-wing parties, as well as the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI).[54]
Segni attempted to strengthen Atlantic solidarity and to present Italy as Europe's most reliable ally of the United States. He also tried to represent the reassuring alternative to Fanfani's resourcefulness, advocating for Atlanticism in a season characterized by openings to the left, which was supported by Fanfani. The most comforting signals came from the economy, as industry and commerce expanded, unemployment declined, and Italy's GDP grew by over 6%, a rhythm that placed it among the most dynamic countries in the world.[55]
In social policy, various reforms in social welfare were carried out. A law of 21 March 1959 extended insurance against occupational diseases to agricultural workers, while a law approved on 17 May 1959 introduced a special additional indemnity for retired civil servants. Another important law, dated 4 July 1959, extended pension insurance to all artisans.[56]
In March 1960, the PLI withdrew its support to his government and Segni was forced to resign. After few months of Fernando Tambroni's government, Fanfani returned to the premiership on 26 July, this time with an openly centre-left program supported by the PSI abstention, and Segni was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs.[57] In August 1961, Segni and Fanfani made an historic trip to Moscow to meet the Soviet leaders.[58]
President of Italy
[edit]In May 1962, when Gronchi's term as president of Italy expired, Segni was proposed as the DC's candidate by new party's leader Aldo Moro for the 1962 presidential election held on 2–6 May. With Segni's choice, Moro wanted to reassure the conservative representatives of his own party, worried about a possible extreme shift on leftist stances, after the beginning of the organic centre-left period in February 1962.[59] On the first two rounds, the Italian Communist Party (PCI) decided to vote for Umberto Terracini, while the PSI supported Sandro Pertini. After the third round, the PCI and PSI decided to converge on the candidacy of the PSDI, Giuseppe Saragat, who gained also the favor of some DC representatives.[60]
After several ballots, Segni was finally elected president on 6 May 1962 with 51% of the votes, 443 votes on a total 854 electors.[61][62] His election was allowed thanks to the votes of monarchist and neo-fascist representatives.[63] It was the first time that DC's official candidate succeeded in being elected president of the Republic.[64]
Many influent entities, notably including the Bank of Italy, the Armed Forces, Vatican hierarchies, as well as economic and financial world, were concerned about the entry of the PSI into the government, and considered Segni a reference of stability and their most prominent political landmark. His power grew further in the aftermath of the 1963 Italian general election, which was characterized by a loss for the DC due to its new leftist policies.[65] Despite Segni's opposition, at the end of the year, Moro and the PSI secretary Pietro Nenni launched their first centre-left government, ruling the country for more than four years.[66]
Vajont Dam disaster
[edit]As president, Segni had to face one of the most tragic events in Italian republican history, namely the Vajont Dam disaster.[67] On 9 October 1963, a landslide occurred on Monte Toc, in the province of Pordenone. The landslide caused a megatsunami in the artificial lake in which 50 million cubic metres of water overtopped the dam in a wave of 250 metres (820 ft), leading to the complete destruction of several villages and towns, and 1,917 deaths.[68] In the previous months, the Adriatic Society of Electricity (SADE) and the Italian government, which both owned the dam, dismissed evidence and concealed reports describing the geological instability of Monte Toc on the southern side of the basin and other early warning signs reported prior to the disaster.[69]
On the following day, Segni visited the affected areas, promising justice for the victims.[70] Immediately after the disaster, both the government and local authorities insisted on attributing the tragedy to an unexpected and unavoidable natural event. Despite these statements, numerous warnings, signs of danger, and negative appraisals had been disregarded in the previous months and the eventual attempt to safely control the landslide into the lake by lowering its level came when the landslide was almost imminent and was too late to prevent it.[71] The communist newspaper l'Unità was the first to denounce the actions of management and government.[72] The DC accused the PCI of political profiteering from the tragedy and then-prime minister Giovanni Leone promised to bring justice to the people killed in the disaster. A few months after the end of his premiership, he became the head of SADE's team of lawyers, who significantly reduced the amount of compensation for the survivors and ruled out payment for at least 600 victims.[73]
1964 coalition crisis
[edit]On 25 June 1964, the government of Aldo Moro was beaten on the budget law for the Italian Ministry of Education concerning the financing of private education, and on the same day Moro resigned. During the presidential consultations for the formation of a new cabinet, Segni asked Nenni to exit from the government majority.[74]
