Confederate States of America: Difference between revisions
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{{Short description|Unrecognized state in North America (1861–1865)}} |
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{{About|the historical state|the 2004 mockumentary|C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America}} |
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{{Redirect|Confederate States|the system of government|Confederation|a list of confederate nation states|List of confederations|other uses|Confederacy (disambiguation)}} |
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{{About||the 2004 film|C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America}} |
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{{Infobox Former Country |
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{{pp|small=yes}} |
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|conventional_long_name = Confederate States of America |
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{{Use American English|date=January 2017}}{{2L|words=16,000|date=August 2024}} |
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|common_name = Confederate States of America |
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{{Use mdy dates|date=October 2023}} |
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|continent = North America |
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{{Infobox country |
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|region = Southern States |
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| conventional_long_name = <!--?: The--> Confederate States of America |
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| common_name = <!--?: The--> Confederate States of America |
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|era = American Civil War |
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|status = [[List of historical unrecognized |
| status = [[List of historical unrecognized states|Unrecognized state]]<ref name="history-state-gov">{{cite web |url=https://history.state.gov/milestones/1861-1865/confederacy |title=Preventing Diplomatic Recognition of the Confederacy, 1861–65 |publisher=U.S. Department of State |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130828005906/http://history.state.gov/milestones/1861-1865/Confederacy |archive-date=August 28, 2013 }}</ref> |
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| year_start = 1861 |
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|status_text = |
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| year_end = 1865 |
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|government_type = [[Confederation]] |
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<!--****************************************************************************** |
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|p1 = United States |
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The following flags should not be changed, by consensus at [[Talk:Confederate States of America/Archive 10#RFC Infobox flag choice]]. |
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|flag_p1 = US flag 33 stars.svg |
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|p2 = Republic of South Carolina |
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-->| flag = Flags of the Confederate States of America |
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|flag_p2 = Flag of South Carolina.svg |
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| flag_type_article = Flags of the Confederate States of America |
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|p3 = Republic of Mississippi |
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| flag_type = Top: Flag<br/>{{nowrap|(1861–1863)}}<br/>Bottom: Flag<br/>{{nowrap|(1865)}} |
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|flag_p3 = Mississippi 1861.svg |
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| image_flag = Flag of the Confederate States (1861–1863).svg |
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|p4 = Republic of Florida |
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| image_flag2 = Flag of the Confederate States (1865).svg |
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|flag_p4 = Florida Provisional 1861.svg |
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| symbol_type_article = Seal of the Confederate States |
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|p5 = Alabama Republic |
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| symbol_type = Seal<br/>{{nowrap|(1863–1865)}}<!-- Please do not add the word "Great" as it would be historically inaccurate. The word was not in the 1863 law passed by the C.S. Congress establishing the Seal. --> |
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|flag_p5 = Alabama 1861 Obverse.svg |
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| coa_size = 105px |
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|p6 = Republic of Georgia (1861){{!}} Republic of Georgia |
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| image_coat = Seal of the Confederate States of America.svg |
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|flag_p6 = Flag of Georgia non official.svg |
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| national_motto = ''[[Deo vindice]]'' |
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|p7 = Republic of Louisiana |
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| englishmotto = Under God, our Vindicator |
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|flag_p7 = Louisiana Feb 11 1861.svg |
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| anthem = [[God Save the South]] (unofficial){{parabr}}{{center|[[File:Confederate States of America 1861-1865.ogg]]}}<hr />[[Dixie (song)|Dixie]] (popular, unofficial){{parabr}}{{center|[[File:Dixie's Land Instrumental.mp3]]}} |
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|p8 = Texas in the American Civil War{{!}}State of Texas |
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| march = [[The Bonnie Blue Flag]]{{parabr}}{{center|[[File:The Bonnie Blue Flag.ogg]]}} |
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|flag_p8 = Flag of Texas.svg |
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| image_map = Confederate States of America (orthographic projection).svg |
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|s1 = United States |
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| alt_map = Map of northern hemisphere with Confederate States of America highlighted |
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|flag_s1 = US flag 35 stars.svg |
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| map_caption = {{plainlist|style=padding-left: 0.6em; text-align: left;| |
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|year_start = 1861 |
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* {{Legend|#008000|The Confederate States}} |
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|year_end = 1865 |
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* {{Legend|#55c255|Territorial claims made and under partial control for a time}} |
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|event_start = Confederacy formed |
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* {{Legend|#3d983d|[[West Virginia#Separation from Virginia|Separated]] West Virginia}} |
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|date_start = February 4 |
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* {{Legend|#00e6e6|Contested Native American territory}} |
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|event_end = [[Washington, Georgia#Washington in the Civil War|Confederacy dissolved]] |
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}} |
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|date_end = May 5 |
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| image_map_caption = [[Federal government of the United States|Federal Union]] and Southern States |
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|event1 = [[Battle of Fort Sumter|Start of Civil War]] |
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| capital = {{ublist|item_style=margin-top:0;margin-bottom:0 |
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|date_event1 = April 12, 1861 |
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|[[Montgomery, Alabama]]<br />(until May 29, 1861) |
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|event2 = Military collapse|date_event2 = April 9, 1865 |
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|[[Richmond, Virginia]]<br />(until April 2–3, 1865)<ref>{{cite web |title=Reaction to the Fall of Richmond |url=https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/reaction-fall-richmond |website=American Battlefield Trust |date=December 9, 2008 |access-date=July 12, 2021}}</ref> |
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|flag = Flags of the Confederate States of America |
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|[[Danville, Virginia]]<br />(until April 10, 1865)<ref>{{cite web |title=History |url=https://www.danvillemuseum.org/history |website=Danville Museum of Fine Arts & History |access-date=July 12, 2021}}</ref>}} |
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|flag_type = Flag |
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| largest_city = [[New Orleans]]<br />(until [[Capture of New Orleans|May 1, 1862]]) |
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|image_flag = Confederate_National_Flag_since_Mar_4_1865.svg |
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| common_languages = {{nowrap|English (''[[de facto]]'')}}<br />minor languages: [[Louisiana French|French]] ([[Louisiana]]), [[Indigenous languages of the Americas|Indigenous languages]] ([[Indian territory]]) |
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|symbol = Confederate Seal |
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| government_type = {{plainlist| |
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|symbol_type = Confederate Seal |
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* [[Confederation]] of independent states (1861–1862)<ref name="wwgaunt">{{cite book |title=The Statutes at Large of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America: From the Institution of the Government, February 8, 1861 to Its Termination, February 18, 1862, Inclusive. Arranged in Chronological Order, Together with the Constitution for the Provisional Government and the Permanent Constitution of the Confederate States, and the Treaties Concluded by the Confederate States with Indian Tribes|author=W. W. Gaunt|year=1864|publisher=D & S Publishers, Indian Rocks Beach|page=1,2}}</ref> |
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|image_coat = Seal of the Confederate States of America.png |
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* [[Richmond in the American Civil War|Federal]] presidential republic (1862–1865)<ref>Cooper (2000) p. 462. Rable (1994) pp. 2–3. Rable wrote, "But despite heated arguments and no little friction between the competing political cultures of unity and liberty, antiparty and broader fears about politics in general shaped civic life. These beliefs could obviously not eliminate partisanship or prevent Confederates from holding on to and exploiting old political prejudices. Indeed, some states, notably Georgia and North Carolina, remained political tinderboxes throughout the war. Even the most bitter foes of the Confederate government, however, refused to form an opposition party, and the Georgia dissidents, to cite the most prominent example, avoided many traditional political activities. Only in North Carolina did there develop anything resembling a party system, and there the central values of the Confederacy's two political cultures had a far more powerful influence on political debate than did organizational maneuvering."</ref><ref>David Herbert Donald, ed. ''Why the North Won the Civil War''. (1996) pp. 112–113. Potter wrote in his contribution to this book, "Where parties do not exist, criticism of the administration is likely to remain purely an individual matter; therefore the tone of the criticism is likely to be negative, carping, and petty, as it certainly was in the Confederacy. But where there are parties, the opposition group is strongly impelled to formulate real alternative policies and to press for the adoption of these policies on a constructive basis. ... But the absence of a two-party system meant the absence of any available alternative leadership, and the protest votes which were cast in the 1863 Confederate mid-term election became more expressions of futile and frustrated dissatisfaction rather than implements of a decision to adopt new and different policies for the Confederacy."</ref>}} |
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|image_map = Confederacy.png |
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| title_leader = [[President of the Confederate States of America|President]] |
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|capital = [[Montgomery, Alabama]]<br/><small>(until May 29, 1861)</small><br/>[[Richmond, Virginia]]<br/><small>(May 29, 1861-April 3, 1865)</small><br/>[[Danville, Virginia]]<br/><small>(after April 3, 1865)</small> |
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| leader1 = [[Jefferson Davis]] |
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|largest_city=[[New Orleans]]<small><br/>(February 4, 1861–May 1, 1862) (captured)</small><br/> |
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| year_leader1 = 1861–1865 |
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[[Richmond, Virginia|Richmond]]<small><br/>(May 1, 1862–surrender)</small> |
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| title_deputy = [[Vice President of the Confederate States of America|Vice President]] |
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|national_motto = ''Deo Vindice''{{spaces|2}}([[Latin]])<br/>"Under God, our Vindicator" |
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| deputy1 = [[Alexander H. Stephens]] |
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|national_anthem = ''(none official)''<br/>"[[God Save the South]]" (unofficial)<br/>"[[The Bonnie Blue Flag]]" (popular)<br/>"[[Dixie (song)|Dixie]]" (traditional) |
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| year_deputy1 = 1861–1865 |
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|common_languages = [[English language|English]] (''de facto'') |
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| legislature = [[Congress of the Confederate States|Congress]] |
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| |
| house1 = [[Senate of the Confederate States|Senate]] |
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| house2 = {{nowrap|[[House of Representatives of the Confederate States|House of Representatives]]}} |
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| era = [[American Civil War]] |
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| event_start = [[Provisional Constitution of the Confederate States|Provisional constitution]] |
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|year_leader1 = 1861–1865 |
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| date_start = February 8, |
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|title_deputy = [[Vice President of the Confederate States of America|Vice President]] |
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| event2 = {{nowrap|[[American Civil War]]}}<!-- Please do not add individual American Civil War battles to this list. ACW is enough. --> |
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|deputy1 = [[Alexander Stephens]] |
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| date_event2 = April 12, 1861<!-- The start date of the American Civil War was when Confederate guns around the harbor opened fire on Fort Sumter, S.C. --> |
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|year_deputy1 = 1861–1865 |
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| event3 = {{nowrap|[[Constitution of the Confederate States|Permanent constitution]]}} |
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|stat_year1 = 1860{{smallsup|1}} |
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| date_event3 = February 22, 1862 |
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|stat_area1 = 1995392 |
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<!--************************************************************************************************************************************************************--> |
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|stat_pop1 = 9103332 |
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<!-- Please do not add more armies or departments to list below of the 1865 surrender events. These were the "big three" field armies. --> |
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|stat_year2 = slaves{{smallsup|2}} |
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<!--************************************************************************************************************************************************************-->| event4 = [[Battle of Appomattox Court House]] |
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|stat_area2 = |
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| date_event4 = April 9, 1865 |
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|stat_pop2 = 3521110 |
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| event5 = [[Carolinas campaign|Military collapse]]<!-- Largest surrender of Confederate forces occurred on April 26, 1865, of Joseph E. Johnston and his field army --> |
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|footnotes=<sup>1</sup> Area and population values do not include Missouri and Kentucky nor the [[Arizona Territory (Confederate States of America)|Confederate Territory of Arizona]]. {{nowrap|Water area: 5.7%.}}<br/><sup>2</sup> Slaves included in above population count [http://www.civil-war.net/pages/1860_census.html 1860 Census] |
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| date_event5 = April 26, 1865 |
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| event_end = [[Conclusion of the American Civil War|Debellation and dissolution]] |
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| date_end = May 5, |
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<!--************************************************************************************************************************************************************--> |
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<!-- Please do not add more armies or departments to above list of the 1865 surrender events. These were the "big three" field armies. --> |
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<!--************************************************************************************************************************************************************-->| stat_year1 = 1860{{efn|Slaves are included in the above population according to the 1860 census.<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.civil-war.net/pages/1860_census.html | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20040604075834/http://www.civil-war.net/pages/1860_census.html | archive-date=June 4, 2004 | title=1860 Census Results }}</ref>}} |
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| stat_pop1 = 9,103,332 |
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| stat_year2 = Slaves{{efn|Population values do not include [[Missouri]], [[Kentucky]], or the [[Confederate Arizona|Arizona Territory]].}} |
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| stat_area2 = |
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| stat_pop2 = 3,521,110 |
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| currency = {{ublist|class=nowrap|item_style=margin-top:0;margin-bottom:0 |
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|[[Confederate States dollar]] |
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|[[Southern States Confederate Currency|State currencies]]}} |
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| p1 = South Carolina in the American Civil War{{!}}{{nowrap|South Carolina}}<!-- Seceded from the Union on December 20, 1860 --> |
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| flag_p1 = Flag of South Carolina (January 1861).svg |
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| p2 = Mississippi in the American Civil War{{!}}Mississippi<!-- Seceded on January 9, 1861 --> |
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| flag_p2 = Flag of Mississippi (1861-1865).svg |
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| p3 = Florida in the American Civil War{{!}}Florida<!-- Seceded on January 10, 1861 --> |
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| flag_p3 = Flag of Florida (1861-1865).svg |
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| p4 = Alabama in the American Civil War{{!}}Alabama<!-- Seceded on January 11, 1861 --> |
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| flag_p4 = Flag of Alabama (1861, obverse).svg |
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| p5 = Georgia in the American Civil War{{!}}Georgia<!-- Seceded on January 19, 1861 --> |
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| flag_p5 = Flag of the State of Georgia (1861, red).svg |
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| p6 = Louisiana in the American Civil War{{!}}Louisiana<!-- Seceded on January 26, 1861 --> |
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| flag_p6 = Louisiana Feb 11 1861.svg |
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| p7 = Texas in the American Civil War{{!}}Texas<!-- Seceded on February 1, 1861 --> |
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| flag_p7 = Flag of Texas (1839–1879).svg |
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| p8 = Virginia in the American Civil War{{!}}Virginia<!-- Seceded on April 17, 1861 --> |
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| flag_p8 = Flag of Virginia (1861–1865).svg |
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| p9 = Arkansas in the American Civil War{{!}}Arkansas<!-- Seceded on May 6, 1861 --> |
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| flag_p9 = Flag of the Confederate States (May 1861 – July 1861).svg |
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| p10 = North Carolina in the American Civil War{{!}}{{nowrap|North Carolina}} |
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| flag_p10 = Flag of North Carolina (1861).svg<!-- Seceded on May 20, 1861 --> |
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| p11 = Tennessee in the American Civil War{{!}}Tennessee<!-- Seceded on June 8, 1861 --> |
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| flag_p11 = Tennessee 1861 proposed.svg |
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| p12 = <!-- Territories are always listed after the States, regardless of alphabetical order. -->Confederate Arizona{{!}}Arizona Territory<!-- Declared itself an independent territory (separate from U.S. New Mexico Territory) and seceded from the Union on March 28, 1861 --> |
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| flag_p12 = Flag of the Confederate States (1861–1863).svg |
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| s1 = West Virginia<!-- Admitted into the Union on June 20, 1863 --> |
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| flag_s1 = <!-- Please leave blank. The West Virginia Legislature did not enact legislation to adopt an official State flag until 1905. Please do not add the West Virginia flag adopted by the state government in 1905 (1905, 1907, 1929, or 1962) (42 years after the state was admitted into the Union) or any of the other so-called "proposed" flags as it would be historically inaccurate. --> |
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| s2 = Tennessee<!-- Readmitted on July 24, 1866 --> |
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| flag_s2 = Tennessee 1861 proposed.svg |
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| s3 = Arkansas<!-- Readmitted on June 22, 1868 --> |
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| flag_s3 = Flag of the Confederate States (May 1861 – July 1861).svg |
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| s4 = Florida<!-- Readmitted on June 25, 1868 --> |
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| flag_s4 = Flag of Florida (1861–1865).svg |
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| s5 = Alabama<!-- Readmitted on June 25, 1868 --> |
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| flag_s5 = Flag of Alabama (1861, reverse).svg |
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| s6 = Louisiana<!-- Readmitted on June 25, 1868 --> |
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| flag_s6 = Louisiana Feb 11 1861.svg |
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| s7 = North Carolina<!-- Readmitted on June 25, 1868 --> |
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| flag_s7 = Flag of North Carolina (1861).svg |
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| s8 = South Carolina<!-- Readmitted on June 25, 1868 --> |
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| flag_s8 = Flag of South Carolina (1861).svg |
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| s9 = Virginia<!-- Readmitted on January 27, 1870 --> |
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| flag_s9 = Flag of Virginia (1861–1865).svg |
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| s10 = Mississippi<!-- Readmitted on February 23, 1870 --> |
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| flag_s10 = Flag of Mississippi (1861-1865).svg |
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| s11 = Texas<!-- Readmitted on March 30, 1870 --> |
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| flag_s11 = Flag of Texas (1839–1879).svg |
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| s12 = Georgia (U.S. state){{!}}Georgia<!-- Readmitted on July 15, 1870 --> |
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| flag_s12 = Flag of the State of Georgia (non-official).svg |
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| s13 = <!-- Territories are always listed after the States, regardless of alphabetical order. -->Arizona Territory<!-- Organized by the United States on February 24, 1863 --> |
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| flag_s13 = Flag of the United States (1863–1865).svg |
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<!-- Please do not add 1850–1912 New Mexico Territory to this list because it remained a U.S. territory during the War and Reconstruction. -->| today = [[United States]] |
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| footnotes = |
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| demonym = Confederate<br />[[White Southerners|Southern]] |
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}} |
}} |
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The '''Confederate States of America''' ('''CSA'''), commonly referred to as the '''Confederate States''' ('''C.S.'''), '''the Confederacy''', or '''the South''', was an [[List of historical unrecognized states and dependencies|unrecognized]] breakaway<ref name="history-state-gov" /> [[republic]] in the [[Southern United States]] that existed from February 8, 1861, to May 5, 1865.<ref name="Tikkanen-2020">{{Cite web|last=Tikkanen|first=Amy|date=June 17, 2020|title=American Civil War|url=https://www.britannica.com/event/American-Civil-War|access-date=June 28, 2020|website=Encyclopedia Britannica|quote=...between the United States and 11 Southern states that seceded from the Union and formed the Confederate States of America.}}</ref> It was composed of eleven [[U.S. state]]s that declared [[Secession in the United States|secession]]; [[South Carolina in the American Civil War|South Carolina]], [[Mississippi in the American Civil War|Mississippi]], [[Florida in the American Civil War|Florida]], [[Alabama in the American Civil War|Alabama]], [[Georgia in the American Civil War|Georgia]], [[Louisiana in the American Civil War|Louisiana]], [[Texas in the American Civil War|Texas]], [[Virginia in the American Civil War|Virginia]], [[Arkansas in the American Civil War|Arkansas]], [[Tennessee in the American Civil War|Tennessee]], and [[North Carolina in the American Civil War|North Carolina]]; they warred against the United States during the [[American Civil War]].<ref name="Tikkanen-2020" /><ref name="Hubbard-2000">{{Cite book|last=Hubbard|first=Charles|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/745911382|title=The Burden of Confederate Diplomacy|publisher=University of Tennessee Press|year=2000|isbn=1-57233-092-9|location=Knoxville|page=55|oclc=745911382}}</ref> |
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The '''Confederate States of America''' (also called the '''Confederacy''', the '''Confederate States''', and the '''C.S.A.''') was a government set up from 1861 to 1865 by 11 [[Southern United States|Southern]] [[slave state]]s of the [[United States|United States of America]] that had declared their [[secession in the United States|secession from the U.S.]] The U.S. government ([[Union (American Civil War)|The Union]]) rejected secession as illegal, and, after its army was fired upon at the [[Battle of Fort Sumter]], used military action to defeat the C.S.A. No foreign nation officially recognized the Confederate States as an independent country,<ref name="history-state-gov" /><ref name="McPherson" /> but they did allow their citizens to do business with the Confederacy. The Confederate government in Richmond had an uneasy relationship with its member states, with some historians arguing the Confederacy "died of states rights" because of the reluctance of several states to put troops under the control of the Confederate States government.<ref name="Frank L. Owsley 1925">Frank L. Owsley, ''State Rights in the Confederacy'' (Chicago, 1925).</ref> The Confederacy's control over its claimed territory shrank steadily during the course of the [[American Civil War]], as the Union took control of much of the seacoast and inland waterways. The leading Confederate General [[Robert E. Lee]] successfully stopped repeated Union attempts to capture the Confederate capital at Richmond, Virginia, but after four years of very bloody fighting, the Confederates ran out of men, supplies and public support. By June of 1865 its armies surrendered, its government collapsed, its slaves were emancipated, and the Union imposed a program of [[Reconstruction Era in the United States|Reconstruction]] to restore the seceding states to normal status. |
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With [[Abraham Lincoln]]'s [[1860 United States presidential election|election]] as [[President of the United States]] in 1860, a portion of southern states were convinced that their slavery-dependent [[plantation economy|plantation economies]] were threatened, and began to [[Secession in the United States|secede from the United States]].<ref name="history-state-gov" /><ref name="Thomas1979">{{cite book |last1=Thomas |first1=Emory M. |title=The Confederate Nation: 1861–1865 |year=1979 |publisher=Harper Collins |isbn=978-0-06-206946-7 |pages=256–257 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IpM8EKRH_bUC}}</ref><ref name="McPherson">{{cite book |url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780195313666 |url-access=registration |title=This mighty scourge: perspectives on the Civil War |first=James M. |last=McPherson |publisher=Oxford University Press US |year=2007 |page=[https://archive.org/details/isbn_9780195313666/page/65 65]|isbn=978-0198042761 }}</ref> The Confederacy was formed on February 8, 1861, by South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas.<ref name="Encyclopædia Britannica-1998"/><ref name="Smith2008">{{cite book |last1=Smith |first1=Mark M. |editor1-last=Boles |editor1-first=John B. |title=A Companion to the American South |year=2008 |publisher=John Wiley & Sons |isbn=978-1-4051-3830-7 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vANndXTE8g4C&pg=PA103 |language=en |chapter=The Plantation Economy |quote=Antebellum southern society was defined in no small part by the shaping and working of large tracts of land whose soil was tilled and staples tended by enslaved African-American laborers. This was, in short, a society dependent on what historians have variously referred to as the plantation system, the southern slave economy or, more commonly, the plantation economy... Slaveholders' demand for labor increased apace. The number of southern slaves jumped from under one million in 1790 to roughly four million by 1860. By the middle decades of the antebellum period, the Old South had matured into a slave society whose plantation economy affected virtually every social and economic relation within the South.}}</ref><ref name="McMurtry-Chubb2021">{{cite book |last1=McMurtry-Chubb |first1=Teri A. |title=Race Unequals: Overseer Contracts, White Masculinities, and the Formation of Managerial Identity in the Plantation Economy |year=2021 |publisher=Lexington Books |isbn=978-1-4985-9907-8 |page=31 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=M0UsEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA31 |language=en |quote=The plantation as the vehicle to wealth was tied to the primacy of cotton in the growth of global capitalism. The large-scale cultivation and harvest of cot ton required new forms of labor organization, as well as labor management, Enter the overseer. By 1860, there were approximately 38,000 overseers working as plantation managers throughout the antebellum south. They were employed by the wealthiest of planters, planters who held multiple plantations and owned hundreds of enslaved Africans. By 1860, 85 percent of all cotton grown in the South was on plantations of 100 acres or more. On these plantations resided 91.2 percent of enslaved Africans. Planters came to own these Africans through the internal slave trade in the United States that moved to its cotton fields approximately one million enslaved laborers.}}</ref> They adopted a new constitution establishing a [[confederation|confederation government]] of "sovereign and independent states".<ref name="usgovernmentprintingoffice">{{cite book |title=Multinational Operations, Alliances, and International Military Cooperation|author=Robert S. Rush|author2=William W. Epley|year=2007|publisher=U.S. Government Printing Office|page=21,27}}</ref><ref name="johntishiyama">{{cite book |title=Comparative Politics: Principles of Democracy and Democratization|author=John T. Ishiyama|year=2011|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|page=214}}</ref><ref name="dunbarrowland">{{cite book |title=History of Mississippi, the Heart of the South, volume 1|author=Dunbar Rowland|year=1925|publisher=S. J. Clarke publishing Company|page=784}}</ref> Some Northerners reacted by saying "Let the Confederacy go in peace!", while some [[White Southerners|Southerners]] wanted to maintain their loyalty to the Union. The [[Federal government of the United States|federal government]] in [[Washington D.C.]] and states under its control were known as the [[Union (American Civil War)|Union]].<ref name="Hubbard-2000" /><ref name="Encyclopædia Britannica-1998">{{Cite web|url=https://www.britannica.com/topic/Confederate-States-of-America|title=Confederate States of America|<!--author=Editors|-->date=July 20, 1998|website=[[Encyclopædia Britannica]]|access-date=June 25, 2019}}</ref><ref name="charlesdanieldrake">{{cite book |title=Union and Anti-Slavery speeches, delivered during the Rebellion, etc|author=Charles Daniel Drake|year=1864|page=219,220,222,241}}</ref> |
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Secessionists argued that the [[United States Constitution]] was a compact among states that could be abandoned at any time without consultation and that each state had a right to secede. After intense debates and statewide votes, seven [[Deep South]] cotton states passed secession ordinances by February 1861 (before [[Abraham Lincoln]] took office as president), while secession efforts failed in the other eight slave states. Delegates from the seven formed the C.S.A. in February 1861, selecting [[Jefferson Davis]] as temporary president until elections could be held in 1862. Talk of reunion and compromise went nowhere, because the Confederates insisted on independence which the Union strongly rejected. Davis began raising a 100,000 man army.<ref>February 28, 1861, Congress authorized Davis to accept state militias into national service. Confederate Act of Congress for “provisionals” on March 6, 1861, authorized 100,000 militia and volunteers under Davis' command. May 6, Congress empowered Davis to accept volunteers directly without state intermediaries. Keegan, John. [http://books.google.com/books?id=A7O0FYunvPwC&pg=PA49&lpg=PA49&dq=confederate+called+up+100,00+militia&source=bl&ots=DyapEEiCMQ&sig=rrrM3a49DRLYwsrrdYKvcYEqWZ4&hl=en&ei=3KFcTc2XLYG0lQf0152wCQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=6&ved=0CCYQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q&f=false The American Civil War: a military history] 2009. ISBN 978-0-307-26343-8, p. 49</ref> |
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[[American Civil War|The Civil War]] began on April 12, 1861, when [[Battle of Fort Sumter|South Carolina's militia attacked Fort Sumter]]. Four slave states of the [[Upper South]]—[[Virginia in the American Civil War|Virginia]], [[Arkansas in the American Civil War|Arkansas]], [[Tennessee in the American Civil War|Tennessee]], and [[North Carolina in the American Civil War|North Carolina]]—then seceded and joined the Confederacy. On February 22, 1862, [[Confederate States Army]] leaders installed a [[President of the Confederate States of America|centralized federal government]] in [[Richmond in the American Civil War|Richmond, Virginia]], and enacted the first [[Confederate Conscription Acts 1862–1864|Confederate draft]] on April 16, 1862. By 1865, the Confederacy's federal government dissolved into chaos, and the [[Confederate States Congress]] [[adjournment sine die|adjourned]], effectively ceasing to exist as a legislative body on March 18. After four years of heavy fighting, most Confederate land and naval forces either surrendered or otherwise ceased hostilities by May 1865.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.civilwar.org/education/pdfs/civil-was-curriculum-medicine.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100401062715/http://civilwar.org/education/pdfs/civil-was-curriculum-medicine.pdf |archive-date=April 1, 2010 |url-status=live|title=Learn – Civil War Trust|website=civilwar.org|date=October 29, 2013|access-date=August 27, 2017}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/09/20/recounting-the-dead/|title=Recounting the Dead|last=Hacker|first=J. David|date=September 20, 2011|website=Opinionator|access-date=May 19, 2018}}</ref> The most significant capitulation was Confederate general [[Robert E. Lee]]'s surrender on April 9, after which any doubt about the war's outcome or the Confederacy's survival was extinguished. Confederate President Davis's administration declared the Confederacy dissolved on May 5.<ref name="IndEcon">{{cite web |url=https://www.nps.gov/articles/industry-and-economy-during-the-civil-war.htm |title=Industry and Economy during the Civil War|last=Arrington|first=Benjamin P.|publisher=National Park Service|access-date=February 5, 2022}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Davis|first=Jefferson|url=https://archive.org/stream/ashorthistoryco00davigoog#page/n544/mode/2up/search/disappeared|title=Short History of the Confederate States of America|page=503|date=1890|access-date=February 10, 2015|publisher=Belford co.}}</ref><ref>The constitutionality of the Confederacy's dissolution is open to interpretation at least to the extent that, like the [[Constitution of the United States|United States Constitution]], the Confederate States Constitution did not grant anyone (including the President) the power to dissolve the country. However, May 5, 1865, was the last day anyone holding a Confederate office recognized by the secessionist governments attempted to exercise executive, legislative, or judicial power under the C.S. Constitution. For this reason, that date is generally recognized to be the day the Confederate States of America formally dissolved.</ref> |
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The fighting began with the Confederate [[Battle of Fort Sumter|attack on Fort Sumter]] on April 12, 1861. Lincoln called for 75,000 troops to recapture lost federal properties in the South, the same number of arms the disunionists confiscated from US forts and arsenals in six seceding states prior to his inauguration.<ref>Freehling, William W., “The Road To Disunion: Secessionists Triumphant”, Vol. II, 2007, ISBN 978-0-19-505815-4 p.485–6</ref> With the developing Federal policy of military action to suppress the rebellion, [[Arkansas]], [[Tennessee]], [[North Carolina]], and [[Virginia]] also declared their secession and joined the Confederacy. All the main tribes of the [[Indian Territory]] (later Oklahoma) aligned with the Confederacy, but efforts to secure secession in Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland failed in the face of federal military action and occupation of those states. |
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After the war, during the [[Reconstruction era]], the Confederate states were readmitted to Congress after each ratified the [[13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution]] outlawing slavery. [[Lost Cause of the Confederacy|Lost Cause mythology]], an idealized view of the Confederacy valiantly fighting for a just cause, emerged in the [[Reconstruction era|decades after the war]] among former Confederate generals and politicians, and in organizations such as the [[United Daughters of the Confederacy]] and the [[Sons of Confederate Veterans]]. Intense periods of Lost Cause activity developed around the turn of the 20th century and during the [[civil rights movement]] of the 1950s and 1960s in [[Reactionary|reaction]] to growing support for [[racial equality]]. Advocates sought to ensure future generations of [[White Southerners|Southern whites]] would continue to support white supremacist policies such as the [[Jim Crow laws]] through activities such as building [[Confederate monuments and memorials|Confederate monuments]] and influencing the authors of [[textbook]]s.<ref name="Blight2009">{{cite book|author=David W. Blight|title=Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3R-yvmpYaqAC&pg=PA259|date=2009|publisher=Harvard University Press|isbn=978-0-674-02209-6|page=259}}</ref> The [[modern display of the Confederate battle flag]] primarily started during the [[1948 United States presidential election|1948 presidential election]], when the battle flag was used by the [[Dixiecrat]]s. During the [[civil rights movement]], [[racial segregation]]ists used it for demonstrations.<ref name="Strother2017">{{cite journal |first1=Logan |last1=Strother |first2=Spencer |last2=Piston |first3=Thomas |last3=Ogorzalek |title=Pride or Prejudice? Racial Prejudice, Southern Heritage, and White Support for the Confederate Battle Flag |url=https://www.academia.edu/34155396 |website=academia.edu |access-date=September 13, 2019 |page=7}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Ogorzalek|first1=Thomas|last2=Piston|first2=Spencer|last3=Strother|first3=Logan|date=2017|title=Pride or Prejudice?: Racial Prejudice, Southern Heritage, and White Support for the Confederate Battle Flag|journal=Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race|volume=14|issue=1|pages=295–323|doi=10.1017/S1742058X17000017|issn=1742-058X|doi-access=free|hdl=2144/31476|hdl-access=free}}</ref> |
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The Confederacy effectively collapsed after [[Ulysses S. Grant]] captured its capital of [[Richmond, Virginia]] and [[Robert E. Lee]]'s army in April 1865. The remaining Confederate forces surrendered by the end of June, as the U.S. Army took control of the South. Because Congress was not sure that white Southerners had really given up slavery or their dreams of Confederate nationalism, a decade-long process known as [[Reconstruction era of the United States|Reconstruction]] expelled ex-Confederate leaders from office, enacted [[civil rights]] legislation (including the right to vote) that included the [[freedman#United States|freedmen]] (ex-slaves), and imposed conditions on the readmission of the states to Congress. The war and subsequent Reconstruction left the South economically prostrate, and it remained well below national levels of prosperity until after 1945.<ref>{{Cite book | last1 = Cooper | first1 = William J. (William James) | last2 = Terrill | first2 = Tom E. | title = The American South : a history | year = 2009 | publisher = Rowman & Littlefield Publishers | location = Lanham | isbn = 0-7425-6095-3 | page=xix}}</ref> |
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{{Events leading to American Civil War}} |
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==Origins== |
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{{Expand section|information on formation of government|date=October 2010}} |
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===A “Revolution” in disunion=== |
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{{Main|Origins of the American Civil War}} |
{{Main|Origins of the American Civil War}} |
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{{See also|Timeline of events leading to the American Civil War}} |
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The Confederate States of America was created by [[Secession in the United States|Secessionists]] working for years prior to 1860. They believed the South to be under attack by [[abolitionism|abolitionists]] and anti-slavery elements in the [[History of the United States Republican Party|Republican Party]]. Southern interests in the United States had been protected by [[doughface]] northern presidents with southern principles and patronage. The Supreme Court had been led by slaveholders. During [[United States presidential election, 1860|the campaign for president in 1860]], secessionists threatened disunion at Lincoln’s election, most notably by [[William L. Yancey]]. However there were no plans underway to set up a new country.<ref name="disunion_v_ii">{{Cite book | last1 = Freehling | first1 = William W. | title = The Road to Disunion: Volume II, Secessionists Triumphant | year = 1990 | publisher = Oxford University Press | location = New York | isbn = 978-0-19-505815-4 }} p. 398</ref> With Lincoln as president he would have little direct power over the South except for the appointment of local postmasters. Secessionists warned that Republican postmasters would allow the mail to carry newspapers or pamphlets advocating freedom for all Americans.<ref name="disunion_v_ii"/> The arguments of the disunionists emphasized states rights and warned against a strong national government—themes that came to haunt the Confederacy, with some historians arguing that it "died of states rights." |
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A consensus of historians who address the origins of the [[American Civil War]] agree that the preservation of the [[Slavery in the United States|institution of slavery]] was the principal aim of the eleven [[Southern United States|Southern states]] (seven states before the onset of the war and four states after the onset) that declared their secession from the [[United States]] (the [[Union (American Civil War)|Union]]) and united to form the Confederate States of America (known as the "Confederacy").<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Woods |first=M. E. |date=2012-08-20 |title=What Twenty-First-Century Historians Have Said about the Causes of Disunion: A Civil War Sesquicentennial Review of the Recent Literature |url=https://doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas272 |journal=[[Journal of American History]] |volume=99 |issue=2 |pages=415–439 |doi=10.1093/jahist/jas272 |issn=0021-8723}}</ref> While historians in the 21st century [[Scholarly consensus|agree]] on the centrality of slavery in the conflict, they disagree sharply on which aspects of this conflict (ideological, economic, political, or social) were most important, and on the [[Union (American Civil War)|North]]'s reasons for refusing to allow the Southern states to secede.<ref>Aaron Sheehan-Dean, "A Book for Every Perspective: Current Civil War and Reconstruction Textbooks", ''Civil War History'' (2005) 51#3 pp. 317–324</ref> Proponents of the [[pseudohistory|pseudo-historical]] [[Lost Cause of the Confederacy|Lost Cause]] ideology have denied that slavery was the principal cause of the secession, a view that has been disproven by the overwhelming historical evidence against it, notably some of the seceding states' own [[Ordinance of Secession|secession documents]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Loewen |first=James W. |date=2011 |title=Using Confederate Documents to Teach About Secession, Slavery, and the Origins of the Civil War |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/23210244 |journal=OAH Magazine of History |volume=25 |issue=2 |pages=35–44 |doi=10.1093/oahmag/oar002 |jstor=23210244 |issn=0882-228X |quote=Confederate leaders themselves made it plain that slavery was the key issue sparking secession. |access-date=April 7, 2023 |archive-date=April 7, 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230407021438/https://www.jstor.org/stable/23210244 |url-status=live }}</ref> |
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====Causes of secession==== |
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The principal political battle leading to Southern secession was over whether slavery would be permitted to expand into the Western territories destined to become states. Initially [[United States Congress|Congress]] had admitted new states into the Union in pairs, [[Slave states and free states|one slave and one free]]. This had kept a sectional balance in the [[United States Senate|Senate]] but not in the [[United States House of Representatives|House of Representatives]], as free states outstripped slave states in numbers of eligible voters.<ref name="O'Brien2002qs">{{cite book |author=Patrick Karl O'Brien |title=Atlas of World History |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ffZy5tDjaUkC&pg=PA184 |year=2002 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-521921-0 |page=184 |access-date=October 25, 2015 |archive-date=September 5, 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150905202421/https://books.google.com/books?id=ffZy5tDjaUkC&pg=PA184 |url-status=live }}</ref> Thus, at mid-19th century, the free-versus-slave status of the new territories was a critical issue, both for the North, where anti-slavery sentiment had grown, and for the South, where the fear of slavery's [[Abolitionism in the United States|abolition]] had grown. Another factor leading to secession and the formation of the Confederacy was the development of [[white Southerners|white Southern]] nationalism in the preceding decades.<ref>John McCardell, ''The Idea of a Southern Nation: Southern Nationalists and Southern Nationalism, 1830–1860'' (1981)</ref> The primary reason for the North to reject secession was to preserve the Union, a cause based on [[American nationalism]].<ref>Susan-Mary Grant, ''North Over South: Northern Nationalism and American Identity in the Antebellum Era'' (2000)</ref> |
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By 1860, sectional disagreements between North and South revolved primarily around the maintenance or expansion of [[slavery in the United States|slavery]]. Historian [[Drew Gilpin Faust]] observed that "leaders of the secession movement across the South cited slavery as the most compelling reason for southern independence."<ref>{{cite book |
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}}</ref> Although this may seem strange, given that the majority of white Southerners did not own slaves, virtually every single Southerner supported slavery because they did not want to be at the bottom of the social ladder.<ref>{{cite book|last=Murrin|first=John|title=Liberty, Equality, Power|year=2001|isbn=0-495-09176-6|page=1000}}</ref> Related and intertwined secondary issues also fueled the dispute; these secondary differences included issues of free speech, runaway slaves, expansion into Cuba, and [[states' rights]]. The immediate spark for secession came from the victory of the Republican Party and the election of Abraham Lincoln in the 1860 elections. Civil War historian [[James M. McPherson]] wrote: |
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[[Abraham Lincoln]] won the [[1860 United States presidential election|1860 presidential election]]. His victory triggered declarations of [[secession in the United States|secession]] by seven slave states of the [[Deep South]], all of whose riverfront or coastal economies were based on cotton that was cultivated by slave labor. They formed the Confederate States of America after Lincoln was elected in November 1860 but before [[First inauguration of Abraham Lincoln|he took office]] in March 1861. Nationalists in the North and "Unionists" in the South refused to accept the declarations of secession. No foreign government ever recognized the Confederacy. The U.S. government, under President [[James Buchanan]], refused to relinquish its forts that were in territory claimed by the Confederacy. The war itself began on April 12, 1861, when [[Battle of Fort Sumter|Confederate forces bombarded the Union's Fort Sumter]], in the harbor of [[Charleston, South Carolina]]. |
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{{quote|To southerners the election’s most ominous feature was the magnitude of Republican victory north of the [[41st parallel north|41st parallel]]. Lincoln won more than 60 percent of the vote in that region, losing scarcely two dozen counties. Three-quarters of the Republican congressmen and senators in the next Congress would represent this "Yankee" and antislavery portion of the free states. The ''New Orleans Crescent'' saw these facts as "full of portentous significance". "The idle canvas prattle about Northern conservatism may now be dismissed," agreed the ''Richmond Examiner''. "A party founded on the single sentiment... of hatred of African slavery, is now the controlling power." No one could any longer "be deluded... that the Black Republican party is a moderate" party, pronounced the ''New Orleans Delta''. "It is in fact, essentially, a revolutionary party."<ref>McPherson pp. 232–233.</ref>}} |
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Background factors in the run up to the Civil War were [[Second Party System|partisan politics]], [[Abolitionism in the United States|abolitionism]], [[Nullification (U.S. Constitution)|nullification]] versus [[Secession in the United States|secession]], Southern and Northern nationalism, [[Manifest destiny|expansionism]], [[Panic of 1857|economics]], and modernization in the [[Antebellum South|antebellum period]]. As a panel of historians emphasized in 2011, "while slavery and its various and multifaceted discontents were the primary cause of disunion, it was disunion itself that sparked the war."<ref>[[Elizabeth R. Varon]], Bruce Levine, Marc Egnal, and Michael Holt at a plenary session of the organization of American Historians, March 17, 2011, reported by David A. Walsh "Highlights from the 2011 Annual Meeting of the Organization of American Historians in Houston, Texas" [http://www.hnn.us/articles/137673.html HNN online] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111204081355/http://hnn.us/articles/137673.html |date=December 4, 2011 }}</ref> Historian [[David M. Potter]] wrote: "The problem for Americans who, in the age of Lincoln, wanted slaves to be free was not simply that southerners wanted the opposite, but that they themselves cherished a conflicting value: they wanted the Constitution, which protected slavery, to be honored, and the Union, which was a fellowship with slaveholders, to be preserved. Thus they were committed to values that could not logically be reconciled."<ref>Potter, David M., ''The Impending Crisis'', pp. 44–45.</ref> |
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Four of the seceding states, the [[Deep South]] states of South Carolina,<ref>The text of [http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/csa_scarsec.asp the ''Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union''].</ref> |
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Mississippi,<ref>The text of [http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/csa_missec.asp ''A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union''].</ref> Georgia,<ref>The text of [http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/csa_geosec.asp Georgia's secession declaration].</ref> and Texas,<ref name="Thetext">The text of [http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/csa_texsec.asp ''A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union''].</ref> issued formal declarations of causes, each of which identified the threat to slaveholders’ rights as the cause of, or a major cause of, secession. Georgia also claimed a general Federal policy of favoring Northern over Southern economic interests. Texas mentioned slavery 21 times, but also listed the failure of the federal government to live up to its obligations, in the original annexation agreement, to protect settlers along the exposed western frontier. Texas further stated: |
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[[File:Alexander Stephens -1855.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Alexander Stephens]]<br>Pre-war Lincoln correspondent; author of ‘Cornerstone Speech’]] |
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{{quote|We hold as undeniable truths that the governments of the various States, and of the confederacy itself, were established exclusively by the white race, for themselves and their posterity; that the African race had no agency in their establishment; that they were rightfully held and regarded as an inferior and dependent race, and in that condition only could their existence in this country be rendered beneficial or tolerable.}} |