On 16 July, Segni sent the Carabinieri General Giovanni De Lorenzo to a meeting of representatives of the DC, to deliver a message in case the negotiations around the formation of a new centre-left government would fail. According to some historians, De Lorenzo reported that Segni was ready to give a subsequent mandate to Cesare Merzagora, the president of the Senate, asking him of forming a president's government composed by all the conservative forces in the Italian Parliament.[75][76] Ultimately, Moro managed to form another centre-left majority. During the negotiations, Nenni had accepted the downsizing of his reform programs. On 17 July, Moro went to the Quirinal Palace, with the acceptance of the assignment and the list of ministers of his second government.[77]
Illness and resignation
[edit]On 7 August 1964, during a meeting at the Quirinal Palace with Moro and Saragat, Segni suffered a serious cerebral hemorrhage. At the time, he was 73 years old and the first prognosis was not positive.[78] In the interim, Merzagora served as Acting President of the Republic.[79] Segni only partially recovered and decided to retire from office on 6 December 1964.[80] Immediately after his resignation, Segni was appointed senator for life ex officio. The 1964 Italian presidential election resulted in the election of Saragat on 29 December.[81]
Death and legacy
[edit]On 1 December 1972, Segni died in Rome at the age of 81.[82]
During all his political career, Segni acted as a moderate conservative, staunchly opposing the "opening to the left" proposed by Fanfani and Moro, but he also tried not to bring his own party too far to the right.[83] He was the first Italian president to resign from office.[84]
The frail, often ailing Segni, was affectionately called il malato di ferro, which literally means "the iron invalid".[85] Time once quoted a friend of his: "He is like the Colosseum; he looks like a ruin but he'll be around for a long time."[64]
Controversies
[edit]During his presidency, Segni was particularly influenced by General Giovanni De Lorenzo, commander of the Carabinieri, a former partisan with monarchical ideals. On 25 March 1964, De Lorenzo met with Carabinieri's commanders of the divisions of Milan, Rome, and Naples, proposing a response to a hypothetical national crisis, known as Piano Solo.[86] The plan consisted of a set of measures to occupy certain institutions, such as Quirinal Palace in Rome, and essential media infrastructures, like television and radio, as well as the neutralisation of communist and socialist parties, with the deportation of hundreds of left-wing politicians to a secret military base in Sardinia.[87] The list of people to be deported also included intellectuals, such as Pier Paolo Pasolini.[88]
On 10 May, De Lorenzo presented his plan to Segni, who was particularly impressed by it. Journalists Giorgio Galli and Indro Montanelli believed that Segni did not really want to carry out a coup d'état, but that he wanted to use the plan like a threat for political purposes.[89][90] The coup plans were revealed in 1967, when the journalists Eugenio Scalfari and Lino Jannuzzi published the plan in the Italian news magazine L'Espresso in May 1967.[91] The results of the official investigation remained classified until the early 1990s. It was released by premier Giulio Andreotti to the parliamentary investigation into Operation Gladio. L'Espresso mentioned that some 20,000 Carabinieri were supposed to be deployed around the country, with more than 5,000 agents in Rome.[92] Segni was never investigated for this fact.[93]
Electoral history
[edit]Election | House | Constituency | Party | Votes | Result | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1924 | Chamber of Deputies | Sardinia | PPI | — | Not elected | |
1946 | Constituent Assembly | Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro | DC | 40,394 | Elected | |
1948 | Chamber of Deputies | Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro | DC | 61,168 | Elected | |
1953 | Chamber of Deputies | Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro | DC | 77,306 | Elected | |
1958 | Chamber of Deputies | Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro | DC | 107,054 | Elected |
Presidential elections
[edit]1962 presidential election (9th ballot) | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|
Candidate | Supported by | Votes | % | |
Antonio Segni | DC, MSI, PDIUM | 443 | 51.9 | |
Giuseppe Saragat | PSDI, PSI, PCI, PRI | 334 | 39.1 | |
Others / Invalid votes | 77 | 9.0 | ||
Total | 854 | 100.0 |
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Rizzo, Tito Lucrezio (2 October 2012). Parla il Capo dello Stato: sessanta anni di vita repubblicana attraverso il Quirinale 1946–2006 (in Italian). Gangemi Editore spa. ISBN 9788849274608.
- ^ Dimissioni del Presidente della Repubblica, Panorama
- ^ Antonio Segni, Dizionario Biografico, Enciclopedia Treccani
- ^ a b Gilbert, Mark; Nilsson, Robert K. (2 April 2010). The A to Z of Modern Italy. Scarecrow Press. ISBN 978-1-4616-7202-9.