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==Secession== |
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In what later became known as the [[Cornerstone Speech]], C.S. Vice President [[Alexander Stephens]] declared that the "cornerstone" of the new government "rest[ed] upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery—subordination to the superior race—is his natural and normal condition. This, our new government, is the first, in the history of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth".<ref>McPherson pg. 244. The text of [http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?documentprint=76 Alexander Stephens' "Cornerstone Speech"].</ref> In later years, however, Stephens made efforts to qualify his remarks, claiming they were extemporaneous, metaphorical, and never meant to literally reflect "the principles of the new Government on this subject."<ref>{{Cite book | last1 = Davis | first1 = William C. | title = A government of our own : the making of the Confederacy | year = 1994 | publisher = Free Press | location = New York | isbn = 978-0-02-907735-1 | pages = 294–295 }}</ref><ref>"What I Really Said in the Cornerstone Speech".{{Cite book | last1 = Stephens | first1 = Alexander Hamilton | last2 = Avary | first2 = Myrta Lockett. | title = Recollections of Alexander H. Stephens : his diary kept when a prisoner at Fort Warren, Boston Harbor, 1865, giving incidents and reflections of his prison life and some letters and reminiscence | year = 1998 | publisher = Louisiana State University Press | location = Baton Rouge | isbn = 978-0-8071-2268-6 }}</ref> |
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[[File:1861 Davis Inaugural.jpg|thumb|upright=.8|The inauguration of [[Jefferson Davis]] in [[Montgomery, Alabama]]]] |
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The first secession state conventions from the Deep South sent representatives to the [[Montgomery Convention]] in Alabama on February 4, 1861. A provisional government was established, and a representative Congress met for the Confederate States of America.<ref name="Freehling">Freehling, p. 503</ref> |
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====Religion, slavery, and secession==== |
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As the nation divided over [[slavery in the United States|slavery]], religion exacerbated the sectional differences. Methodists and Baptists in the 1830s and 1840s split bitterly over slavery.<ref>Levine (1992) p. 109. Stampp (1956) p. 157.</ref> Meanwhile in the North some Protestant churches were characterized by strong abolitionist sentiment among the membership, while the Catholics and Episcopalians stood aloof. Religion played a prominent role on both sides of this great moral chasm, with abolitionists claiming religious justification on one side, while Southerners claimed slavery as part of God's order as well. Texas went so far as to note in their declaration of secession: |
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The new provisional Confederate President [[Jefferson Davis]] issued a call for 100,000 men from the states' militias to defend the newly formed Confederacy.<ref name="Freehling" /> All Federal property was seized, including gold bullion and coining dies at the U.S. mints in [[Charlotte, North Carolina|Charlotte]], North Carolina; [[Dahlonega, Georgia|Dahlonega]], Georgia; and [[New Orleans]].<ref name="Freehling" /> The Confederate capital was moved from Montgomery to Richmond, Virginia, in May 1861. On February 22, 1862, Davis was inaugurated as president with a term of six years.<ref>{{cite book|author=John D. Wright|title=The Routledge Encyclopedia of Civil War Era Biographies|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=V_wpKWzSmvUC&pg=PA150|year=2013|publisher=Routledge|page=150|isbn=978-0415878036}}</ref> |
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{{quote|That in this free government '''all white men are and of right ought to be entitled to equal civil and political rights''' [emphasis in the original]; that the servitude of the African race, as existing in these States, is mutually beneficial to both bond and free, and is abundantly authorized and justified by the experience of mankind, and the revealed will of the Almighty Creator, as recognized by all Christian nations; while the destruction of the existing relations between the two races, as advocated by our sectional enemies, would bring inevitable calamities upon both and desolation upon the fifteen slave-holding states.<ref name="Thetext" />}} |
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The Confederate administration pursued a policy of national territorial integrity, continuing earlier state efforts in 1860–1861 to remove U.S. government presence. This included taking possession of U.S. courts, custom houses, post offices, and most notably, arsenals and forts. After the Confederate attack and capture of [[Fort Sumter]] in April 1861, Lincoln called up [[75,000 volunteers|75,000 of the states' militia]] to muster under his command. The stated purpose was to re-occupy U.S. properties throughout the South, as the U.S. Congress had not authorized their abandonment. The resistance at Fort Sumter signaled his change of policy from that of the Buchanan Administration. Lincoln's response ignited a firestorm of emotion. The people of both North and South demanded war, with soldiers rushing to their colors in the hundreds of thousands.<ref name="Freehling" /> |
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====The battle for a unified South==== |
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[[File:US map 1864 Civil War divisions.svg|thumb|upright=1.5|Blue indicates the Union states and light blue Union-supporting slave states ([[Border states (American Civil War)|border states]]) that primarily stayed in Union control, though [[Kentucky]] and [[Missouri]] had dual competing Confederate and Unionist governments. Red represents seceded states in rebellion, also known as the Confederate States of America. Uncolored areas were territories, with the exception of the [[Indian Territory]], which is present-day [[Oklahoma]].]] |
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The [[Fire-Eaters]], calling for immediate secession, were opposed by two elements. "Cooperationists" in the Deep South would delay secession until several states went together, maybe in a Southern Convention. Under the influence of men such as Texas Governor [[Sam Houston]], delay had the effect of sustaining the Union.<ref>Freehling, pp. 448+</ref> "Unionists", especially in the Border South, often former [[Whig Party (United States)|Whigs]], appealed to sentimental attachment to the United States. Their favorite was [[John Bell (Tennessee politician)|John Bell]] of Tennessee. |
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[[File:CSA states evolution.gif|thumb|upright=1.5|Evolution of the Confederate States between December 1860 and July 1870]] |
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Secessionists argued that the [[Constitution of the United States|United States Constitution]] was a contract among sovereign states that could be abandoned without consultation and each state had a right to secede. After intense debates and statewide votes, seven Deep South cotton states passed secession ordinances by February 1861, while secession efforts failed in the other eight slave states. |
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The Confederacy expanded in May–July 1861 (with [[Virginia in the Civil War|Virginia]], [[Arkansas in the Civil War|Arkansas]], [[Tennessee in the Civil War|Tennessee]], [[North Carolina in the Civil War|North Carolina]]), and disintegrated in April–May 1865. It was formed by delegations from seven slave states of the [[Lower South]] that had proclaimed their secession. After the fighting began in April, four additional slave states seceded and were admitted. Later, two slave states ([[Missouri]] and [[Kentucky]]) and two territories were given seats in the Confederate Congress.<ref>David M. Potter, ''The Impending Crisis, 1848–1861'' (1976) pp. 484–514.</ref> |
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Secessionists were active politically. Governor [[William Henry Gist]] of South Carolina corresponded secretly with other Deep South governors, and most governors exchanged clandestine commissioners.<ref>Freehling, p. 445</ref> Charleston’s 1860 Association published over 200,000 pamphlets to persuade the youth of the South. The top three were South Carolina’s John Townsend’s “The Doom of Slavery”, “The South Alone Should Govern the South”, and James D.B. De Bow’s “The Interest of Slavery of the Southern Non-slaveholder.<ref>Freehling, pp. 391–394</ref> |
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Its establishment flowed from and deepened Southern nationalism,<ref>Potter, pp. 448–484.</ref> which prepared men to fight for "The Southern Cause".<ref>"Thomas1979" pp. 3–4</ref> This "Cause" included support for [[states' rights]], [[Tariff|tariff policy]], and internal improvements, but above all, cultural and financial dependence on the South's slavery-based economy. The convergence of race and slavery, politics, and economics raised South-related policy questions to the status of moral questions over, way of life, merging love of things Southern and hatred of things Northern. As the war approached, political parties split, and national churches and interstate families divided along sectional lines.<ref>"Thomas1979" pp. 4–5</ref> According to historian John M. Coski: |
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====Secessionist conventions==== |
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{{blockquote|The statesmen who led the secession movement were unashamed to explicitly cite the defense of [[slavery]] as their prime motive ... Acknowledging the centrality of slavery to the Confederacy is essential for understanding the Confederate.<ref>{{Cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=zs0VJTbNwfAC&q=%22men+carrying+the+battle+flag+preserved+and+perpetuated+the+Confederate+cause+and+their+flag+became+the+symbol+of+Confederate+nationalism%22&pg=PA20 |title= The Confederate Battle Flag: America's Most Embattled Emblem |pages=23–27 |first=John M. |last=Coski |date=2005 |publisher= Harvard University Press |isbn= 978-0674029866}}</ref>}} |
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Southern Democrats had chosen [[John C. Breckinridge|John Breckinridge]] as their candidate during the 1860 presidential election, but in no Southern state was support for him unanimous, as they recorded at least some popular vote for at least one of the other three candidates (Abraham Lincoln, [[Stephen A. Douglas]] and [[John Bell (Tennessee politician)|John Bell]]). Support for these three collectively, ranged from significant to outright majority, running from 25% in Texas to 81% in Missouri.<ref>{{cite web |url= http://uselectionatlas.org/RESULTS/national.php?year=1860|title=1860 Presidential General Election Results |access-date= September 30, 2014}}</ref> There were minority views everywhere, especially in the upland and plateau areas of the South, particularly concentrated in western Virginia and eastern Tennessee. The first six signatory states establishing the Confederacy counted about one-fourth its population. They voted 43% for pro-Union candidates. The four states which entered after the attack on Fort Sumter held almost half the population of the Confederacy and voted 53% for pro-Union candidates. The three big turnout states voted extremes; Texas, with 5% of the population, voted 20% for pro-Union candidates; Kentucky and Missouri, with one-fourth the Confederate population, voted 68% for pro-Union. |
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Developments in South Carolina started a chain of events. The foreman of a jury refused the legitimacy of federal courts, so Federal Judge Andrew Magrath ruled that U.S. judicial authority in South Carolina was vacated. A mass meeting in Charleston celebrating the Charleston and Savannah railroad and state cooperation led to the South Carolina legislature to call for a Secession Convention. U.S. Senator [[James Chesnut, Jr.]] resigned, and U.S. Senator [[James Henry Hammond]] followed.<ref>Freehling, p.416</ref> |
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Following South Carolina's unanimous 1860 secession vote, no other Southern states considered the question until 1861; when they did, none had a unanimous vote. All had residents who cast significant numbers of Unionist votes. Voting to remain in the Union did not necessarily mean individuals were sympathizers with the North. Once fighting began, many who voted to remain in the Union accepted the majority decision, and supported the Confederacy.<ref name="personal.tcu.edu">{{cite web |url= http://personal.tcu.edu/swoodworth/Crofts.htm |title=Reluctant Confederates |publisher= Personal.tcu.edu |access-date= April 19, 2014}}</ref> Many writers have evaluated the War as an American tragedy—a "Brothers' War", pitting "brother against brother, father against son, kin against kin of every degree".<ref>{{cite book |last= Coulter |first=E. Merton |title= The Confederate States of America 1861–1865 |date= 1950 |page=61}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |first= Avery O. |last=Craven |title= The Growth of Southern Nationalism 1848–1861 |page=390 }}</ref> |
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Elections for Secessionist conventions were heated to “an almost raving pitch, no one dared dissent” Even once respected voices, including the Chief Justice of South Carolina, [[John Belton O’Neall]], lost election to the Secession Convention on a Cooperationist ticket. Across the South mobs lynched Yankees and (in Texas) Germans suspected of loyalty to the United States.<ref>Freehling, pp. 418+</ref> Generally, seceding conventions which followed did not call for a referendum to ratify, although Texas, Arkansas, and Tennessee did, also Virginia’s second convention. Missouri and Kentucky declared neutrality. |
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===States=== |
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The first secession state conventions from the Deep South sent representatives to meet at the [[Montgomery Convention]] in Montgomery, Alabama on February 4, 1861 where the fundamental documents of government were promulgated, a provisional government was established and a representative Congress met for the Confederate States of America.<ref name="Freehling">Freehling, p.503</ref> The new Confederate President [[Jefferson Davis]], a former Cooperationist, issued a call for militias to defend the nation.<ref name="Freehling" /> Previously [[John B. Floyd]], U.S. Secretary of War under President [[James Buchanan]], had moved arms south out of northern U.S. armories. To economize, armaments for southern forts had not been put in place. These were now appropriated to the Confederacy along with bullion and coining dies at the U.S. mints in [[Charlotte, North Carolina]]; [[Dahlonega, Georgia]]; and [[New Orleans]]. |
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Initially, some secessionists hoped for a peaceful departure. Moderates in the Confederate Constitutional Convention included a provision against importation of slaves from Africa to appeal to the Upper South. Non-slave states might join, but the radicals secured a two-thirds requirement in both houses of Congress to accept them.<ref>"Thomas1979" pp. 59, 81</ref> |
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Seven states declared their secession from the United States before Lincoln took office on March 4, 1861. After the Confederate attack on Fort Sumter April 12, 1861, and Lincoln's subsequent call for troops, four more states declared their secession. |
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====Lincoln's position==== |
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Abraham Lincoln’s first Inaugural Address tried to contain the expansion of the Confederacy, by assuring the Border States that [[slavery in the United States|slavery]] would be protected.<ref>{{Cite book | last1 = Holzer | first1 = Harold | title = Lincoln president-elect : Abraham Lincoln and the great secession winter 1860–1861 | year = 2008 | publisher = Simon & Schuster | location = New York | isbn = 978-0-7432-8948-1 | pages = }} p.429</ref> But at the Confederate attack on [[Fort Sumter]], Lincoln called up the states’ militia to muster under his command and re-occupy U.S. forts. The attack on Fort Sumter and Lincoln's response ignited a firestorm of emotion, as the people North and South demanded war and young men rushed to the colors. Four more states (Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas) declared secessions, while Kentucky tried to remain neutral. |
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{{multiple image|caption_align=center|header_align=center|footer_align=center |
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===Seceding states=== |
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{{Events leading to US Civil War}} |
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| footer = Both sides honored [[George Washington]] as a [[Founding Father of the United States|Founding Father]] and used the same [[Gilbert Stuart]] portrait of Washington. |
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{|style="float:right;" |
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| image1 = George Washington2 1861 Issue-10c.jpg |
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| alt1 = USA G. Washington stamp |
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|[[File:Confederate States of America.svg|thumb|{{legend|#008000|States in the CSA}}{{legend|#bcd35f|States and territories claimed by CSA without formal secession and/or control}}]] |
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| caption1 = 10-cent U.S. 1861 |
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|} |
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| image2 = George-washington-CSA-stamp.jpg |
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{{Confederate states in the American Civil War}} |
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| alt2 = CSA G. Washington stamp |
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Seven states declared their secession from the United States before Lincoln took office on March 4, 1861: |
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| caption2 = 20-cent C.S. 1863 |
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# [[South Carolina]] (December 20, 1860)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/scord.htm South Carolina's Ordinance of Secession].</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/southcar/south.html |title=South Carolina documents including signatories |publisher=Docsouth.unc.edu |date= |accessdate=2010-08-29}}</ref> |
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}} |
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# [[Mississippi]] (January 9, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/msord.htm Mississippi's Ordinance of Secession].</ref> |
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# [[Florida]] (January 10, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/flord.htm Florida's Ordinance of Secession].</ref> |
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# [[Alabama]] (January 11, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/alord.htm Alabama's Ordinance of Secession].</ref> |
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# [[Georgia (U.S. state)|Georgia]] (January 19, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/gaord.htm Georgia's Ordinance of Secession].</ref> |
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# [[Louisiana]] (January 26, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/laord.htm Louisiana's Ordinance of Secession].</ref> |
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# [[Texas]] (February 1, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/txordnan.htm Texas' Ordinance of Secession].</ref> |
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[[Kentucky in the American Civil War|Kentucky]] declared neutrality, but after Confederate troops moved in, the state legislature asked for Union troops to drive them out. Delegates from 68 Kentucky counties were sent to the Russellville Convention that signed an Ordinance of Secession. Kentucky was admitted into the Confederacy on December 10, 1861, with Bowling Green as its first capital. Early in the war, the Confederacy controlled more than half of Kentucky but largely lost control in 1862. The splinter [[Confederate government of Kentucky]] relocated to accompany western Confederate armies and never controlled the state population after 1862. By the end of the war, 90,000 Kentuckians had fought for the Union, compared to 35,000 for the Confederacy.<ref name="Why?">{{cite news |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2015/07/01/why-do-people-believe-myths-about-the-confederacy-because-our-textbooks-and-monuments-are-wrong/ |newspaper=[[The Washington Post]] |date=July 1, 2015 |author=James W. Loewen |title=Why do people believe myths about the Confederacy? Because our textbooks and monuments are wrong.}}</ref> |
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After the Confederate [[Battle of Fort Sumter|attack on Fort Sumter]] April 12, 1861, and Lincoln's subsequent call for troops on April 15, four more states declared their secession:<ref>Some southern unionists blamed Lincoln's call for troops as the precipitating event for the second wave of secessions. Historian James McPherson argues that such claims have "a self-serving quality" and regards them as misleading. He wrote: |
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In [[Missouri in the American Civil War|Missouri]], a [[Missouri Constitutional Convention (1861–63)|constitutional convention]] was approved and delegates elected. The convention rejected secession 89–1 on March 19, 1861.<ref>''Journal and Proceedings of the Missouri State Convention Held at Jefferson City and St. Louis, March 1861'', George Knapp & Co., 1861, p. 47</ref> The governor maneuvered to take control of the [[St. Louis Arsenal]] and restrict Federal movements. This led to a confrontation, and in June federal forces drove him and the [[Missouri General Assembly|General Assembly]] from Jefferson City. The executive committee of the convention called the members together in July, and declared the state offices vacant and appointed a Unionist interim state government.<ref>Eugene Morrow Violette, ''A History of Missouri'' (1918), pp. 393–395</ref> The exiled governor called a rump session of the former General Assembly together in [[Neosho, Missouri|Neosho]] and, on October 31, 1861, it passed an [[Missouri secession|ordinance of secession]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.civilwar.org/education/history/primarysources/secessionacts.html|title=Secession Acts of the Thirteen Confederate States|access-date=September 30, 2014|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170308171406/http://www.civilwar.org/education/history/primarysources/secessionacts.html|archive-date=March 8, 2017}}</ref><ref>Weigley (2000) p. 43 See also, [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/misouord.htm Missouri's Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012190940/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/misouord.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}.</ref> The Confederate state government was unable to control substantial parts of Missouri territory, effectively only controlling southern Missouri early in the war. It had its capital at Neosho, then [[Cassville, Missouri|Cassville]], before being driven out of the state. For the remainder of the war, it operated as a government in exile at [[Marshall, Texas]].<ref>{{cite book|author=A. C. Greene|title=Sketches from the Five States of Texas|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XeSi31_W8H4C&pg=PA27|year=1998|publisher=Texas A&M UP|pages=27–28|isbn=978-0890968536}}</ref> |
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{{quote|As the telegraph chattered reports of the attack on Sumter April 12 and its surrender next day, huge crowds poured into the streets of Richmond, Raleigh, Nashville, and other upper South cities to celebrate this victory over the Yankees. These crowds waved Confederate flags and cheered the glorious cause of southern independence. They demanded that their own states join the cause. Scores of demonstrations took place from April 12 to 14, before Lincoln issued his call for troops. Many conditional unionists were swept along by this powerful tide of southern nationalism; others were cowed into silence.| McPherson p. 278}} |
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Not having seceded, neither Kentucky nor Missouri was declared in rebellion in Lincoln's [[Emancipation Proclamation]]. The Confederacy recognized the pro-Confederate claimants in Kentucky (December 10, 1861) and Missouri (November 28, 1861) and laid claim to those states, granting them Congressional representation and adding two stars to the Confederate flag. Voting for the representatives was mostly done by Confederate soldiers from Kentucky and Missouri.<ref>{{cite book|author=Wilfred Buck Yearns|title=The Confederate Congress|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rV-XNj4eJ3wC&pg=PA43|year=2010|publisher=University of Georgia Press|pages=42–43|isbn=978-0820334769}}</ref> |
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Historian Daniel W. Crofts disagrees with McPherson. Crofts wrote: |
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Some southern unionists blamed Lincoln's call for troops as the precipitating event for the second wave of secessions. Historian James McPherson argues such claims have "a self-serving quality" and regards them as misleading: |
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{{quote|The bombardment of Fort Sumter, by itself, did not destroy Unionist majorities in the upper South. Because only three days elapsed before Lincoln issued the proclamation, the two events viewed retrospectively, appear almost simultaneous. Nevertheless, close examination of contemporary evidence ... shows that the proclamation had a far more decisive impact.|Crofts p. 336}} |
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Crofts further noted that, {{quote|Many concluded ... that Lincoln had deliberately chosen 'to drive off all the Slave states, in order to make war on them and annihilate slavery.'| Crofts pp. 337–338, quoting the North Carolina politician [[Jonathan Worth]] (1802–1869).}}</ref> |
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{{Blockquote|As the telegraph chattered reports of the attack on Sumter April 12 and its surrender next day, huge crowds poured into the streets of Richmond, Raleigh, Nashville, and other upper South cities to celebrate this victory over the Yankees. These crowds waved Confederate flags and cheered the glorious cause of southern independence. They demanded that their own states join the cause. Scores of demonstrations took place from April 12 to 14, before Lincoln issued his call for troops. Many conditional unionists were swept along by this powerful tide of southern nationalism; others were cowed into silence.<ref>McPherson p. 278</ref>}} |
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# [[Virginia]] (April 17, 1861; ratified by voters May 23, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/vaord.htm Virginia's Ordinance of Secession]. Virginia seceded in two steps, first by secession convention vote on April 17, 1861, and then by ratification of this by a popular vote conducted on May 23, 1861. A Unionist [[Restored government of Virginia]] also operated. Virginia did not turn over its military to the Confederate States until June 8, 1861. The Commonwealth of Virginia ratified the [[Confederate States Constitution|Constitution of the Confederate States]] on June 19, 1861.</ref> |
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# [[Arkansas]] (May 6, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/arord.htm Arkansas' Ordinance of Secession].</ref> |
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#[[Tennessee]] (May 7, 1861; ratified by voters June 8, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/tnord.htm Tennessee's Ordinance of Secession].</ref><ref>The Tennessee legislature ratified an agreement to enter a military league with the Confederate States on May 7, 1861. Tennessee voters approved the agreement on June 8, 1861.</ref> |
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# [[North Carolina]] (May 20, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/ncord.htm North Carolina's Ordinance of Secession].</ref> |
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Historian Daniel W. Crofts disagrees with McPherson: |
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Kentucky declared neutrality but after Confederate troops moved in it asked for Union troops to drive them out. Confederates tried to set up their own [[Confederate government of Kentucky|state government]], but it was driven out and never controlled Kentucky. The Union had a [[Restored government of Virginia|rump government]] in Virginia, and when its western counties rejected the Confederacy the Unionists government approved the creation of [[West Virginia]], which was admitted to the U.S. as a state. |
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{{Blockquote|The bombardment of Fort Sumter, by itself, did not destroy Unionist majorities in the upper South. Because only three days elapsed before Lincoln issued the proclamation, the two events viewed retrospectively, appear almost simultaneous. Nevertheless, close examination of contemporary evidence ... shows that the proclamation had a far more decisive impact.<ref>Crofts p. 336</ref>...Many concluded ... that Lincoln had deliberately chosen "to drive off all the Slave states, in order to make war on them and annihilate slavery".<ref>Crofts pp. 337–338, quoting the North Carolina politician [[Jonathan Worth (Governor)|Jonathan Worth]] (1802–1869).</ref>}} |
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In Missouri, [[Missouri Secession|a pro-CSA remnant of the General Assembly]] met on October 31, 1861, and although lacking a quorum in either house, passed an [[ordinance of secession]].<ref>Weigley (2000) p. 43</ref><ref>[http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/misouord.htm Missouri's Ordinance of Secession].</ref> However, this occurred after [[Missouri Constitutional Convention (1861–63)|a standing constitutional convention]] declared the legislature and governor void after Federal troops marched on and took over the capital. The Confederate government was driven out of Missouri and never was in control of the state. Missouri never seceded and was not covered by the [[Emancipation Proclamation]]. The standing State constitutional convention repealed slavery in Missouri before Federal constitutional amendments passed. |
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The order of secession resolutions and dates are: |
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The Confederacy recognized the pro-Confederate claimants in both Kentucky and Missouri and laid claim to those states based on their authority, with representatives from both states seated in the Confederate Congress. Later versions of Confederate flags had 13 stars, reflecting the Confederacy's claims to Kentucky and Missouri, and the large numbers of soldiers they provided. |
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:1. [[South Carolina in the American Civil War|South Carolina]] (December 20, 1860)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/scord.htm South Carolina's Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012190955/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/scord.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}. Also, {{cite web|url=http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/southcar/south.html|title=South Carolina documents including signatories|publisher=Docsouth.unc.edu|access-date=August 29, 2010}}</ref> |
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:2. [[Mississippi in the American Civil War|Mississippi]] (January 9, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/msord.htm Mississippi's Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012190945/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/msord.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}.</ref> |
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:3. [[Florida in the American Civil War|Florida]] (January 10)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/flord.htm Florida's Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012190920/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/flord.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}.</ref> |
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:4. [[Alabama in the American Civil War|Alabama]] (January 11)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/alord.htm Alabama's Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012190910/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/alord.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}.</ref> |
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:5. [[Georgia in the American Civil War|Georgia]] (January 19)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/gaord.htm Georgia's Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012190928/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/gaord.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}.</ref> |
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:6. [[Louisiana in the American Civil War|Louisiana]] (January 26)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/laord.htm Louisiana's Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012190935/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/laord.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}.</ref> |
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:7. [[Texas in the American Civil War|Texas]] (February 1; referendum February 23)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/txordnan.htm Texas' Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012191030/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/txordnan.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}.</ref> |
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:* [[First inauguration of Abraham Lincoln|Inauguration of President Lincoln]], March 4 |
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:* [[Battle of Fort Sumter|Bombardment of Fort Sumter]] (April 12) and [[President Lincoln's 75,000 volunteers|President Lincoln's call-up]] (April 15)<ref>The text of [http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/04/14/lincoln-declares-war/ Lincoln's calling-up of the militia of the several States]</ref> |
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:8. [[Virginia in the American Civil War|Virginia]] (April 17; referendum May 23, 1861)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/vaord.htm Virginia's Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012191039/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/vaord.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}. Virginia took two steps toward secession, first by secession convention vote on April 17, 1861, and then by ratification of this by a popular vote conducted on May 23, 1861. A Unionist [[Restored government of Virginia]] also operated. Virginia did not turn over its military to the Confederate States until June 8, 1861. The Commonwealth of Virginia ratified the Constitution of the Confederate States on June 19, 1861.</ref> |
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On April 27, 1861, President Lincoln, in response to the destruction of railroad bridges and telegraph lines by southern sympathizers in [[Maryland in the American Civil War|Maryland]] (surrounding Washington, D.C., on three sides), authorized General Scott to suspend the [[Habeas corpus in the United States|writ of habeas corpus]] along the railroad line from Philadelphia to Baltimore to Washington.<ref>White (2009) p. 416</ref> |
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:9. [[Arkansas in the American Civil War|Arkansas]] (May 6)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/arord.htm Arkansas' Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012190914/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/arord.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}.</ref> |
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:10. [[Tennessee in the American Civil War|Tennessee]] (May 7; referendum June 8)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/tnord.htm Tennessee's Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012191004/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/tnord.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}. The Tennessee legislature ratified an agreement to enter a military league with the Confederate States on May 7, 1861. Tennessee voters approved the agreement on June 8, 1861.</ref> |
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:11. [[North Carolina in the American Civil War|North Carolina]] (May 20)<ref>The text of [http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/ncord.htm North Carolina's Ordinance of Secession] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071012190953/http://gen.1starnet.com/civilwar/ncord.htm |date=October 12, 2007 }}.</ref> |
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In Virginia, the populous counties along the Ohio and Pennsylvania borders rejected the Confederacy. Unionists held a [[Wheeling Convention|Convention]] in [[Wheeling, West Virginia#Industrialization and anti-secession sentiment|Wheeling]] in June 1861, establishing a "restored government" with a [[Restored government of Virginia|rump legislature]], but sentiment in the region remained deeply divided. In the 50 counties that would make up the state of [[West Virginia in the American Civil War|West Virginia]], voters from 24 counties had voted for disunion in Virginia's May 23 referendum on the ordinance of secession.<ref>Curry, Richard Orr, ''A House Divided, A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia'', Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1964, p. 49</ref> In the 1860 election "Constitutional Democrat" Breckenridge had outpolled "Constitutional Unionist" Bell in the 50 counties by 1,900 votes, 44% to 42%.<ref>Rice, Otis K. and Stephen W. Brown, ''West Virginia, A History'', Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1993, second edition, p. 112. Another way of looking at the results would note the pro-union candidates winning 56% with Bell 20,997, Douglas 5,742, and Lincoln 1,402 versus Breckenridge 21,908. But the "deeply divided sentiment" point remains.</ref> The counties simultaneously supplied over 20,000 soldiers to each side of the conflict.<ref>[http://www.wvculture.org/HISTORY/wvcivilwar.html The Civil War in West Virginia] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20041015135703/http://www.wvculture.org/history/wvcivilwar.html |date=October 15, 2004 }} "No other state serves as a better example of this than West Virginia, where there was relatively equal support for the northern and southern causes."</ref><ref>Snell, Mark A., ''West Virginia and the Civil War, Mountaineers Are Always Free'', History Press, Charleston, South Carolina, 2011, p. 28</ref> Representatives for most counties were seated in both state legislatures at Wheeling and at Richmond for the duration of the war.<ref>Leonard, Cynthia Miller, ''The General Assembly of Virginia, July 30, 1619 – January 11, 1978: A Bicentennial Register of Members'', Virginia State Library, Richmond, Virginia, 1978, pp. 478–493</ref> |
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[[Delaware]], also a slave state, never considered secession, nor did Washington, D.C. Although the slave states of [[Maryland]] and [[Delaware]] did not secede, citizens from those states did exhibit divided loyalties. Only Delaware among the slave states did not produce a full regiment to fight for the Confederacy. Delaware achieved the distinction of providing more soldiers by percentage than any other state, and overwhelmingly they fought for the Union. |
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Attempts to secede from the Confederacy by counties in [[East Tennessee]] were checked by martial law.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.aotc.net/Marxen.htm |title=Marx and Engels on the American Civil War |publisher=Army of the Cumberland and George H. Thomas}} and {{cite web |url=http://www.civilwarhome.com/csaconstitutionbackground.htm |title=Background of the Confederate States Constitution |publisher= Civilwarhome.com}}</ref> Although slaveholding [[Delaware in the American Civil War#State of Delaware|Delaware]] and [[Maryland in the American Civil War|Maryland]] did not secede, citizens exhibited divided loyalties. Regiments of Marylanders fought in Lee's [[Army of Northern Virginia]].<ref>Glatthaar, Joseph T., ''General Lee's Army: from victory to collapse'', 2008. {{ISBN|978-0-684-82787-2}}</ref> Overall, 24,000 men from Maryland joined Confederate forces, compared to 63,000 who joined Union forces.<ref name="Why?"/> Delaware never produced a full regiment for the Confederacy, but neither did it emancipate slaves as did Missouri and West Virginia. District of Columbia citizens made no attempts to secede and through the war, referendums sponsored by Lincoln approved compensated emancipation and slave confiscation from "disloyal citizens".<ref>Freedmen & Southern Society Project, [http://www.history.umd.edu/Freedmen/chronol.htm Chronology of Emancipation during the Civil War] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071011224131/http://www.history.umd.edu/Freedmen/chronol.htm |date=October 11, 2007 }}, University of Maryland. Retrieved January 4, 2012.</ref> |
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In 1861, a [[Wheeling Convention|Unionist legislature]] in [[Wheeling, West Virginia|Wheeling, Virginia]], seceded from Virginia, eventually claiming 50 counties for a new state. However, 24 of those counties had voted in favor of Virginia's secession, and control of these counties, as well as some counties that had voted against secession, remained contested until the end of the war.<ref>R. Curry, "A House Divided".</ref> [[West Virginia]] joined the United States in 1863 with a constitution that gradually abolished slavery. According to military historian Russell F. Weigley, "Most of West Virginia went through the Civil War not as an asset to the Union but as a troublesome battleground..."<ref>Weigley, Russell Frank, ''A Great Civil War'', W.W. Norton, 2003, pg. 55</ref> |
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===Territories=== |
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Confederate declarations of martial law checked attempts to secede from the Confederate States of America by some counties in [[East Tennessee]].<ref>[http://www.aotc.net/Marxen.htm ""Marx and Engels on the American Civil War", ''Army of the Cumberland and George H. Thomas source page'']. |
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{{Main|Confederate Arizona|New Mexico Territory in the American Civil War|Indian Territory in the American Civil War}} |
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</ref><ref>[http://www.civilwarhome.com/csaconstitutionbackground.htm "Background of the Confederate States Constitution", ''The American Civil War Home Page''].</ref> |
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[[File:Elias Boudinot2.jpg|thumb|upright=.8|left|[[Elias Cornelius Boudinot|Elias Boudinot]], a Cherokee secessionist and Confederate Representative in the [[Indian Territory]] of present-day [[Oklahoma]]]] |
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Citizens at [[Mesilla, New Mexico|Mesilla]] and [[Tucson, Arizona|Tucson]] in the southern part of [[New Mexico Territory]] formed a secession convention, which voted to join the Confederacy on March 16, 1861, and appointed Dr. [[Lewis S. Owings]] as the new territorial governor. They won the [[First Battle of Mesilla|Battle of Mesilla]] and established a territorial government with Mesilla serving as its capital.<ref>Bowman, p. 48.</ref> The Confederacy proclaimed the Confederate Arizona Territory on February 14, 1862, north to the [[34th parallel north|34th parallel]]. [[Marcus H. MacWillie]] served in both Confederate Congresses as Arizona's delegate. In 1862, the Confederate [[New Mexico campaign]] to take the northern half of the U.S. territory failed and the Confederate territorial government in exile relocated to San Antonio, Texas.<ref>{{cite book |title=History of Arizona |volume=2 |first=Thomas Edwin |last=Farish |year=1915 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9HkUAAAAYAAJ&q=%22Act+to+organize+the+Territory+of+Arizona%22++Jefferson+Davis&pg=PA96}}</ref> |
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===Seceding territories=== |
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{{Main|New Mexico Territory in the American Civil War|Indian Territory in the American Civil War}} |
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Citizens at [[Mesilla, New Mexico|Mesilla]] and [[Tucson, Arizona|Tucson]] in the southern part of [[New Mexico Territory]] (modern day [[New Mexico]] and [[Arizona]]) formed a secession convention, which voted to join the Confederacy on March 16, 1861, and appointed [[Lewis Owings]] as the new territorial governor. In July, the Mesilla government appealed to Confederate troops in [[El Paso, Texas]], under Lieutenant Colonel [[John Baylor]] for help in removing the [[Union Army]] under Major Isaac Lynde that had taken up position nearby. The Confederates defeated Lynde's forces at the [[Battle of Mesilla]] on July 27, 1861. After the battle, Baylor established a territorial government for the Confederate [[Arizona Territory (Confederate States of America)|Arizona Territory]] and named himself governor. The Confederacy proclaimed the portion of the [[New Mexico Territory]] south of the [[34th parallel north|34th parallel]] as the Confederate Arizona Territory on February 14, 1862,<ref> |
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''History of Arizona'' vol. 2 by Thomas Edwin Farish (1915) [http://books.google.com/books?id=9HkUAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA96&lpg=PA96&dq=%22Act+to+organize+the+Territory+of+Arizona%22++Jefferson+Davis&source=web&ots=ImByoZhjt5&sig=FaQnI5EfAcOJ7RJIX0AwNPTQ_Oo&hl=en&sa=X&oi=book_result&resnum=2&ct=result]. |
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</ref> |
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with [[Mesilla, New Mexico|Mesilla]] serving as the territorial capital.<ref>Bowman, p. 48.</ref> In 1862 the Confederate General [[Henry Hopkins Sibley]] led a [[New Mexico Campaign]] to take the northern half of New Mexico. Although Confederates briefly occupied the territorial capital of [[Santa Fe, New Mexico|Santa Fe]], they suffered defeat at [[Glorieta Pass]] in March and retreated, never to return. The Union regained military control of the area, and on February 24, 1863, set up the U.S. [[Arizona Territory]] with [[Fort Whipple, Arizona|Fort Whipple]] as the capital. |
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Confederate supporters |
Confederate supporters in the trans-Mississippi west claimed portions of the [[Indian Territory in the American Civil War|Indian Territory]] after the US evacuated the federal forts and installations. Over half of the American Indian troops participating in the War from the Indian Territory supported the Confederacy. On July 12, 1861, the Confederate government signed a treaty with both the [[Choctaw]] and [[Chickasaw]] Indian nations. After several battles, Union armies took control of the territory.<ref>Troy Smith. [http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/civil_war_history/v059/59.3.smith.html "The Civil War Comes to Indian Territory"], ''Civil War History'' (2013) 59#3 pp. 279–319.</ref> |
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University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, ''Documenting the American South'' collection, [http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/warfeb4/warfeb4.html Confederate States of America War Department, Communication From the Secretary of War, February 4th, 1863].</ref><ref>This Day in History, July 12, 1861 [http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history.do?action=Article&id=2243 Confederacy signs treaties with Choctaw and Chickasaw Tribes].</ref> After 1863 the tribal governments sent representatives to the [[Congress of the Confederate States|Confederate Congress]]: [[Elias Cornelius Boudinot]] representing the [[Cherokee]] and [[Samuel Benton Callahan]] representing the [[Seminole]] and [[Creek people]]. The Cherokee, in their declaration of causes, gave as reasons for aligning with the Confederacy the similar institutions and interests of the Cherokee nation and the Southern states, alleged violations of the Constitution by the North, claimed that the North waged war against Southern commercial and political freedom and for the abolition of slavery in general and in the Indian Territory in particular, and that the North intended to seize Indian lands as had happened in the past.<ref>[http://www.civilwarhome.com/cherokeecauses.htm ''Declaration by the People of the Cherokee Nation of the Causes Which Have Impelled Them to Unite Their Fortunes With Those of the Confederate States of America''].</ref> |
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The [[Indian Territory]] never formally joined the Confederacy, but did receive representation in the Congress. Many Indians from the Territory were integrated into regular Confederate Army units. After 1863, the tribal governments sent representatives to the [[Congress of the Confederate States|Confederate Congress]]: [[Elias Cornelius Boudinot]] representing the [[Cherokee]] and [[Samuel Benton Callahan]] representing the [[Seminole]] and [[Muscogee|Creek]]. The [[Cherokee Nation (19th century)|Cherokee Nation]] aligned with the Confederacy. They practiced and supported slavery, opposed abolition, and feared their lands would be seized by the Union. After the war, the Indian territory was disestablished, their black slaves were freed, and the tribes lost some of their lands.<ref>Laurence M. Between Hauptman, ''Two Fires: American Indians in the Civil War'' (1996).</ref> |
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==Rise and fall of the Confederacy== |
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===1861=== |
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The American Civil War broke out in April 1861 with the [[Battle of Fort Sumter]] in [[Charleston, South Carolina]]. Federal troops of the U.S. had retreated to [[Fort Sumter]] soon after South Carolina declared its secession on 20 December 1860. U.S. President Buchanan had attempted to re-supply Sumter by sending the ''[[Star of the West]]'', but Confederate forces led by cadets from The Citadel, fired upon the ship on Jan. 9, 1861, driving it away. U.S. President Abraham Lincoln also attempted to resupply Sumter. Lincoln notified South Carolina Governor [[Francis W. Pickens]] that "an attempt will be made to supply Fort Sumter with provisions only, and that if such attempt be not resisted, no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition will be made without further notice, [except] in case of an attack on the fort." However, suspecting just such an attempt to reinforce the fort, the Confederate cabinet decided at a meeting in Montgomery to capture Fort Sumter before the relief fleet arrived. |
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===Capitals=== |
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On April 12, 1861, Confederate troops, following orders from [[Jefferson Davis]] and his Secretary of War, fired upon the federal troops occupying Fort Sumter, forcing their surrender. Nobody was killed in the battle, though two Union soldiers did die from an accidental explosion during the surrender ceremonies. After the war, Confederate Vice President Alexander H. Stephens maintained that Lincoln's attempt to resupply Sumter was a disguised reinforcement and had provoked the war.<ref>{{cite book |
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[[File:William T Sutherlin Mansion Danville Virginia.JPG|thumb|[[William T. Sutherlin]]'s mansion in [[Danville, Virginia]] was the temporary residence of [[Jefferson Davis]] and dubbed the "last Capitol of the Confederacy".]] |
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|quote= I maintain that it was inaugurated and begun, though no blow had been struck, when the hostile fleet, styled the 'Relief Squadron,' with eleven ships, carrying two hundred and eighty-five guns and two thousand four hundred men, was sent out from New York and Norfolk, with orders from the authorities at Washington, to reinforce Fort Sumter peaceably, if permitted 'but forcibly if they must'... |
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Following the [[Battle of Fort Sumter]], Lincoln called for the states to send troops to recapture Sumter and all other federal property that had been seized in the seven seceding states<ref name=LincolnCallToArms> |
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[http://www.civilwarhome.com/lincolntroops.htm Lincoln's proclamation calling for troops from the remaining states (bottom of page); Department of War details to States (top)].</ref> Lincoln issued this call before Congress could convene on the matter, and the original request from the War Department called for volunteers for only three months of duty. Lincoln's call for troops resulted in four border states deciding to secede rather than provide troops that would be marching into neighboring Southern states. Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee and North Carolina joined the Confederacy, bringing the total to 11 states. Once Virginia had joined, the Confederate States moved their capital from [[Montgomery, Alabama]], to [[Richmond, Virginia]]. All but two major battles ([[Battle of Antietam|Antietam]] and [[Battle of Gettysburg|Gettysburg]]) took place in Confederate territory. |
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[[History of Montgomery, Alabama#Montgomery in the Civil War|Montgomery, Alabama]], served as capital of the Confederate States from February 4 until May 29, 1861, in the [[Alabama State Capitol]]. Six states created the Confederacy there on February 8, 1861. The Texas delegation was seated at the time, so it is counted in the "original seven" states of the Confederacy; it had no roll call vote until after its referendum made secession "operative".<ref>The Texas delegation was seated with full voting rights after its statewide referendum of secession on March 2, 1861. It is generally counted as an "original state" of the Confederacy. Four upper south states declared secession following Lincoln's call for volunteers: Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee and North Carolina. "The founders of the Confederacy desired and ideally envisioned a peaceful creation of a new union of all slave-holding states, including the border states of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri." Kentucky and Missouri were seated in December 1861. Kenneth C. Martis, ''The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America 1861–1865'' (1994) p. 8</ref><ref>The sessions of the Provisional Congress were in Montgomery, Alabama, (1) First Session February 4 – March 10, and (2) Second Session April 29 – May 21, 1861. The Capital was moved to Richmond May 30. The (3) Third Session was held July 20 – August 31. The (4) Fourth Session called for September 3 was never held. The (5) Fifth Session was held November 18, 1861 – February 17, 1862.</ref> The Permanent Constitution was adopted there on March 12, 1861.<ref>Martis, ''Historical Atlas'', pp. 7–8.</ref> |
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===1862=== |
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By 1862, the Union had taken control of [[New Orleans in the American Civil War|New Orleans]], and had gained control of the contested northernmost slave states (Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, Delaware and West Virginia). Two major Confederate incursions into Union territory in 1862, Lee's [[Maryland Campaign|invasion of Maryland]] and [[Braxton Bragg]]'s invasion of Kentucky were decisively repulsed, and both armies barely escaped capture. |
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The permanent capital provided for in the Confederate Constitution called for a state cession of a 100 square mile district to the central government. Atlanta, which had not yet supplanted [[Milledgeville, Georgia#Life in the antebellum capital|Milledgeville]], Georgia, as its state capital, put in a bid noting its central location and rail connections, as did [[Opelika, Alabama]], noting its strategically interior situation, rail connections and deposits of coal and iron.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 100</ref> |
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Nevins (1960) argues that 1862 was the high water mark of the Confederacy, and that the failures of the two invasions were the same: lack of manpower, lack of supplies—there were hardly any new shoes or boots—and exhaustion after long marches. Weak national leadership meant that Davis's favorites like Bragg remained in command of an army he could not handle, and the disorganized overall direction stood in sharp contrast to the much improved organization in Washington. With another 10,000 men Lee and Bragg might have prevailed, but their goal of gaining new soldiers failed because the border states did not respond to their pleas.<ref>Allan Nevins, ''War for the Union'' (1960) pp 289–90</ref> |