- ^ Antonio Segni, un europeista al Quirinale, La Nuova Sardegna
- ^ LE SORELLE SASSARESI LAURA E VANNINA CARTA CAPRINO, MOGLI RISPETTIVAMENTE DEL PRESIDENTE ANTONIO SEGNI E DEL PROF. CARLO VERCESI (in Italian)
- ^ Laura Carta Caprino, Getty
- ^ "Accademia sarda di storia di cultura e di lingua » Blog Archive » Protagoniste del caritatismo cattolico sassarese (1856–1970) a cura di Angelino Tedde" (in Italian). Retrieved 21 August 2019.
- ^ Mariotto Segni, Enciclopedia Treccani
- ^ "Celestino Segni". geni_family_tree. Retrieved 21 August 2019.
- ^ Stanley G. Payne (1995). A History of Fascism, 1914–1945. Univ of Wisconsin Press. p. 88. ISBN 978-0-299-14874-4.
- ^ Dieter Nohlen & Philip Stöver (2010) Elections in Europe: A data handbook, p1047 ISBN 978-3-8329-5609-7
- ^ La Biografia del Presidente Segni, quirinale.it
- ^ Gary Marks; Carole Wilson (1999). "National Parties and the Contestation of Europe". In T. Banchoff; Mitchell P. Smith (eds.). Legitimacy and the European Union. Taylor & Francis. p. 126. ISBN 978-0-415-18188-4. Retrieved 26 August 2012.
- ^ Governo Bonomi II, governo.it
- ^ Elezioni del 1946: Collegio di Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro, Ministero dell'Interno
- ^ Governo De Gasperi II, governo.it
- ^ La Riforma Agraria, Occupazione delle Terre
- ^ Corrado Barberis, Teoria e storia della riforma agraria, Florence, Vallecchi, 1957
- ^ Riforma agraria e modernizzazione rurale in Italia nel ventesimo secolo
- ^ Alcide De Gasperi tra riforma agraria e guerra fredda (1948–1950)
- ^ "Italy: New Man on the Job". Time. 1 July 1955. ISSN 0040-781X. Retrieved 21 August 2019.
- ^ Il colle più alto
- ^ Ginsborg, Paul (2003). A History of Contemporary Italy: Society and Politics, 1943–1988, Palgrave Macmillan, p. 122ISBN 1-4039-6153-0
- ^ VII Governo De Gasperi, camera.it
- ^ Antonio Segni, Salvatore Mura, il Mulino
- ^ Educazione, laicità e democrazia, Antonio Santoni
- ^ Also its parliamentarian exam had a disruptive effect: "Among the iron pots of political forces that faced in the Cold War, Senate cracked as earthenware pot": Buonomo, Giampiero (2014). "Come il Senato si scoprì vaso di coccio". L'Ago e Il Filo. Archived from the original on 24 March 2016. Retrieved 2 April 2020.
- ^ Governo De Gasperi VIII, camera.it
- ^ (in Italian) Come il Senato si scoprì vaso di coccio, in L’Ago e il filo, 2014
- ^ Mattarella cita Einaudi e l'incarico a Pella: fu il primo governo del presidente
- ^ Governo Pella, Governo.it
- ^ Cattolico e risorgimentale, Pella e il caso di Trieste
- ^ Composizione del Governo Scelba, senato.it
- ^ "Danger on the Left"[permanent dead link ], Time, 9 May 1955
- ^ "Segni Hopeful of Breaking Up Crisis in Italy". 1 July 1955. Retrieved 21 July 2020.
- ^ Governo Segni I, governo.it
- ^ Il governo Segni I
- ^ I primi passi della Presidenza Gronchi ed il governo Segni
- ^ 60 anni dell'Italia all'ONU, Ministero degli Esteri
- ^ Cosa sono i Trattati di Roma e perché sono importanti, il Post
- ^ Trattati di Roma: cosa sono e perché sono stati celebrati, il Post
- ^ Italia e mondo tedesco all'epoca di Adenauer
- ^ La crisi di Suez e la fine del primato dell’Europa
- ^ Diario (1956–1964), S. Mura, 2012, page 101)
- ^ I primi due anni di funzionamento della Corte Costituzionale Italiana
- ^ I Governo Segni, camera.it
- ^ Governo Zoli, camera.it
- ^ Governo Fanfani II, senato.it
- ^ "Italy: Right Turn". Time. 2 March 1959. ISSN 0040-781X. Retrieved 21 August 2019.