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[[Richmond in the American Civil War|Richmond, Virginia]], was chosen for the interim capital at the [[Virginia State Capitol]]. The move was used by Vice President Stephens and others to encourage other border states to follow Virginia into the Confederacy. In the political moment it was a show of "defiance and strength". The war for Southern independence was surely to be fought in Virginia, but it also had the largest Southern military-aged white population, with infrastructure, resources, and supplies. The Davis Administration's policy was that "It must be held at all hazards."<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 101. Virginia was practically promised as a condition of secession by Vice President Stephens. It had rail connections south along the east coast and into the interior, and laterally west into Tennessee, parallel the U.S. border, a navigable river to the Hampton Roads to menace ocean approaches to Washington DC, trade via the Atlantic Ocean, an interior canal to North Carolina sounds. It was a great storehouse of supplies, food, feed, raw materials, and infrastructure of ports, drydocks, armories and the established Tredegar Iron Works. Nevertheless, Virginia never permanently ceded land for the capital district. A local homeowner donated his home to the City of Richmond for use as the Confederate White House, which was in turn rented to the Confederate government for the Jefferson Davis presidential home and administration offices.</ref> |
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===1863–1864=== |
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By 1863 the Union held control of most of [[Tennessee in the American Civil War|Tennessee]]; with the fall of [[Siege of Vicksburg|Vicksburg]], Mississippi, on July 4 of that year, the Union gained complete control over the Mississippi River, cutting off the westernmost portions of the Confederacy (Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas, and the Oklahoma and Arizona Territories). |
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The naming of Richmond as the new capital took place on May 30, 1861, and the last two sessions of the Provisional Congress were held there.<ref>Martis, ''Historical Atlas'', p. 2.</ref> As war dragged on, Richmond became crowded with training and transfers, logistics and hospitals. Prices rose dramatically despite government efforts at price regulation. A movement in Congress argued for moving the capital from Richmond. At the approach of Federal armies in mid-1862, the government's archives were readied for removal. As the [[Overland Campaign|Wilderness Campaign]] progressed, Congress authorized Davis to remove the executive department and call Congress to session elsewhere in 1864 and again in 1865. Shortly before the end of the war, the Confederate government evacuated Richmond, planning to relocate further south. Little came of these plans before Lee's surrender.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 102.</ref> Davis and most of his cabinet fled to [[Danville, Virginia]], which served as their headquarters for eight days. |
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In 1864, the Union took [[Battle of Mobile Bay|Mobile, Alabama]], the last major port on the Gulf Coast, and by September 1864 [[Atlanta Campaign|Atlanta]] fell to Union troops, paving the way for the [[Sherman's March to the Sea|March to the Sea]] by [[William Tecumseh Sherman]]'s forces; he reached Savannah by the end of the year, then moved north into the Carolinas, devastating a wide swath of the Confederate heartland. The major defeat at the [[Battle of Nashville]] in December destroyed the main Confederate forces in the west. |
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==Diplomacy== |
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During its four years, the Confederacy asserted its independence and appointed dozens of diplomatic agents abroad. None were recognized by a foreign government. The US government regarded the Southern states as being in rebellion or insurrection and so refused any formal recognition of their status. |
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Senior Confederate officials [[Hampton Roads Conference|met with Lincoln and his aides]] in February, but rejected Lincoln's invitation to return to the Union (which came with a suggestion the Union would buy the slaves). It was independence or nothing, but Lee's army was wracked by desertions and could barely hold on in the trenches around Richmond. |
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The US government never declared war on those "kindred and countrymen" in the Confederacy but conducted its military efforts beginning with a presidential proclamation issued April 15, 1861.<ref>{{cite book|author=Carl Sandburg|title=Abraham Lincoln: The Prairie Years and the War Years|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_nL5xCYLFs0C&pg=PA151|date=1940|page=151|publisher=Sterling Publishing Company |isbn=978-1402742880}}</ref> It called for troops to recapture forts and suppress what Lincoln later called an "insurrection and rebellion".<ref>{{cite book|author=Abraham Lincoln|title=Abraham Lincoln; Complete Works, Comprising His Speeches, State Papers, and Miscellaneous Writings|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hX8_AQAAMAAJ&pg=PA542|year=1920|publisher=Century|page=542}}</ref> Mid-war parleys between the two sides occurred without formal political recognition, though the [[laws of war]] predominantly governed military relationships on both sides of uniformed conflict.<ref>Violations of the rules of law were precipitated on both sides and can be found in historical accounts of guerrilla war, units in cross-racial combat and captives held in prisoner of war camps, brutal, tragic accounts against both soldiers and civilian populations.</ref> |
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When the Union broke through Lee's lines at Petersburg, the main strong point that controlled the capital, [[Richmond in the American Civil War|Richmond fell immediately]]. Lee raced west to escape, but was caught and surrendered the [[Army of Northern Virginia]] at [[Appomattox Court House National Historical Park|Appomattox, Virginia]] on April 9, 1865, marking the end of the Confederacy. |
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Once war with the United States began, the Confederacy pinned its hopes for survival on military intervention by the [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland|UK]] or [[Second French Empire|France]]. The Confederate government sent [[James M. Mason]] to London and [[John Slidell]] to Paris. On their way in 1861, the U.S. Navy intercepted their ship, the ''Trent,'' and took them to Boston, an international episode known as the [[Trent Affair|''Trent'' Affair]]. The diplomats were eventually released and continued their voyage.<ref>Francis M. Carroll, "The American Civil War and British Intervention: The Threat of Anglo-American Conflict." ''Canadian Journal of History'' (2012) 47#1 pp. 94–95.</ref> However, their mission was unsuccessful; historians judge their diplomacy as poor.<ref>Blumenthal (1966) p. 151; Jones (2009) p. 321; Owsley (1959)</ref>{{page needed|date=December 2020}} Neither secured [[diplomatic recognition]] for the Confederacy, much less military assistance. |
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Some high officials escaped to Europe but Union patrols captured President Davis on May 10; all remaining Confederate forces surrendered by June 1865. The U.S. Army took control of the Confederate areas and there was no post-surrender insurgency or guerrilla warfare against the army, but there was a great deal of local violence, feuding and revenge killings.<ref>The crew of the [[CSS Shenandoah|CSS ''Shenandoah'']] hauled down the last Confederate flag at Liverpool in the UK on November 6, 1865. {{cite book | last = John Baldwin (Author), Ron Powers (Author) | authorlink = | title = Last Flag Down: The Epic Journey of the Last Confederate Warship|edition= May 6, 2008|page= 368 | publisher = Three Rivers Press| isbn= 0307236560}}</ref> |
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The Confederates who had believed that "[[King Cotton|cotton is king]]", that is, that Britain had to support the Confederacy to obtain cotton, proved mistaken. The British had stocks to last over a year and been developing alternative sources.<ref name=Young>{{cite book|title=James Murray Mason : defender of the old South|first=Robert W.|last=Young|author-link= Robert W. Young|location=[[Knoxville, Tennessee]]|publisher=[[University of Tennessee Press]]|year=1998|isbn=978-0870499982|page=166}}</ref> The United Kingdom took pride leading the end of transatlantic enslavement of Africans; by [[Slavery Abolition Act 1833|1833]], the Royal Navy patrolled middle passage waters to prevent additional slave ships from reaching the Western Hemisphere. It was in London that the first [[World Anti-Slavery Convention]] had been held in 1840. Black abolitionist speakers toured England, Scotland, and Ireland, exposing the reality of America's chattel slavery and rebutting the Confederate position that blacks were "unintellectual, timid, and dependent",<ref>{{cite book|title=Plantation slavery in Georgia|first=Ralph Betts|last=Flanders|location=Chapel Hill, North Carolina|publisher=[[University of North Carolina Press]]|year=1933|url=https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015000661366&view=1up&seq=319|page=289}}</ref> and "not equal to the white man...the superior race." [[Frederick Douglass]], [[Henry Highland Garnet]], [[Sarah Parker Remond]], her brother [[Charles Lenox Remond]], [[James W. C. Pennington]], [[Martin Delany]], [[Samuel Ringgold Ward]], and [[William G. Allen]] all spent years in Britain, where fugitive slaves were safe and, as Allen said, there was an "absence of prejudice against color. Here the colored man feels himself among friends, and not among enemies".<ref>{{cite news|title=Letter from Professor Wm. G. Allen [dated June 20, 1853]|newspaper=[[The Liberator (newspaper)|The Liberator]]|via=[[newspapers.com]]. Reprinted in ''[[Frederick Douglass' Paper]]'', August 5, 1853.|date=July 22, 1853|page=4|first=Wm. G.|last=Allen|author-link=William G. Allen|url=https://www.newspapers.com/clip/33711948/letter-from-william-g-allen/}}</ref> Most British public opinion was against the practice, with Liverpool seen as the primary base of Southern support.<ref>{{Cite web |title=British Support During the U.S. Civil War · Liverpool's Abercromby Square and the Confederacy During the U.S. Civil War · Lowcountry Digital History Initiative |url=https://ldhi.library.cofc.edu/exhibits/show/liverpools-abercromby-square/britain-and-us-civil-war#:~:text=By%20the%20time%20of%20the,start%20of%20the%20Civil%20War. |access-date=2024-04-21 |website=ldhi.library.cofc.edu}}</ref> |
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Historian Gary Gallagher concludes: "The Confederacy capitulated in the spring of 1865 because northern armies had demonstrated their ability to crush organized southern military resistance....Civilians who had maintained faith in their defenders despite material hardship and social disruption similarly recognized that the end had come.... Most Confederates knew that as a people they had expended blood and treasure in profusion before ultimately collapsing in the face of northern power sternly applied."<ref>Gallagher p. 157</ref> |
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{{multiple image|caption_align=center |
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|image1=Lord John Russell.jpg |width1=150|caption1= Lord John Russell, British foreign secretary and later PM, considered mediation in the 'American War' |
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|image2=Alexandre Cabanel 002.jpg|width2=157|caption2= French Emperor Napoleon III sought joint French–British recognition of CSA}} |
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Throughout the early years of the war, British foreign secretary [[John Russell, 1st Earl Russell|Lord John Russell]], Emperor [[Napoleon III]] of France, and, to a lesser extent, British Prime Minister [[Henry Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston|Lord Palmerston]], showed interest in recognition of the Confederacy or at least mediation of the war. [[Chancellor of the Exchequer]] [[William Ewart Gladstone|William Gladstone]] attempted unsuccessfully to convince Palmerston to intervene.<ref>{{cite book|author= Richard Shannon|author-link = Richard Shannon (historian)|title= Gladstone: God and Politics|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=H9TUAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA144|year= 2008|page= 144| publisher=A&C Black |isbn = 978-1847252036}}</ref> By September 1862 the Union victory at the [[Battle of Antietam]], Lincoln's preliminary [[Emancipation Proclamation]] and abolitionist opposition in Britain put an end to these possibilities.<ref>Thomas Paterson, et al. ''American foreign relations: A history, to 1920: Volume 1'' (2009) pp. 149–155.</ref> The cost to Britain of a war with the U.S. would have been high: the immediate loss of American grain-shipments, the end of British exports to the U.S., and seizure of billions of pounds invested in American securities. War would have meant higher taxes in Britain, another invasion of Canada, and attacks on the British merchant fleet. In mid-1862, fears of a race war (like the [[Haitian Revolution]] of 1791–1804) led to the British considering intervention for humanitarian reasons.<ref>Howard Jones, ''Abraham Lincoln and a New Birth of Freedom: The Union and Slavery in the Diplomacy of the Civil War'' (2002), p. 48</ref> |
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John Slidell, the Confederate States emissary to France, succeeded in negotiating a loan of $15,000,000 from [[Frédéric Émile d'Erlanger|Erlanger]] and other French capitalists for ironclad warships and military supplies.<ref>{{Cite journal |jstor = 2205869|title = A Confederate Success in Europe: The Erlanger Loan|journal = The Journal of Southern History|volume = 36|issue = 2|pages = 157–188|last1 = Gentry|first1 = Judith Fenner|year = 1970|doi = 10.2307/2205869}}</ref> The British government did allow the construction of [[Blockade runners of the American Civil War|blockade runners]] in Britain; they were owned and operated by British financiers and shipowners; a few were owned and operated by the Confederacy. The British investors' goal was to acquire highly profitable cotton.<ref>{{Cite journal |jstor = 2120650|title = Through the Blockade: The Profitability and Extent of Cotton Smuggling, 1861–1865|journal = The Journal of Economic History|volume = 41|issue = 4|pages = 867–888|last1 = Lebergott|first1 = Stanley|year = 1981|doi = 10.1017/S0022050700044946| s2cid=154654909 }}</ref> |
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Several European nations maintained diplomats in place who had been appointed to the U.S., but no country appointed any diplomat to the Confederacy. Those nations recognized the Union and Confederate sides as [[belligerent]]s. In 1863, the Confederacy expelled European diplomatic missions for advising their resident subjects to refuse to serve in the Confederate army.<ref>Alexander DeConde, ed. ''Encyclopedia of American foreign policy'' (2001) vol. 1 p. 202 and Stephen R. Wise, ''Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running During the Civil War'', (1991), [https://books.google.com/books?id=_kq7diciSsQC&pg=PA86 p. 86].</ref> Both Confederate and Union agents were allowed to work openly in British territories.<ref>Wise, Stephen R. [https://books.google.com/books?id=_kq7diciSsQC ''Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running During the Civil War'']. University of South Carolina Press, 1991 {{ISBN|978-0-87249-799-3}}, [https://books.google.com/books?id=_kq7diciSsQC&pg=PA86 p. 86]. An example of agents working openly occurred in [[Hamilton, Bermuda|Hamilton]] in Bermuda, where a Confederate agent openly worked to help blockade runners.</ref> The Confederacy appointed [[Ambrose Dudley Mann]] as special agent to the [[Holy See]] in September 1863, but the Holy See never released a statement supporting or recognizing the Confederacy. In November 1863, Mann met [[Pope Pius IX]] and received a letter supposedly addressed "to the Illustrious and Honorable Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America"; Mann had mistranslated the address. In his report to Richmond, Mann claimed a great diplomatic achievement for himself, but Confederate Secretary of State [[Judah P. Benjamin]] told Mann it was "a mere inferential recognition, unconnected with political action or the regular establishment of diplomatic relations" and thus did not assign it the weight of formal recognition.<ref>{{cite book|title= The American Catholic Historical Researches|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=m7c7AQAAMAAJ&pg=RA1-PA227|year= 1901|pages= 27–28}}</ref><ref>Don H. Doyle, ''The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War'' (2014) pp. 257–270.</ref> |
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Nevertheless, the Confederacy was seen internationally as a serious attempt at nationhood, and European governments sent military observers to assess whether there had been a ''de facto'' establishment of independence. These observers included [[Arthur Lyon Fremantle]] of the British [[Coldstream Guards]], who entered the Confederacy via Mexico, Fitzgerald Ross of the Austrian [[Hussars]], and [[Justus Scheibert]] of the [[Prussian Army]].<ref>"Thomas1979" pp. 219–221</ref> European travelers visited and wrote accounts for publication. Importantly in 1862, the Frenchman [[Charles Frédéric Girard|Charles Girard]]'s ''Seven months in the rebel states during the North American War'' testified "this government ... is no longer a trial government ... but really a normal government, the expression of popular will".<ref>Scholars such as Emory M. Thomas have characterized Girard's book as "more propaganda than anything else, but Girard caught one essential truth", the quote referenced. "Thomas1979" p. 220</ref> Fremantle went on to write in his book ''Three Months in the Southern States'' that he had: |
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{{Blockquote|...not attempted to conceal any of the peculiarities or defects of the Southern people. Many persons will doubtless highly disapprove of some of their customs and habits in the wilder portion of the country; but I think no generous man, whatever may be his political opinions, can do otherwise than admire the courage, energy, and patriotism of the whole population, and the skill of its leaders, in this struggle against great odds. And I am also of opinion that many will agree with me in thinking that a people in which all ranks and both sexes display a unanimity and a heroism which can never have been surpassed in the history of the world, is destined, sooner or later, to become a great and independent nation.<ref>{{cite book |last= Fremantle |first= Arthur |date= 1864 |title= Three Months in the Southern States|publisher= University of Nebraska Press|page= 124 |isbn= 978-1429016667}}</ref>}} |
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French Emperor Napoleon III assured Confederate diplomat John Slidell that he would make "direct proposition" to Britain for joint recognition. The Emperor made the same assurance to British Members of Parliament [[John A. Roebuck]] and John A. Lindsay. Roebuck in turn publicly prepared a bill to submit to Parliament supporting joint Anglo-French recognition of the Confederacy. "Southerners had a right to be optimistic, or at least hopeful, that their revolution would prevail, or at least endure." Following the disasters at Vicksburg and Gettysburg in July 1863, the Confederates "suffered a severe loss of confidence in themselves" and withdrew into an interior defensive position.<ref>"Thomas1979" p. 243</ref> By December 1864, Davis considered sacrificing slavery in order to enlist recognition and aid from Paris and London; he secretly sent [[Duncan F. Kenner]] to Europe with a message that the war was fought solely for "the vindication of our rights to self-government and independence" and that "no sacrifice is too great, save that of honor". The message stated that if the French or British governments made their recognition conditional on anything at all, the Confederacy would consent to such terms.<ref>{{cite book |title= A compilation of the messages and papers of the Confederacy: including the diplomatic correspondence, 1861–1865 |url= https://archive.org/details/acompilationmes74richgoog |editor= Richardson, James D. |others= Volume II |publisher= United States Publishing Company |location= Nashville |year= 1905 |page =[https://archive.org/details/acompilationmes74richgoog/page/n715 697] |access-date= March 18, 2013}}</ref> European leaders all saw that the Confederacy was on the verge of defeat.<ref name="levine-248">{{cite book|last= Levine|first= Bruce|title= The Fall of the House of Dixie|year= 2013|publisher= Random House|page= 248}}</ref> |
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The Confederacy's biggest foreign policy successes were with [[Empire of Brazil|Brazil]] and [[Captaincy General of Cuba|Cuba]]. Militarily this meant little. Brazil represented the "peoples most identical to us in Institutions",<ref name=Spain/> in which [[Slavery in Brazil|slavery remained legal]] until the 1880s and the abolitionist movement was small. Confederate ships were welcome in Brazilian ports.<ref>{{cite book|title=The public life and diplomatic correspondence of James M. Mason|last=Mason|first=Virginia|year=1906|page=203|publisher=New York and Washington, The Neale publishing company|url=https://archive.org/details/publiclifediplom00masonva/page/202/mode/2up}}</ref> After the war, Brazil was the primary destination of those Southerners who wanted to continue living in a slave society, where, as one immigrant remarked, ''[[Confederados|Confederado]]'' slaves were cheap. The Captain–General of Cuba declared in writing that Confederate ships were welcome, and would be protected in Cuban ports.<ref name=Spain>{{cite news|title=Spain and the Confederate States|newspaper=[[Charleston Mercury]] ([[Charleston, South Carolina]])|date=September 12, 1861|page=1|via=accessiblearchives.com|url=https://accessible.com/accessible/docButton?AAWhat=builtPage&AAWhere=THECHARLESTONMERCURY.18610912_001.image&AABeanName=toc1&AANextPage=/printBuiltImagePage.jsp}}</ref> Historians speculate that if the Confederacy had achieved independence, it probably would have tried to acquire Cuba as a base of expansion.<ref>Robert E. May, "The irony of confederate diplomacy: visions of empire, the Monroe doctrine, and the quest for nationhood." ''Journal of Southern History'' 83.1 (2017): 69–106 [https://muse.jhu.edu/article/647290/summary excerpt]</ref> |
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==At war== |
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===Motivations of soldiers=== |
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{{Main|Confederate States Army#Morale and motivations}} |
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Most soldiers who joined Confederate national or state military units joined voluntarily. Perman (2010) says historians are of two minds on why millions of soldiers seemed so eager to fight, suffer and die over four years: |
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{{Blockquote|Some historians emphasize that Civil War soldiers were driven by political ideology, holding firm beliefs about the importance of liberty, Union, or state rights, or about the need to protect or to destroy slavery. Others point to less overtly political reasons to fight, such as the defense of one's home and family, or the honor and brotherhood to be preserved when fighting alongside other men. Most historians agree that, no matter what he thought about when he went into the war, the experience of combat affected him profoundly and sometimes affected his reasons for continuing to fight.<ref>{{cite book|editor=Michael Perman|editor2=Amy Murrell Taylor|title=Major Problems in the Civil War and Reconstruction|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5rPbZT_hrncC&pg=PA178|year= 2010|publisher=Cengage |page=178|isbn=978-0618875207}}</ref><ref>James McPherson, ''For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War'' (1998)</ref>}} |
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===Military strategy=== |
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Civil War historian [[E. Merton Coulter]] wrote that for those who would secure its independence, "The Confederacy was unfortunate in its failure to work out a general strategy for the whole war". Aggressive strategy called for offensive force concentration. Defensive strategy sought dispersal to meet demands of locally minded governors. The controlling philosophy evolved into a combination "dispersal with a defensive concentration around Richmond". The Davis administration considered the war purely defensive, a "simple demand that the people of the United States would cease to war upon us".<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 342–343</ref> Historian [[James M. McPherson]] is a critic of Lee's offensive strategy: "Lee pursued a faulty military strategy that ensured Confederate defeat".<ref>{{cite book|author=James M. McPherson Professor of American History Princeton University|title=Drawn with the Sword: Reflections on the American Civil War: Reflections on the American Civil War|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KejHFo7A8eQC&pg=PA152|year=1996|publisher=Oxford U.P.|page=152|isbn=978-0199727834}}</ref> |
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As the Confederate government lost control of territory in campaign after campaign, it was said that "the vast size of the Confederacy would make its conquest impossible". The enemy would be struck down by the same elements which so often debilitated or destroyed visitors and transplants in the South. Heat exhaustion, sunstroke, endemic diseases such as malaria and typhoid would match the destructive effectiveness of the Moscow winter on the [[French invasion of Russia|invading armies]] of Napoleon.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 348. "The enemy could not hold territory, a hostile people would close in behind. The Confederacy still existed wherever there was an army under her unfurled banners."</ref> |
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[[File:Seal of the Confederate States of America.svg|thumb|The Seal<!-- "Great" would be historically inaccurate, and was not in the 1863 law passed by the C.S. Congress establishing the Seal. --> has symbols of an independent agricultural Confederacy surrounding an equestrian Washington, sword encased.{{efn|The cash crops circling the Seal are wheat, corn, tobacco, cotton, rice and sugar cane. Like Washington's equestrian statue honoring him at [[Union Square (New York City)#Union Square Partnership|Union Square]] NYC 1856, slaveholding Washington is pictured in his uniform of the Revolution securing American independence. Though armed, he does not have his sword drawn as he is depicted in the [[Washington Monument (Richmond, Virginia)|equestrian statue at the Virginia Capitol, Richmond, Virginia]]. The plates for the Seal were engraved in England but never received due to the Union Blockade.}}]] |
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Early in the war, both sides believed that one great battle would decide the conflict; the Confederates won a surprise victory at the [[First Battle of Bull Run]], also known as [[First Manassas]] (the name used by Confederate forces). It drove the Confederate people "insane with joy"; the public demanded a forward movement to capture Washington, relocate the Confederate capital there, and admit [[Maryland in the Civil War|Maryland]] to the Confederacy.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 343</ref> A council of war by the victorious Confederate generals decided not to advance against larger numbers of fresh Federal troops in defensive positions. Davis did not countermand it. Following the Confederate incursion into Maryland halted at the [[Battle of Antietam]] in October 1862, generals proposed concentrating forces from state commands to re-invade the north. Nothing came of it.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 346</ref> Again in mid-1863 at his incursion into Pennsylvania, Lee requested of Davis that Beauregard simultaneously attack Washington with troops taken from the Carolinas. But the troops there remained in place during the [[Gettysburg Campaign]]. |
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The eleven states of the Confederacy were outnumbered by the North about four-to-one in military manpower. It was overmatched far more in military equipment, industrial facilities, railroads for transport, and wagons supplying the front. |
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Confederates slowed the Yankee invaders, at heavy cost to the Southern infrastructure. The Confederates burned bridges, laid [[land mine]]s in the roads, and made harbors inlets and inland waterways unusable with sunken mines (called "torpedoes" at the time). Coulter reports: |
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{{Blockquote|Rangers in twenty to fifty-man units were awarded 50% valuation for property destroyed behind Union lines, regardless of location or loyalty. As Federals occupied the South, objections by loyal Confederate concerning Ranger horse-stealing and indiscriminate scorched earth tactics behind Union lines led to Congress abolishing the Ranger service two years later.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 333–338.</ref>}} |
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The Confederacy relied on external sources for war materials. The first came from trade with the enemy. "Vast amounts of war supplies" came through Kentucky, and thereafter, western armies were "to a very considerable extent" provisioned with illicit trade via Federal agents and northern private traders.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 286. After capture by Federals, [[Memphis, Tennessee#19th century|Memphis]], TN became a major source of supply for Confederate armies, comparable to Nassau and its [[Blockade runners of the American Civil War|blockade runners]].</ref> But that trade was interrupted in the first year of war by [[David Dixon Porter|Admiral Porter]]'s river gunboats as they gained dominance along navigable rivers north–south and east–west.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 306. Confederate units harassed them throughout the war years by laying torpedo mines and loosing barrages from shoreline batteries.</ref> Overseas blockade running then came to be of "outstanding importance".<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 287–288. The principal ports on the Atlantic were [[Wilmington, North Carolina in the American Civil War|Wilmington]], North Carolina, [[Charleston, South Carolina#Civil War (1861–1865)|Charleston]], South Carolina, and Savannah, Georgia for supplies from Europe via Bermuda and Nassau. On the Gulf were Galveston, Texas and [[New Orleans in the American Civil War|New Orleans]], Louisiana for those from Havana, Cuba and Mexican ports of Tampico and Vera Cruz.</ref> On April 17, President Davis called on privateer raiders, the "militia of the sea", to wage war on U.S. seaborne commerce.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 296, 304. Two days later Lincoln proclaimed a blockade, declaring them pirates. Davis responded with [[letters of marque]] to protect privateers from outlaw status. Some of the early raiders were converted merchantmen seized in Southern ports at the outbreak of the war</ref> Despite noteworthy effort, over the course of the war the Confederacy was found unable to match the Union in ships and seamanship, materials and marine construction.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 299–302. The [[Confederate Secret Service#Torpedo Bureau|Torpedo Bureau]] seeded defensive water-borne mines in principal harbors and rivers to compromise the Union naval superiority. These "torpedoes" were said to have caused more loss in U.S. naval ships and transports than by any other cause. Despite a rage for Congressional appropriations and public "subscription ironclads", armored platforms constructed in blockaded ports lacked the requisite marine engines to become ironclad warships. The armored platforms intended to become ironclads were employed instead as floating batteries for port city defense.</ref> |
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An inescapable obstacle to success in the warfare of mass armies was the Confederacy's lack of manpower, and sufficient numbers of disciplined, equipped troops in the field at the point of contact with the enemy. During the winter of 1862–63, Lee observed that none of his famous victories had resulted in the destruction of the opposing army. He lacked reserve troops to exploit an advantage on the battlefield as Napoleon had done. Lee explained, "More than once have most promising opportunities been lost for want of men to take advantage of them, and victory itself had been made to put on the appearance of defeat, because our diminished and exhausted troops have been unable to renew a successful struggle against fresh numbers of the enemy."<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 321</ref> |
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===Armed forces=== |
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{{Main|Military forces of the Confederate States}} |
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[[File:Robert Edward Lee.jpg|thumb|upright=.8|General [[Robert E. Lee]], [[General in Chief of the Armies of the Confederate States|General in Chief]] (1865)]] |
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The military armed forces of the Confederacy comprised three branches: [[Confederate States Army|Army]], [[Confederate States Navy|Navy]] and [[Confederate States Marine Corps|Marine Corps]]. |
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On February 28, 1861, the [[Provisional Confederate Congress]] established a provisional volunteer army and gave control over military operations and authority for mustering state forces and volunteers to the newly chosen Confederate president, [[Jefferson Davis]]. On March 1, 1861, on behalf of the Confederate government, Davis assumed control of the military situation at [[Charleston, South Carolina]], where South Carolina state militia besieged [[Fort Sumter]] in Charleston harbor, held by a small [[United States Army|U.S. Army]] garrison. By March 1861, the Provisional Confederate Congress expanded the provisional forces and established a more permanent Confederate States Army. |
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The total population of the Confederate Army is unknowable due to incomplete and destroyed Confederate records but estimates are between 750,000 and 1,000,000 troops. This does not include an unknown number of slaves pressed into army tasks, such as the construction of fortifications and defenses or driving wagons.<ref>Albert Burton Moore, ''Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy'' (1924)</ref> Confederate casualty figures also are incomplete and unreliable, estimated at 94,000 killed or mortally wounded, 164,000 deaths from disease, and between 26,000 and 31,000 deaths in Union prison camps. One incomplete estimate is 194,026.{{citation needed|date=September 2021}} |
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The Confederate military leadership included many veterans from the [[United States Army]] and [[United States Navy]] who had resigned their Federal commissions and were appointed to senior positions. Many had served in the [[Mexican–American War]] (including Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis), but some such as [[Leonidas Polk]] (who graduated from [[United States Military Academy|West Point]] but did not serve in the Army) had little or no experience. |
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The Confederate officer corps consisted of men from both slave-owning and non-slave-owning families. The Confederacy appointed junior and field grade officers by election from the enlisted ranks. Although no Army service academy was established for the Confederacy, some colleges (such as [[The Citadel (military college)|The Citadel]] and [[Virginia Military Institute]]) maintained cadet corps that trained Confederate military leadership. A naval academy was established at [[Drewry's Bluff]], Virginia<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.navyandmarine.org/ondeck/1862blackCSN.htm|title=1862blackCSN|website=navyandmarine.org|access-date=May 3, 2023}}</ref> in 1863, but no midshipmen graduated before the Confederacy's end. |
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Most soldiers were white males aged between 16 and 28. The median year of birth was 1838, so half the soldiers were 23 or older by 1861.<ref>Joseph T. Glatthaar, ''Soldiering in the Army of Northern Virginia: A Statistical Portrait of the Troops Who Served under Robert E. Lee'' (2011) p. 3, ch. 9</ref> The Confederate Army was permitted to disband for two months in early 1862 after its short-term enlistments expired. The majority of those in uniform would not re-enlist after their one-year commitment, thus on April 16, 1862, the Confederate Congress imposed the first mass [[conscription]] on North American territory. (A year later, on March 3, 1863, the United States Congress passed the [[Enrollment Act]].) Rather than a universal draft, the first program was a selective one with physical, religious, professional, and industrial exemptions. These became narrower as the battle progressed. Initially substitutes were permitted, but by December 1863 these were disallowed. In September 1862 the age limit was increased from 35 to 45 and by February 1864, all men under 18 and over 45 were conscripted to form a reserve for state defense inside state borders. By March 1864, the Superintendent of Conscription reported that all across the Confederacy, every officer in constituted authority, man and woman, "engaged in opposing the enrolling officer in the execution of his duties".<ref>Coulter, E. Merton, ''The Confederate States of America: 1861–1865'', op. cit., pp. 313–315, 318.</ref> Although challenged in the state courts, the Confederate State Supreme Courts routinely rejected legal challenges to conscription.<ref>[[Alfred L. Brophy]], [http://blurblawg.typepad.com/files/necessity-knows-no-law.pdf {{"'}}Necessity Knows No Law': Vested Rights and the Styles of Reasoning in the Confederate Conscription Cases"], ''[[Mississippi Law Journal]]'' (2000) 69: 1123–1180.</ref> |
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Many thousands of slaves served as personal servants to their owner, or were hired as laborers, cooks, and pioneers.<ref>{{cite book|author=Stephen V. Ash|title=The Black Experience in the Civil War South|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=L6BURiBt340C&pg=PA43|year=2010|publisher=ABC-CLIO|page=43|isbn=978-0275985240}}</ref> Some freed blacks and men of color served in local state militia units of the Confederacy, primarily in Louisiana and South Carolina, but their officers deployed them for "local defense, not combat".<ref>Rubin p. 104.</ref> Depleted by casualties and desertions, the military suffered chronic manpower shortages. In early 1865, the Confederate Congress, influenced by the public support by General Lee, approved the recruitment of black infantry units. Contrary to Lee's and Davis's recommendations, the Congress refused "to guarantee the freedom of black volunteers". No more than two hundred black combat troops were ever raised.<ref>Levine pp. 146–147.</ref> |
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====Raising troops==== |
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[[File:To Arms Confederate Enlistment Poster 1862.jpg|thumb|upright=0.75|Recruitment poster: "Do not wait to be drafted". Under half re-enlisted.]] |
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The immediate onset of war meant that it was fought by the "Provisional" or "Volunteer Army". State governors resisted concentrating a national effort. Several wanted a strong state army for self-defense. Others feared large "Provisional" armies answering only to Davis.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 308–311. The patchwork recruitment was (a) with and without state militia enrolment, (b) state Governor sponsorship and direct service under Davis, (c) for under six months, one year, three years and the duration of the war. Davis proposed recruitment for some period of years or the duration. Congress and the states equivocated. Governor Brown of Georgia became "the first and most persistent critic" of Confederate centralized military and civil power.</ref> When filling the Confederate government's call for 100,000 men, another 200,000 were turned away by accepting only those enlisted "for the duration" or twelve-month volunteers who brought their own arms or horses.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 310–311</ref> |
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It was important to raise troops; it was just as important to provide capable officers to command them. With few exceptions the Confederacy secured excellent general officers. Efficiency in the lower officers was "greater than could have been reasonably expected". As with the Federals, political appointees could be indifferent. Otherwise, the officer corps was governor-appointed or elected by unit enlisted. Promotion to fill vacancies was made internally regardless of merit, even if better officers were immediately available.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 328, 330–332. About 90% of West Pointers in the U.S. Army resigned to join the Confederacy. Notably, of Virginia's West Pointers, not 90% but 70% resigned for the Confederacy. Exemplary officers without military training included [[John B. Gordon]], [[Nathan B. Forrest]], [[J. Johnston Pettigrew|James J. Pettigrew]], [[John Hunt Morgan|John H. Morgan]], [[Turner Ashby]] and [[John S. Mosby]]. Most preliminary officer training was had from Hardee's "Tactics", and thereafter by observation and experience in battle. The Confederacy had no officers training camps or military academies, although early on, cadets of the Virginia Military Institute and other military schools drilled enlisted troops in battlefield evolutions.</ref> |
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Anticipating the need for more "duration" men, in January 1862 Congress provided for company level recruiters to return home for two months, but their efforts met little success on the heels of Confederate battlefield defeats in February.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 310–311. Early 1862 "dried up the enthusiasm to volunteer" due to the impact of victory's battle casualties, the humiliation of defeats and the dislike of camp life with its monotony, confinement and mortal diseases. Immediately following the great victory at the [[First Battle of Bull Run|Battle of Manassas]], many believed the war was won and there was no need for more troops. Then the new year brought defeat over February 6–23: [[Fort Henry (site of the Battle of Fort Henry)|Fort Henry]], [[Battle of Roanoke Island|Roanoke Island]], [[Fort Donelson]], Nashville—the first capital to fall. Among some not yet in uniform, the less victorious "Cause" seemed less glorious.</ref> Congress allowed for Davis to require numbers of recruits from each governor to supply the volunteer shortfall. States responded by passing their own draft laws.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 312. The government funded parades and newspaper ad campaigns, $2,000,000 for recruitment in Kentucky alone. With a state-enacted draft, Governor Brown with a quota of 12,000 raised 22,000 Georgia militia.</ref> |
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The veteran Confederate army of early 1862 was mostly twelve-month volunteers with terms about to expire. Enlisted reorganization elections disintegrated the army for two months. Officers pleaded with the ranks to re-enlist, but a majority did not. Those remaining elected majors and colonels whose performance led to officer review boards in October. The boards caused a "rapid and widespread" thinning out of 1,700 incompetent officers. Troops thereafter would elect only second lieutenants.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 313, 332. Officially dropping 425 officers by board review in October was followed immediately by 1,300 "resignations". Some officers who resigned then served honorably as enlisted for the duration or until they were made casualties, others resigned and returned home until conscription.</ref> |
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In early 1862, the popular press suggested the Confederacy required a million men under arms. But veteran soldiers were not re-enlisting, and earlier secessionist volunteers did not reappear to serve in war. One [[Macon, Georgia]], newspaper asked how two million brave fighting men of the South were about to be overcome by four million northerners who were said to be cowards.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 313</ref> |
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====Conscription==== |
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{{Main|Confederate Conscription Acts 1862–1864}} |
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[[File:Resistance to Confederate conscription.jpg|thumb|Southern Unionists throughout the Confederate States resisted the 1862 conscription]] |
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The Confederacy passed the first American law of national conscription on April 16, 1862. The white males of the Confederate States from 18 to 35 were declared members of the Confederate army for three years, and all men then enlisted were extended to a three-year term. They would serve only in units and under officers of their state. Those under 18 and over 35 could substitute for conscripts, in September those from 35 to 45 became conscripts.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 313–314. Military officers including Joseph E. Johnston and Robert E. Lee, advocated conscription. In the circumstances they persuaded Congressmen and newspaper editors. Some editors advocating conscription in early 1862 later became "savage critics of conscription and of Davis for his enforcement of it: Yancey of Alabama, Rhett of the Charleston 'Mercury', Pollard of the Richmond 'Examiner', and Senator Wigfall of Texas".</ref> The cry of "rich man's war and a poor man's fight" led Congress to abolish the substitute system altogether in December 1863. All principals benefiting earlier were made eligible for service. By February 1864, the age bracket was made 17 to 50, those under eighteen and over forty-five to be limited to in-state duty.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 313–314, 319.</ref> |
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Confederate conscription was not universal; it was a selective service. The [[Confederate Conscription Acts 1862–1864|First Conscription Act]] of April 1862 exempted occupations related to transportation, communication, industry, ministers, teaching and physical fitness. The Second Conscription Act of October 1862 expanded exemptions in industry, agriculture and conscientious objection. Exemption fraud proliferated in medical examinations, army furloughs, churches, schools, apothecaries and newspapers.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 315–317.</ref> |
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Rich men's sons were appointed to the socially outcast "overseer" occupation, but the measure was received in the country with "universal odium". The legislative vehicle was the controversial [[Twenty Negro Law]] that specifically exempted one white overseer or owner for every plantation with at least 20 slaves. Backpedaling six months later, Congress provided overseers under 45 could be exempted only if they held the occupation before the first Conscription Act.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 320. One such exemption was allowed for every 20 slaves on a plantation, the May 1863 reform required previous occupation and that the plantation of 20 slaves (or group of plantations within a five-mile area) had not been subdivided after the first exemption of April 1862.</ref> The number of officials under state exemptions appointed by state Governor patronage expanded significantly.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 317–318.</ref> |
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<gallery style="float:right; text-align:center" perrow="2" heights="150"> |
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Gabriel James Rains.jpg|Gen. [[Gabriel J. Rains]], {{small|Conscription Bureau chief, April 1862 – May 1863}} |
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General Gideon Johnson Pillow.jpg|Gen. [[Gideon J. Pillow]], {{small|military recruiter under Bragg, then J.E. Johnston<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederates States of America'', p. 324.</ref>}} |
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</gallery> |
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The Conscription Act of February 1864 "radically changed the whole system" of selection. It abolished industrial exemptions, placing detail authority in President Davis. As the shame of conscription was greater than a felony conviction, the system brought in "about as many volunteers as it did conscripts." Many men in otherwise "bombproof" positions were enlisted in one way or another, nearly 160,000 additional volunteers and conscripts in uniform. Still there was shirking.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 322–324, 326.</ref> To administer the draft, a Bureau of Conscription was set up to use state officers, as state Governors would allow. It had a checkered career of "contention, opposition and futility". Armies appointed alternative military "recruiters" to bring in the out-of-uniform 17–50-year-old conscripts and deserters. Nearly 3,000 officers were tasked with the job. By late 1864, Lee was calling for more troops. "Our ranks are constantly diminishing by battle and disease, and few recruits are received; the consequences are inevitable." By March 1865 conscription was to be administered by generals of the state reserves calling out men over 45 and under 18 years old. All exemptions were abolished. These regiments were assigned to recruit conscripts ages 17–50, recover deserters, and repel enemy cavalry raids. The service retained men who had lost but one arm or a leg in home guards. Ultimately, conscription was a failure, and its main value was in goading men to volunteer.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 323–325, 327.</ref> |
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The survival of the Confederacy depended on a strong base of civilians and soldiers devoted to victory. The soldiers performed well, though increasing numbers deserted in the last year of fighting, and the Confederacy never succeeded in replacing casualties as the Union could. The civilians, although enthusiastic in 1861–62, seem to have lost faith in the future of the Confederacy by 1864, and instead looked to protect their homes and communities. As Rable explains, "This contraction of civic vision was more than a crabbed [[libertarianism]]; it represented an increasingly widespread disillusionment with the Confederate experiment."<ref>Rable (1994) p. 265.</ref> |
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===Victories: 1861=== |
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The American Civil War broke out in April 1861 with a Confederate victory at the [[Battle of Fort Sumter]] in [[Charleston, South Carolina in the American Civil War|Charleston]]. |
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In January, President [[James Buchanan]] had attempted to resupply the garrison with the steamship, ''[[Star of the West]]'', but Confederate artillery drove it away. In March, President Lincoln notified South Carolina Governor [[Francis W. Pickens|Pickens]] that without Confederate resistance to the resupply there would be no military reinforcement without further notice, but Lincoln prepared to force resupply if it were not allowed. Confederate President Davis, in cabinet, decided to seize Fort Sumter before the relief fleet arrived, and on April 12, 1861, General Beauregard forced its surrender.<ref>{{cite book|last=Stephens|first=Alexander H.|author-link=Alexander Stephens|title=A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States|url=https://archive.org/details/constitutionalview02steprich|format=PDF|volume=2|year=1870|page=[https://archive.org/details/constitutionalview02steprich/page/36 36]|quote=I maintain that it was inaugurated and begun, though no blow had been struck, when the hostile fleet, styled the 'Relief Squadron', with eleven ships, carrying two hundred and eighty-five guns and two thousand four hundred men, was sent out from New York and Norfolk, with orders from the authorities at Washington, to reinforce Fort Sumter peaceably, if permitted 'but forcibly if they must' ...|publisher=Philadelphia: National Pub. Co.; Chicago: Zeigler, McCurdy}} After the war, Confederate Vice President Alexander H. Stephens maintained that Lincoln's attempt to resupply Sumter was a disguised reinforcement and had provoked the war.</ref> |
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Following Sumter, [[President Lincoln's 75,000 Volunteers|Lincoln directed states to provide 75,000 troops]] for three months to recapture the Charleston Harbor forts and all other federal property.<ref name=LincolnCallToArms> |
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[http://www.civilwarhome.com/lincolntroops.htm Lincoln's proclamation calling for troops from the remaining states] (bottom of page); Department of War details to States (top).</ref> This emboldened secessionists in Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee and North Carolina to secede rather than provide troops to march into neighboring Southern states. In May, Federal troops crossed into Confederate territory along the entire border from the Chesapeake Bay to New Mexico. The first battles were Confederate victories at Big Bethel ([[Battle of Big Bethel|Bethel Church, Virginia]]), First Bull Run ([[First Battle of Bull Run|First Manassas]]) in Virginia July and in August, Wilson's Creek ([[Battle of Wilson's Creek|Oak Hills]]) in Missouri. At all three, Confederate forces could not follow up their victory due to inadequate supply and shortages of fresh troops to exploit their successes. Following each battle, Federals maintained a military presence and occupied Washington, DC; Fort Monroe, Virginia; and Springfield, Missouri. Both North and South began training up armies for major fighting the next year.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 352–353.</ref> Union General [[George B. McClellan]]'s forces gained possession of much of northwestern Virginia in mid-1861, concentrating on towns and roads; the interior was too large to control and became the center of guerrilla activity.<ref>{{cite book|url=http://digital.library.cornell.edu/cgi/t/text/pageviewer-idx?c=moawar;cc=moawar;q1=red%20house;rgn=full%20text;idno=waro0005;didno=waro0005;view=image;seq=0580|title= The War of the Rebellion: a Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies; Series 1|volume= 5|page=56}}4</ref><ref>Rice, Otis K. and Stephen W. Brown, ''West Virginia, A History'', University of Kentucky Press, 1993, 2nd ed., p. 130</ref> General [[Robert E. Lee]] was defeated at [[Cheat Mountain]] in September and no serious Confederate advance in western Virginia occurred until the next year. |
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Meanwhile, the Union Navy seized control of much of the Confederate coastline from Virginia to South Carolina. It took over plantations and the abandoned slaves. Federals there began a war-long policy of burning grain supplies up rivers into the interior wherever they could not occupy.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 353.</ref> The Union Navy began a blockade of the major southern ports and prepared an invasion of Louisiana to capture New Orleans in early 1862. |
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===Incursions: 1862=== |
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The victories of 1861 were followed by a series of defeats east and west in early 1862. To restore the Union by military force, the Federal strategy was to (1) secure the Mississippi River, (2) seize or close Confederate ports, and (3) march on Richmond. To secure independence, the Confederate intent was to (1) repel the invader on all fronts, costing him blood and treasure, and (2) carry the war into the North by two offensives in time to affect the mid-term elections. |
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|caption2=Burying Union dead. Antietam, Maryland.<ref>Glatthaar, Joseph T., ''General Lee's Army: From Victory to Collapse,'' Free Press 2008. {{ISBN|978-0-684-82787-2}}, p. xiv. Inflicting intolerable casualties on invading Federal armies was a Confederate strategy to make the northern Unionists relent in their pursuit of restoring the Union.</ref> |