- ^ L’Italia nella guerra fredda e i missili americani IRBM Jupiter, Debora Sorrenti
- ^ Italy's Fanfan, Time, 16 June 1961
- ^ II Governo Segni, Della Repubblica
- ^ L'anima nera della Repubblica: storia del MSI
- ^ Il miracolo economico italiano, Enciclopedia Treccani
- ^ Growth to Limits: The Western European Welfare States Since World War II Volume 4 edited by Peter Flora
- ^ III Legislatura: 12 giugno 1958 – 15 maggio 1963
- ^ Fanfani e Segni al ritorno da Mosca, Archivio Luce
- ^ Corsa al Colle: L'elezione di Antonio Segni (1962), Panorama
- ^ Tutti i presidenti della Repubblica Italiana, la Repubblica
- ^ L'elezione del Presidente Segni, quirinale.it
- ^ Elezione a Presidente della Repubblica di Antonio Segni, camera.it
- ^ La Repubblica italiana ha il suo terzo presidente
- ^ a b "Italy: Symbol of the Nation". Time. 1 May 1962. ISSN 0040-781X. Retrieved 21 August 2019.
- ^ Elezioni del 1963, Ministero dell'Interno
- ^ I Governo Moro, governo.it
- ^ Il 9 settembre 1963 il disastro del Vajont: commemorazioni in tutta la regione, Friuli Venezia Giulia
- ^ "Vaiont Dam photos and virtual field trip". University of Wisconsin. Archived from the original on 29 July 2009. Retrieved 1 July 2009.
- ^ La cronaca del disastro e il processo, ANSA
- ^ Mauro Corona: «Una mano assassina lanciò il sasso che distrusse la mia Erto», Il Gazzettino
- ^ La tragedia del Vajont Archived 9 June 2020 at the Wayback Machine, Rai Scuola
- ^ "Mattolinimusic.com". Mattolinimusic.com. Retrieved 29 October 2012.[permanent dead link ]
- ^ "Vajont, Due Volte Tragedia". Sopravvissutivajont.org. 9 October 2002. Retrieved 29 October 2012.
- ^ Indro Montanelli, Storia d'Italia Vol. 10, RCS Quotidiani, Milan, 2004, page 379-380.
- ^ Gianni Flamini, L'Italia dei colpi di Stato, Newton Compton Editori, Rome, page 82.
- ^ Sergio Romano, Cesare Merzagora: uno statista contro I partiti, in: Corriere della Sera, 14 marzo 2005.
- ^ Governo Moro II, governo.it
- ^ Segni, uomo solo tra sciabole e golpisti, Il Fatto Quotidiano
- ^ Merzagora e Fanfani, supplenti del passato
- ^ Il 6 dicembre 1964, Antonio Segni si dimette da presidente della Repubblica, L'Unione Sarda
- ^ Giuseppe Saragat – Storia della Camera, camera.it
- ^ Antonio Segni – Portale storico della Presidenza della Repubblica, quirinale.it
- ^ Tra Segni e Moro braccio di ferro per la supremazia, La Nuova Sardegna
- ^ Dimissioni di Segni e Leone. I precedenti, la Repubblica
- ^ "Italy: Malato di Ferro". Time. 2 October 1964. ISSN 0040-781X. Retrieved 21 August 2019.
- ^ Marcus, George E. (1 March 1999). Paranoia Within Reason: A Casebook on Conspiracy as Explanation. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 9780226504575.
- ^ Gianni Flamini, L'Italia dei colpi di Stato, Newton Compton Editori, Rome, page 79
- ^ Solo, Mister d'Italia
- ^ Giorgio Galli, Affari di Stato, Edizioni Kaos, Milan, 1991, page 94
- ^ Antonio Segni e il Piano Solo: una storia da riscrivere
- ^ Cento Bull, Italian Neofascism, p. 4
- ^ "Twenty-Six Years Later, Details of Planned Rightist Coup Emerge". Associated Press. 5 January 1991.
- ^ Il Piano Solo? Non fu un golpe, Avvenire
- Marcus, George E. (1999). ‘'Paranoia Within Reason: A Casebook on Conspiracy as Explanation'’, Chicago: University of Chicago Press ISBN 0-226-50457-3
External links
[edit]- President Antonio Segni, Italian Chamber of Deputies
- Political factors related to the illness of Italian President Antonio Segni, declassified CIA document dated 14 August 1964
- Newspaper clippings about Antonio Segni in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW
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