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Much of northwestern Virginia was under Federal control.<ref>Ambler, Charles, ''Francis H. Pierpont: Union War Governor of Virginia and Father of West Virginia'', Univ. of North Carolina, 1937, p. 419, note 36. Letter of Adjutant General Henry L. Samuels, August 22, 1862, to Gov. Francis Pierpont listing 22 of 48 counties under sufficient control for soldier recruitment.<br />[http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llsb&fileName=037/llsb037.db&recNum=1996 ''Congressional Globe,'' 37th Congress, 3rd Session, Senate Bill S.531, February 14, 1863] "A bill supplemental to the act entitled 'An act for the Admission of the State of 'West Virginia' into the Union, and for other purposes' which would include the counties of "Boone, Logan, Wyoming, Mercer, McDowell, Pocahontas, Raleigh, Greenbrier, Monroe, Pendleton, Fayette, Nicholas, and Clay, now in the possession of the so-called confederate government".</ref> In February and March, most of Missouri and Kentucky were Union "occupied, consolidated, and used as staging areas for advances further South". Following the repulse of a Confederate counterattack at the [[Battle of Shiloh]], Tennessee, permanent Federal occupation expanded west, south and east.<ref>Martis, ''Historical Atlas'', p. 27. In the Mississippi River Valley, during the first half of February, central Tennessee's [[Battle of Fort Henry|Fort Henry]] was lost and [[Battle of Fort Donelson|Fort Donelson]] fell with a small army. By the end of the month, [[Tennessee in the american civil war#Twin Rivers Campaign of 1862|Nashville]], Tennessee was the first conquered Confederate state capital. On April 6–7, Federals turned back the Confederate offensive at the Battle of Shiloh, and three days later [[Battle of Island Number Ten|Island Number 10]], controlling the upper Mississippi River, fell to a combined Army and Naval gunboat siege of three weeks. |
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Federal occupation of Confederate territory expanded to include northwestern Arkansas, south down the Mississippi River and east up the Tennessee River. The Confederate River Defense fleet sank two Union ships at [[Battle of Plum Point Bend|Plum Point Bend]] (naval Fort Pillow), but they withdrew and [[Fort Pillow, Tennessee|Fort Pillow]] was captured downriver.</ref> Confederate forces repositioned south along the Mississippi River to [[Memphis, Tennessee]], where at the naval [[First Battle of Memphis|Battle of Memphis]], its River Defense Fleet was sunk. Confederates withdrew from northern Mississippi and northern Alabama. [[Capture of New Orleans|New Orleans was captured on April 29]] by a combined Army-Navy force under U.S. Admiral [[David Farragut]], and the Confederacy lost control of the mouth of the Mississippi River. It had to concede extensive agricultural resources that had supported the Union's sea-supplied logistics base.<ref name="Martis28">Martis, ''Historical Atlas'', p. 28.</ref> |
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Although Confederates had suffered major reverses everywhere, as of the end of April the Confederacy still controlled territory holding 72% of its population.<ref name="Martis27">Martis, ''Historical Atlas'', p. 27. Federal occupation expanded into northern Virginia, and their control of the Mississippi extended south to Nashville, Tennessee.</ref> Federal forces disrupted Missouri and Arkansas; they had broken through in western Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Louisiana. Along the Confederacy's shores, Union forces had closed ports and made garrisoned lodgments on every coastal Confederate state except Alabama and Texas.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 354. Federal sea-based amphibious forces captured [[Battle of Roanoke Island|Roanoke Island]], North Carolina along with a large garrison in February. In March, Confederates abandoned forts at [[Amelia Island|Fernandia]] and [[St. Augustine in the American Civil War#Early war|St. Augustine]] Florida, and lost [[Battle of New Berne|New Berne]], North Carolina. In April, [[Capture of New Orleans|New Orleans]] fell and Savannah, Georgia was closed by the [[Battle of Fort Pulaski]]. In May retreating Confederates burned their two pre-war Navy yards at Norfolk and Pensacola. See Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 287, 306, 302</ref> Although scholars sometimes assess the Union blockade as ineffectual under international law until the last few months of the war, from the first months it disrupted Confederate privateers, making it "almost impossible to bring their prizes into Confederate ports".<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 294, 296–297. Europeans refused to allow captured U.S. shipping to be sold for the privateers 95% share, so through 1862, Confederate privateering disappeared. The CSA Congress authorized a Volunteer Navy to man cruisers the following year.</ref> British firms developed small fleets of [[Blockade runners of the American Civil War|blockade running]] companies, such as [[George Trenholm|John Fraser and Company]] and [[S. Isaac, Campbell & Company]] while the Ordnance Department secured its own blockade runners for dedicated munitions cargoes.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 288–291. As many as half the Confederate blockade runners had British nationals serving as officers and crew. Confederate regulations required one-third, then one-half of the cargoes to be munitions, food and medicine.</ref> |
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During the Civil War fleets of [[Ironclad warship|armored warships]] were deployed for the first time in sustained blockades at sea. After some success against the Union blockade, in March the ironclad [[CSS Virginia|CSS ''Virginia'']] was forced into port and burned by Confederates at their retreat. Despite several attempts mounted from their port cities, CSA naval forces were unable to break the Union blockade. Attempts were made by Commodore [[Josiah Tattnall III]]'s ironclads from Savannah in 1862 with the [[USS Atlanta (1861)|CSS ''Atlanta'']].<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 287, 306, 302, 306 and [http://www.history.navy.mil/branches/org11-2.htm CSS Atlanta, USS Atlanta. Navy Heritage] {{Webarchive|url=http://webarchive.loc.gov/all/20100407154442/http%3A//www%2Ehistory%2Enavy%2Emil/branches/org11%2D2%2Ehtm |date=April 7, 2010 }}. In both events, as with the CSS ''Virginia'', the Navy's bravery and fighting skill was compromised in combat by mechanical failure in the engines or steering. The joint combined Army-Navy defense by General [[Robert E. Lee]], and his successor and Commodore [[Josiah Tattnall III]], repelled amphibious assault of Savannah for the duration of the war. Union General [[Tecumseh Sherman]] captured Savannah from the land side in December 1864. The British blockade runner [[USS Atlanta (1861)#As Fingal|''Fingal'']] was purchased and converted to the ironclad [[USS Atlanta (1861)|CSS ''Atlanta'']]. It made two sorties, was captured by Union forces, repaired, and returned to service as the ironclad USS ''Atlanta'' supporting Grant's [[Siege of Petersburg]].</ref> Secretary of the Navy [[Stephen Mallory]] placed his hopes in a European-built ironclad fleet, but they were never realized. On the other hand, four new English-built commerce raiders served the Confederacy, and several fast blockade runners were sold in Confederate ports. They were converted into commerce-raiding cruisers, and manned by their British crews.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 303. French shipyards built four corvettes, and two ironclad rams for the Confederacy, but the American minister prevented their delivery. British firms contracted to build two additional ironclad rams, but under threat from the U.S., the British government bought them for their own navy. Two of the converted blockade runners effectively raided up and down the Atlantic coast until the end of the war.</ref> |
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In the east, Union forces could not close on Richmond. General McClellan landed his army on the [[Peninsula Campaign|Lower Peninsula]] of Virginia. Lee subsequently ended that threat from the east, then Union General John Pope attacked overland from the north only to be repulsed at Second Bull Run ([[Second Battle of Bull Run|Second Manassas]]). Lee's strike north was turned back at Antietam MD, then Union [[Ambrose Burnside|Major General Ambrose Burnside's]] offensive was disastrously ended at [[Battle of Fredericksburg|Fredericksburg]] VA in December. Both armies then turned to winter quarters to recruit and train for the coming spring.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 354–356. McClellan's Peninsula Campaign caused the surprised Confederates to destroy their winter camp to mobilize against the threat to their Capital. They burned "a vast amount of supplies" to keep them from falling into enemy hands.</ref> |
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In an attempt to seize the initiative, reprove, protect farms in mid-growing season and influence U.S. Congressional elections, two major Confederate incursions into Union territory had been launched in August and September 1862. Both [[Braxton Bragg]]'s invasion of Kentucky and [[Battle of Antietam|Lee's invasion]] of Maryland were decisively repulsed, leaving Confederates in control of but 63% of its population.<ref name="Martis27"/> Civil War scholar [[Allan Nevins]] argues that 1862 was the strategic [[Ordinary high water mark|high-water mark]] of the Confederacy.<ref>Nevin's analysis of the strategic highpoint of Confederate military scope and effectiveness is in contra-distinction to the conventional "last chance" battlefield imagery of the [[High-water mark of the Confederacy]] found at "The Angle" of the Battle of Gettysburg.</ref> The failures of the two invasions were attributed to the same irrecoverable shortcomings: lack of manpower at the front, lack of supplies including serviceable shoes, and exhaustion after long marches without adequate food.<ref>Allan Nevins, ''War for the Union'' (1960) pp. 289–290. Weak national leadership led to disorganized overall direction in contrast to improved organization in Washington. With another 10,000 men Lee and Bragg might have prevailed in the border states, but the local populations did not respond to their pleas to recruit additional soldiers.</ref> Also in September Confederate General [[William W. Loring]] pushed Federal forces from [[Charleston, West Virginia|Charleston, Virginia]], and the Kanawha Valley in western Virginia, but lacking reinforcements Loring abandoned his position and by November the region was back in Federal control.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Rice |first1=Otis K. |first2=Stephen W. |last2=Brown |title=West Virginia, A History |publisher=Univ. of Kentucky Press |year=1993 |edition=2nd |pages=[https://archive.org/details/westvirginiahist00rice_0/page/134 134–135] |isbn=0-8131-1854-9 |url=https://archive.org/details/westvirginiahist00rice_0/page/134 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.wvculture.org/history/journal_wvh/wvh23-1.html|title=The Civil War Comes to Charleston|accessdate=May 3, 2023}}</ref> |
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===Anaconda: 1863–1864=== |
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{{Main|Anaconda Plan}} |
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The failed Middle [[Tennessee in the Civil War|Tennessee]] campaign was ended January 2, 1863, at the inconclusive Battle of Stones River ([[Battle of Stones River|Murfreesboro]]), both sides losing the largest percentage of casualties suffered during the war. It was followed by another strategic withdrawal by Confederate forces.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 357</ref> The Confederacy won a significant victory April 1863, repulsing the Federal advance on Richmond at [[Battle of Chancellorsville|Chancellorsville]], but the Union consolidated positions along the Virginia coast and the Chesapeake Bay. |
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Without an effective answer to Federal gunboats, river transport and supply, the Confederacy lost the Mississippi River following the capture of [[Siege of Vicksburg|Vicksburg]], Mississippi, and [[Siege of Port Hudson|Port Hudson]] in July, ending Southern access to the trans-Mississippi West. July brought short-lived counters, [[Morgan's Raid]] into Ohio and the [[New York City draft riots]]. Robert E. Lee's strike into Pennsylvania was repulsed at [[Battle of Gettysburg|Gettysburg]], Pennsylvania despite Pickett's famous charge and other acts of valor. Southern newspapers assessed the campaign as "The Confederates did not gain a victory, neither did the enemy." |
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September and November left Confederates yielding [[Chattanooga Campaign|Chattanooga]], Tennessee, the gateway to the lower south.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 356</ref> For the remainder of the war fighting was restricted inside the South, resulting in a slow but continuous loss of territory. In early 1864, the Confederacy still controlled 53% of its population, but it withdrew further to reestablish defensive positions. Union offensives continued with [[Sherman's March to the Sea]] to take Savannah and Grant's [[Overland Campaign|Wilderness Campaign]] to encircle Richmond and besiege Lee's army at [[Siege of Petersburg|Petersburg]].<ref name="Martis28"/> |
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In April 1863, the C.S. Congress authorized a uniformed Volunteer Navy, many of whom were British.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 297–298. They were required to supply their own ships and equipment, but they received 90% of their captures at auction, 25% of any U.S. warships or transports captured or destroyed. Confederate cruisers raided merchant ship commerce but for one exception in 1864.</ref> The Confederacy had altogether eighteen commerce-destroying cruisers, which seriously disrupted Federal commerce at sea and increased shipping insurance rates 900%.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 305–306. The most successful Confederate merchant raider 1863–1864, [[CSS Alabama|CSS ''Alabama'']] had ranged the Atlantic for two years, sinking 58 vessels worth {{sic|?|$6,54,000}}, but she was trapped and sunk in June by the chain-clad {{USS|Kearsarge|1861|6}} off Cherbourg, France.</ref> Commodore Tattnall again unsuccessfully attempted to break the Union blockade on the Savannah River in Georgia with an ironclad in 1863.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', in 1862, [http://www.history.navy.mil/branches/org11-2.htm CSS Atlanta, USS Atlanta. Navy Heritage] {{Webarchive|url=http://webarchive.loc.gov/all/20100407154442/http%3A//www%2Ehistory%2Enavy%2Emil/branches/org11%2D2%2Ehtm |date=April 7, 2010 }}, in 1863 the ironclad [[CSS Savannah (ironclad)|CSS ''Savannah'']]</ref> Beginning in April 1864 the ironclad [[CSS Albemarle|CSS ''Albemarle'']] engaged Union gunboats for six months on the Roanoke River in North Carolina.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 305</ref> The Federals closed [[Battle of Mobile Bay|Mobile Bay]] by sea-based amphibious assault in August, ending Gulf coast trade east of the Mississippi River. In December, the [[Battle of Nashville]] ended Confederate operations in the western theater. |
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Large numbers of families relocated to safer places, usually remote rural areas, bringing along household slaves if they had any. Mary Massey argues these elite exiles introduced an element of defeatism into the southern outlook.<ref>Mary Elizabeth Massey, ''Refugee Life in the Confederacy'' (1964)</ref> |
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===Collapse: 1865=== |
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The first three months of 1865 saw the Federal [[Carolinas Campaign]], devastating a wide swath of the remaining Confederate heartland. The "breadbasket of the Confederacy" in the Great Valley of Virginia was occupied by [[Philip Sheridan]]. The Union Blockade captured [[Fort Fisher]] in North Carolina, and Sherman finally [[Second Battle of Charleston Harbor|took Charleston, South Carolina]], by land attack.<ref name="Martis28"/> |
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The Confederacy controlled no ports, harbors or navigable rivers. Railroads were captured or had ceased operating. Its major food-producing regions had been war-ravaged or occupied. Its administration survived in only three pockets of territory holding only one-third of its population. Its armies were defeated or disbanding. At the February 1865 [[Hampton Roads Conference]] with Lincoln, senior Confederate officials rejected his invitation to restore the Union with compensation for emancipated slaves.<ref name="Martis28"/> The three pockets of unoccupied Confederacy were southern Virginia—North Carolina, central Alabama—Florida, and Texas, the latter two areas less from any notion of resistance than from the disinterest of Federal forces to occupy them.<ref>{{cite book |last=Foote |first=Shelby |date=1974 |title=The Civil War, a narrative: Vol III |page=967 |publisher=Knopf Doubleday Publishing |quote=Sherman was closing in on Raleigh, whose occupation tomorrow would make it the ninth of the eleven seceded state capitals to feel the tread of the invader. All, that is, but Austin and Tallahassee, whose survival was less the result of their ability to resist than it was of Federal oversight or disinterest. |isbn=0-394-74622-8 }}</ref> The Davis policy was independence or nothing, while Lee's army was wracked by disease and desertion, barely holding the trenches defending Jefferson Davis' capital. |
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The Confederacy's last remaining blockade-running port, [[Wilmington, North Carolina]], [[Battle of Wilmington|was lost]]. When the Union broke through Lee's lines at Petersburg, [[Richmond in the American Civil War|Richmond]] fell immediately. Lee surrendered a remnant of 50,000 from the [[Army of Northern Virginia]] at [[Appomattox Court House National Historical Park|Appomattox Court House]], Virginia, on April 9, 1865.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 323–325, 327.</ref> "The Surrender" marked the end of the Confederacy.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 287</ref> The [[Japanese ironclad Kōtetsu#American career as CSS Stonewall|CSS ''Stonewall'']] sailed from Europe to break the Union blockade in March; on making Havana, Cuba, it surrendered. Some high officials escaped to Europe, but President Davis was captured May 10; all remaining Confederate land forces surrendered by June 1865. The U.S. Army took control of the Confederate areas without post-surrender insurgency or [[guerrilla warfare]] against them, but peace was subsequently marred by a great deal of local violence, feuding and revenge killings.<ref>The French-built ironclad [[Japanese ironclad Kōtetsu#American career as CSS Stonewall|CSS ''Stonewall'']] had been purchased from Denmark and set sail from Spain in March. The crew of the [[CSS Shenandoah|CSS ''Shenandoah'']] hauled down the last Confederate flag at Liverpool in the UK on November 5, 1865. {{cite book|author=John Baldwin |author2=Ron Powers |title=Last Flag Down: The Epic Journey of the Last Confederate Warship|page=368|publisher=Three Rivers Press|isbn=978-0-307-23656-2|date=May 2008 }}</ref> The last confederate military unit, the commerce raider [[CSS Shenandoah|CSS ''Shenandoah'']], surrendered on November 6, 1865, in [[Liverpool]].<ref>United States Government Printing Office, ''Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion'', United States Naval War Records Office, United States Office of Naval Records and Library, 1894 |
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Historian [[Gary Gallagher]] concluded that the Confederacy capitulated in early 1865 because northern armies crushed "organized southern military resistance". The Confederacy's population, soldier and civilian, had suffered material hardship and social disruption.<ref>Gallagher p. 157</ref> Jefferson Davis' assessment in 1890 determined, "With the capture of the capital, the dispersion of the civil authorities, the surrender of the armies in the field, and the arrest of the President, the Confederate States of America disappeared ... their history henceforth became a part of the history of the United States."<ref>Davis, Jefferson. [https://archive.org/stream/ashorthistoryco00davigoog#page/n544/mode/2up/search/surrender+at+Appomattox ''A Short History of the Confederate States of America''], 1890, 2010. {{ISBN|978-1-175-82358-8}}. Available free online as an ebook. Chapter LXXXVIII, "Re-establishment of the Union by force", p. 503. Retrieved March 14, 2012.</ref> |
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==Government and politics== |
==Government and politics== |
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===Political divisions=== |
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{{Main|List of C.S. states by date of admission to the Confederacy}} |
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{{CS statehood and territory dates}} |
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===Constitution=== |
===Constitution=== |
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{{Main|Constitution of the Confederate States}} |
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{{Wikisource|Constitution of the Confederate States of America}} |
{{Wikisource|Constitution of the Confederate States of America}} |
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{{Main|Confederate States Constitution}} |
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[[File:Davis4-2.JPG|thumb|upright|left|[[Jefferson Davis]]<br/>President 1861–1865]] |
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In February, 1861, Southern leaders met in Montgomery, Alabama to adopt their first constitution, establishing a [[confederation]] of "sovereign and independent states", guaranteeing states the right to a republican form of government. Prior to adopting to the first Confederate constitution, the independent states were sovereign republics, e.g. "Republic of Louisiana", "Republic of Mississippi", "Republic of Texas" etc.<ref name="wwgaunt"/><ref name="dunbarrowland"/> |
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The Southern leaders met in Montgomery, Alabama, to write their constitution. Much of the [[Confederate States Constitution]] replicated the [[United States Constitution]] verbatim, but it contained several explicit protections of the institution of slavery, though it maintained the [[History of slavery#Early United States law|existing ban on international slave-trading]]. In certain areas, the Confederate Constitution gave greater powers to the states (or curtailed the powers of the central government more) than the U.S. Constitution of the time did, but in other areas, the states actually lost rights they had under the U.S. Constitution. Although the Confederate Constitution, like the U.S. Constitution, contained a [[commerce clause]], the Confederate version prohibited the central government from using revenues collected in one state for funding [[internal improvement]]s in another state. The Confederate Constitution's equivalent to the U.S. Constitution's [[General Welfare clause|general welfare clause]] prohibited [[protective tariff]]s (but allowed tariffs for providing domestic revenue), and spoke of "carry[ing] on the Government of the Confederate States" rather than providing for the "general welfare". State legislatures had the power to [[impeachment|impeach]] officials of the Confederate government in some cases. On the other hand, the Confederate Constitution contained a [[Necessary and Proper Clause]] and a [[Supremacy Clause]] that essentially duplicated the respective clauses of the U.S. Constitution. The Confederate Constitution also incorporated each of the 12 amendments to the U.S. Constitution that had been ratified up to that point. |
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A second Confederate constitution was written in March, 1861, which sought to replace the confederation with a federal government; much of this constitution replicated the United States Constitution verbatim, but contained several explicit protections of the institution of slavery including provisions for the recognition and protection of slavery in any territory of the Confederacy. It maintained the [[Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves|ban on international slave-trading]], though it made the ban's application explicit to "Negroes of the African race" in contrast to the U.S. Constitution's reference to "such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit". It protected the [[Slavery in the United States#Internal slave trade|existing internal trade]] of slaves among slaveholding states. |
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The Confederate Constitution did not specifically include a provision allowing states to secede; the Preamble spoke of each state "acting in its sovereign and independent character" but also of the formation of a "permanent federal government". During the debates on drafting the Confederate Constitution, one proposal would have allowed states to secede from the Confederacy. The proposal was tabled with only the South Carolina delegates voting in favor of considering the motion.<ref>Davis p. 248.</ref> The Confederate Constitution also explicitly denied States the power to bar slaveholders from other parts of the Confederacy from bringing their slaves into any state of the Confederacy or to interfere with the property rights of slave owners traveling between different parts of the Confederacy. In contrast with the language of the United States Constitution, the Confederate Constitution overtly asked God's blessing ("...invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God..."). |
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In certain areas, the second Confederate Constitution gave greater powers to the states (or curtailed the powers of the central government more) than the U.S. Constitution of the time did, but in other areas, the states lost rights they had under the U.S. Constitution. Although the Confederate Constitution, like the U.S. Constitution, contained a [[commerce clause]], the Confederate version prohibited the central government from using revenues collected in one state for funding [[internal improvement]]s in another state. The Confederate Constitution's equivalent to the U.S. Constitution's [[General Welfare clause|general welfare clause]] prohibited [[protective tariff]]s (but allowed tariffs for providing domestic revenue), and spoke of "carry[ing] on the Government of the Confederate States" rather than providing for the "general welfare". State legislatures had the power to [[impeachment|impeach]] officials of the Confederate government in some cases. On the other hand, the Confederate Constitution contained a [[Necessary and Proper Clause]] and a [[Supremacy Clause]] that essentially duplicated the respective clauses of the U.S. Constitution. The Confederate Constitution also incorporated each of the 12 amendments to the U.S. Constitution that had been ratified up to that point. |
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The Constitution provided for a President of the Confederate States of America, elected to serve a six-year term but without the possibility of re-election. Unlike the Union Constitution, the Confederate Constitution gave the president the ability to subject a bill to a [[line item veto]], a power also held by some state governors. The Confederate Congress could overturn either the general or the line item vetoes with the same two-thirds majorities that are required in the [[Congress of the United States|U.S. Congress]]. In addition, appropriations not specifically requested by the executive branch required passage by a two-thirds vote in both houses of Congress. The only person to serve as president was [[Jefferson Davis]], due to the Confederacy being defeated before the completion of his term. |
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The second Confederate Constitution was finally adopted on February 22, 1862, one year into the American Civil War, and did not specifically include a provision allowing states to secede; the Preamble spoke of each state "acting in its sovereign and independent character" but also of the formation of a "permanent [[Federalism|federal government]]". During the debates on drafting the Confederate Constitution, one proposal would have allowed states to secede from the Confederacy. The proposal was tabled with only the South Carolina delegates voting in favor of considering the motion.<ref>Davis p. 248.</ref> The Confederate Constitution also explicitly denied States the power to bar slaveholders from other parts of the Confederacy from bringing their slaves into any state of the Confederacy or to interfere with the property rights of slave owners traveling between different parts of the Confederacy. In contrast with the secular language of the United States Constitution, the Confederate Constitution overtly asked God's blessing ("... invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God ..."). |
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===Executive=== |
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[[File:ConfederateCabinet.jpg|thumb|right|330px|The original [[Confederate States of America#Executive|Confederate Cabinet]]. L-R: [[Judah P. Benjamin]], [[Stephen Mallory]], [[Christopher Memminger]], [[Alexander Stephens]], [[LeRoy Pope Walker]], [[Jefferson Davis]], [[John Henninger Reagan|John H. Reagan]] and [[Robert Toombs]].]] |
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Some historians have referred to the Confederacy as a form of [[Herrenvolk democracy]].<ref name="Dal Lago2018">{{Cite book|last=Dal Lago|first=Enrico|title=Civil War and Agrarian Unrest: The Confederate South and Southern Italy|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|year=2018|isbn=978-1108340625|pages=79|quote=[T]he slaveholding elites' project of Confederate nation building—very likely believing the idea that the Confederacy was a 'herrenvolk democracy' or 'democracy of the white race'....}}</ref><ref name="McPherson1997">{{Cite book|last=M. McPherson|first=James|title=For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War|title-link=For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|year=1997|isbn=978-0195124996|location=[[New York City]]|pages=106, 109|quote=Confederate soldiers from slaveholding families expressed no feelings of embarrassment or inconsistency in fighting for their own liberty while holding other people in slavery. Indeed, white supremacy and the right of property in slaves were at the core of the ideology for which Confederate soldiers fought.... Herrenvolk democracy—the equality of all who belonged to the master race—was a powerful motivator for many Confederate soldiers.|author-link=James M. McPherson}}</ref> |
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{| cellpadding="1" cellspacing="4" style="margin:3px; border:3px solid #000; float:left;" |
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|- |
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! style="background:#000;" colspan="3"| |
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|- |
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|align="left"|'''Office'''||align="left"|'''Name'''||align="left"|'''Term''' |
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|- |
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! style="background:#000;" colspan="3"| |
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|- |
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|align="left"|[[President of the Confederate States of America|President]]||align="left" |'''[[Jefferson Davis]]'''||align="left"|1861–1865 |
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|- |
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|align="left"|[[Vice President of the Confederate States of America|Vice President]]||align="left" |'''[[Alexander Stephens]]'''||align="left"|1861–1865 |
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|- |
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! style="background:#000;" colspan="3"| |
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|- |
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|align="left"|[[Confederate States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]]||align="left"|'''[[Robert Toombs]]'''||align="left"|1861 |
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|- |
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|align="left"| ||align="left"|'''[[Robert Mercer Taliaferro Hunter|Robert M.T. Hunter]]'''||align="left"|1861–1862 |
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|- |
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|align="left"| ||align="left"|'''[[Judah P. Benjamin]]'''||align="left"|1862–1865 |
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|- |
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|align="left"|[[Secretary of the Treasury]]||align="left"|'''[[Christopher Memminger]]'''||align="left"|1861–1864 |
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|- |
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|align="left"| ||align="left"|'''[[George Trenholm]]'''||align="left"|1864–1865 |
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|- |
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|align="left"| ||align="left"|'''[[John H. Reagan]]'''||align="left"|1865 |
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|- |
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|align="left"|[[Confederate States Secretary of War|Secretary of War]]||align="left"|'''[[Leroy Pope Walker]]'''||align="left"|1861 |
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|- |
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|align="left"| ||align="left"|'''[[Judah P. Benjamin]]'''||align="left"|1861–1862 |
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|- |
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|align="left"| ||align="left"|'''[[George W. Randolph]]'''||align="left"|1862 |
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|- |
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|align="left"| ||align="left"|'''[[James Seddon]]'''||align="left"|1862–1865 |
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|- |
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|align="left"| ||align="left"|'''[[John C. Breckinridge]]'''||align="left"|1865 |
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|- |
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|align="left"|[[Secretary of the Navy]]||align="left"|'''[[Stephen Mallory]]'''||align="left"|1861–1865 |
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|- |
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|align="left"|[[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States|Postmaster General]]||align="left"|'''[[John H. Reagan]]'''||align="left"|1861–1865 |
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|- |
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|align="left"|[[Attorney General]]||align="left"|'''[[Judah P. Benjamin]]'''||align="left"|1861 |
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|- |
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|align="left"| ||align="left"|'''[[Thomas Bragg]]'''||align="left"|1861–1862 |
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|- |
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|align="left"| ||align="left"|'''[[Thomas H. Watts]]'''||align="left"|1862–1863 |
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|- |
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|align="left"| ||align="left"|'''[[George Davis (politician)|George Davis]]'''||align="left"|1864–1865 |
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|} |
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{{-}} |
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=== |
====Executive==== |
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{{Main|Confederate |
{{Main|President of the Confederate States of America}} |
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The Montgomery Convention to establish the Confederacy and its executive met on February 4, 1861. Each state as a sovereignty had one vote, with the same delegation size as it held in the U.S. Congress, and generally 41 to 50 members attended.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 22. The Texas delegation had four in the U.S. Congress, seven in the Montgomery Convention.</ref> Offices were "provisional", limited to a term not to exceed one year. One name was placed in nomination for president, one for vice president. Both were elected unanimously, 6–0.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', p. 23. While the Texas delegation was seated, and is counted in the "original seven" states of the Confederacy, its referendum to ratify secession had not taken place, so its delegates did not yet vote on instructions from their state legislature.</ref> |
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As its [[legislative branch]], the Confederate States of America instituted the Confederate Congress. Like the United States Congress, the Confederate Congress consisted of two houses: |
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[[File:President-Jefferson-Davis.jpg|thumb|left|upright=.8|[[Jefferson Davis]], President of the Confederacy from 1861 to 1865]] |
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# the Confederate Senate, whose membership included two senators from each state (and chosen by the state legislature) |
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# the Confederate House of Representatives, with members popularly elected by properly enfranchised residents of the individual states |
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Jefferson Davis was elected provisional president. His U.S. Senate resignation speech greatly impressed with its clear rationale<!-- source? sounds biased, but could use further explanation. did someone say it was clear? --> for secession and his pleading for a peaceful departure from the Union to independence. Although he had made it known that he wanted to be commander-in-chief of the Confederate armies, when elected, he assumed the office of Provisional President. Three candidates for provisional Vice President were under consideration the night before the February 9 election. All were from Georgia, and the various delegations meeting in different places determined two would not do, so Alexander H. Stephens was elected unanimously provisional Vice President, though with some privately held reservations. Stephens was inaugurated February 11, Davis February 18.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 23–26.</ref> |
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'''Provisional Congress'''<br/> |
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Davis and Stephens were elected president and vice president, unopposed [[Confederate States presidential election, 1861|on November 6, 1861]]. They were inaugurated on February 22, 1862. |
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Coulter stated, "No president of the U.S. ever had a more difficult task." Washington was inaugurated in peacetime. Lincoln inherited an established government of long standing. The creation of the Confederacy was accomplished by men who saw themselves as fundamentally conservative. Although they referred to their "Revolution", it was in their eyes more a counter-revolution against changes away from their understanding of U.S. founding documents. In Davis' inauguration speech, he explained the Confederacy was not a French-like revolution, but a transfer of rule. The Montgomery Convention had assumed all the laws of the United States until superseded by the Confederate Congress.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 25, 27</ref> |
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The Permanent Constitution provided for a President of the Confederate States of America, elected to serve a six-year term but without the possibility of re-election. Unlike the United States Constitution, the Confederate Constitution gave the president the ability to subject a bill to a [[line item veto]], a power also held by some state governors. |
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The Confederate Congress could overturn either the general or the line item vetoes with the same two-thirds votes required in the [[Congress of the United States|U.S. Congress]]. In addition, appropriations not specifically requested by the executive branch required passage by a two-thirds vote in both houses of Congress. The only person to serve as president was [[Jefferson Davis]], as the Confederacy was defeated before the completion of his term. |
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{{clear}} |
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=====Administration and cabinet===== |
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{{Main|Cabinet of the Confederate States of America}} |
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{{Infobox cabinet members |
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|office1=[[President of the Confederate States of America|President]] |
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|name1a=[[Jefferson Davis]] |
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|term1a=1861–65 |
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|office2=[[Vice President of the Confederate States of America|Vice President]] |
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|name2a=[[Alexander H. Stephens]] |
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|term2a=1861–65 |
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|office3=[[Confederate States Secretary of State|Secretary of State]] |
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|name3a=[[Robert Toombs]] |
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|term3a=1861 |
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|name3b=[[Robert Mercer Taliaferro Hunter|Robert M.T. Hunter]] |
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|term3b=1861–62 |
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|name3c=[[Judah P. Benjamin]] |
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|term3c=1862–65 |
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|office4=[[Confederate States of America Secretary of the Treasury|Secretary of the Treasury]] |
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|name4a=[[Christopher Memminger]] |
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|term4a=1861–64 |
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|name4b=[[George Trenholm]] |
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|term4b=1864–65 |
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|name4c=[[John H. Reagan]] |
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|term4c=1865 |
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|office5=[[Confederate States Secretary of War|Secretary of War]] |
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|name5a=[[Leroy Pope Walker]] |
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|term5a=1861 |
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|name5b=[[Judah P. Benjamin]] |
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|term5b=1861–62 |
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|name5c=[[George W. Randolph]] |
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|term5c=1862 |
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|name5d=[[James Seddon]] |
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|term5d=1862–65 |
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|name5e=[[John C. Breckinridge]] |
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|term5e=1865 |
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|office6=[[Confederate States Secretary of the Navy|Secretary of the Navy]] |
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|name6a=[[Stephen Mallory]] |
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|term6a=1861–65 |
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|office7=[[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Confederate Post Office|Postmaster General]] |
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|name7a=[[John H. Reagan]] |
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|term7a=1861–65 |
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|office8=[[Confederate States Attorney General|Attorney General]] |
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|name8a=[[Judah P. Benjamin]] |
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|term8a=1861 |
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|name8b=[[Thomas Bragg]] |
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|term8b=1861–62 |
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|name8c=[[Thomas H. Watts]] |
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|term8c=1862–63 |
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|name8d=[[George Davis (Confederate States politician)|George Davis]] |
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|term8d=1864–65 |
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}} |
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[[File:ConfederateCabinet.jpg|thumb|left|upright=1.4|Davis's cabinet in 1861, Montgomery, Alabama<br />Front row, left to right: [[Judah P. Benjamin]], [[Stephen Mallory]], [[Alexander H. Stephens]], [[Jefferson Davis]], [[John Henninger Reagan]], and [[Robert Toombs]]<br />Back row, standing left to right: [[Christopher Memminger]] and [[LeRoy Pope Walker]]<br />Illustration printed in ''[[Harper's Weekly]]'']] |
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{{Clear}} |
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====Legislative==== |
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{{Main|Provisional Confederate States Congress|Confederate States Congress}} |
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[[File:Confederate congress.jpg|thumb|'''[[Provisional Confederate Congress|Provisional Congress]]''', Montgomery, Alabama]] |
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The only two "formal, national, functioning, civilian administrative bodies" in the Civil War South were the Jefferson Davis administration and the Confederate Congresses. The Confederacy was begun by the Provisional Congress in Convention at Montgomery, Alabama on February 28, 1861. The Provisional Confederate Congress was a unicameral assembly; each state received one vote.<ref name="Martis-1994">{{cite book| last=Martis |first=Kenneth C. |title=The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America: 1861–1865 |publisher=[[Simon & Schuster]] |year=1994 |isbn=0-13-389115-1 |page=1}}</ref> |
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The Permanent Confederate Congress was elected and began its first session February 18, 1862. The Permanent Congress for the Confederacy followed the United States forms with a bicameral legislature. The Senate had two per state, twenty-six Senators. The House numbered 106 representatives apportioned by free and slave populations within each state. Two Congresses sat in six sessions until March 18, 1865.<ref name="Martis-1994"/> |
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The political influences of the civilian, soldier vote and appointed representatives reflected divisions of political geography of a diverse South. These in turn changed over time relative to Union occupation and disruption, the war impact on the local economy, and the course of the war. Without political parties, key candidate identification related to adopting secession before or after Lincoln's call for volunteers to retake Federal property. Previous party affiliation played a part in voter selection, predominantly secessionist Democrat or unionist Whig.<ref>Martis, ''Historical Atlas'', pp. 72–73</ref> |
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The absence of political parties made individual roll call voting all the more important, as the Confederate "freedom of roll-call voting [was] unprecedented in American legislative history."<ref>Martis, ''Historical Atlas'', p. 3</ref> Key issues throughout the life of the Confederacy related to (1) suspension of habeas corpus, (2) military concerns such as control of state militia, conscription and exemption, (3) economic and fiscal policy including impressment of slaves, goods and scorched earth, and (4) support of the Jefferson Davis administration in its foreign affairs and negotiating peace.<ref>Martis, ''Historical Atlas'', pp. 90–91</ref> |
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{{col-begin}} |
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{{col-2}} |
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;Provisional Congress |
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For the first year, the unicameral [[Provisional Confederate Congress]] functioned as the Confederacy's legislative branch. |
For the first year, the unicameral [[Provisional Confederate Congress]] functioned as the Confederacy's legislative branch. |
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;President of the Provisional Congress |
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*[[Howell Cobb|Howell Cobb, Sr.]] of Georgia, February 4, 1861 – February 17, 1862 |
* [[Howell Cobb|Howell Cobb, Sr.]] of Georgia, February 4, 1861 – February 17, 1862 |
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;Presidents pro tempore of the Provisional Congress |
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*[[Robert Woodward Barnwell]] of |
* [[Robert Woodward Barnwell]] of South Carolina, February 4, 1861 |
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*[[Thomas Stanhope Bocock]] of |
* [[Thomas Stanhope Bocock]] of Virginia, December 10–21, 1861 and January 7–8, 1862 |
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*[[Josiah Abigail Patterson Campbell]] of |
* [[Josiah Abigail Patterson Campbell]] of Mississippi, December 23–24, 1861 and January 6, 1862 |
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{{col-break}} |
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;Sessions of the Confederate Congress |
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* [[Provisional Congress of the Confederate States|Provisional Congress]] |
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* [[1st Confederate States Congress|1st Congress]] |
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* [[2nd Confederate States Congress|2nd Congress]] |
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;Tribal Representatives to Confederate Congress |
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* [[Elias Cornelius Boudinot]] 1862–65, [[Cherokee]] |
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* [[Samuel Benton Callahan]] Unknown years, [[Creek (people)|Creek]], [[Seminole]] |
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* [[Burton Allen Holder]] 1864–65, [[Chickasaw]] |
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* [[Robert McDonald Jones]] 1863–65, [[Choctaw]] |
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{{col-end}} |
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====Judicial==== |
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<gallery style="float:right; text-align:center" perrow="2"> |
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Jesse Finley - Brady-Handy.jpg|[[Jesse J. Finley]]<br />Florida District |
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HenryRootesJackson.jpg|[[Henry R. Jackson]]<br />Georgia District |
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NC-Congress-AsaBiggs.jpg|[[Asa Biggs]]<br />North Carolina District |
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Andrew Gordon Magrath.jpg|[[Andrew Gordon Magrath|Andrew Magrath]]<br />South Carolina District |
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</gallery> |
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The Confederate Constitution outlined a judicial branch of the government, but the ongoing war and resistance from states-rights advocates, particularly on the question of whether it would have appellate jurisdiction over the state courts, prevented the creation or seating of the "Supreme Court of the Confederate States". Thus, the state courts generally continued to operate as they had done, simply recognizing the Confederate States as the national government.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.albanylaw.edu/sub.php?navigation_id=821 |title="Legal Materials on the Confederate States of America in the Schaffer Law Library", Albany Law School |publisher=Albanylaw.edu |access-date=August 29, 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071103033519/http://www.albanylaw.edu/sub.php?navigation_id=821 |archive-date=November 3, 2007 |url-status=dead }}</ref> |
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'''Sessions of the Confederate Congress''' |
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*[[Provisional Confederate Congress]] |
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*[[First Confederate Congress]] |
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*[[Second Confederate Congress]] |
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Confederate district courts were authorized by Article III, Section 1, of the Confederate Constitution,<ref name="ReferenceJud"><span class="plainlinks">[[s:Constitution of the Confederate States of America#a3-s1|Constitution of the Confederate States of America – Wikisource, the free online library]]</span>. Retrieved July 6, 2018.</ref> and President Davis appointed judges within the individual states of the Confederate States of America.<ref name="Moise, E. Warren 2003">[Moise, E. Warren, Rebellion in the Temple of Justice (iUniverse 2003)]</ref> In many cases, the same US Federal District Judges were appointed as Confederate States District Judges. Confederate district courts began reopening in early 1861, handling many of the same type cases as had been done before. Prize cases, in which Union ships were captured by the Confederate Navy or raiders and sold through court proceedings, were heard until the blockade of southern ports made this impossible. After a Sequestration Act was passed by the Confederate Congress, the Confederate district courts heard many cases in which enemy aliens (typically Northern absentee landlords owning property in the South) had their property sequestered (seized) by Confederate Receivers. |
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'''Tribal Representatives to Confederate Congress''' |
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*[[Elias Cornelius Boudinot]] 1862–65, [[Cherokee]] |
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*[[Samuel Benton Callahan]] Unknown years, [[Creek (people)|Creek]], [[Seminole]] |
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*[[Burton Allen Holder]] 1864–1865, [[Chickasaw]] |
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*[[Robert McDonald Jones]] 1863–65, [[Choctaw]] |
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When the matter came before the Confederate court, the property owner could not appear because he was unable to travel across the [[front line]]s between Union and Confederate forces. Thus, the District Attorney won the case by default, the property was typically sold, and the money used to further the Southern war effort. Eventually, because there was no Confederate Supreme Court, sharp attorneys like South Carolina's Edward McCrady began filing appeals. This prevented their clients' property from being sold until a supreme court could be constituted to hear the appeal, which never occurred.<ref name="Moise, E. Warren 2003" /> Where Federal troops gained control over parts of the Confederacy and re-established civilian government, US district courts sometimes resumed jurisdiction.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/021.html |title=Records of District Courts of the United States, National Archives |publisher=Archives.gov |access-date=August 29, 2010}}</ref> |
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===Judicial=== |
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The Confederate Constitution outlined a judicial branch of the government, but the ongoing war and resistance from states-rights advocates, particularly on the question of whether it would have appellate jurisdiction over the state courts, prevented the creation or seating of the "Supreme Court of the Confederate States"; the state courts generally continued to operate as they had done, simply recognizing the C.S.A. as the national government.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.albanylaw.edu/sub.php?navigation_id=821 |title="Legal Materials on the Confederate States of America in the Schaffer Law Library", Albany Law School |publisher=Albanylaw.edu |date= |accessdate=2010-08-29}}</ref> Confederate district courts were authorized by Article III, Section 1, of the Confederate Constitution,<ref name="Moise, E. Warren 2003">[Moise, E. Warren, Rebellion in the Temple of Justice (iUniverse 2003)]</ref> and President Davis appointed judges within the individual states of the Confederate States of America.<ref name="Moise, E. Warren 2003"/> In many cases, the same U.S. Federal District Judges were appointed as Confederate States District Judges. Confederate district courts began reopening in the spring of 1861 handling many of the same type cases as had been done before. Prize cases, in which Union ships were captured by the Confederate Navy or raiders and sold through court proceedings, were heard until the blockade of southern ports made this impossible. After a Sequestration Act was passed by the Confederate Congress, the Confederate district courts heard many cases in which enemy aliens (typically Northern absentee landlords owning property in the South) had their property sequestered (i.e., seized) by Confederate Receivers. When the matter came before the Confederate court, the property owner could not appear because he was unable to travel across the [[front line]]s between Union and Confederate forces. Thus, the C.S. District Attorney won the case by default, the property was typically sold, and the money used to further the Southern war effort. Eventually, because there was no Confederate Supreme Court, sharp attorneys like South Carolina's Edward McCrady began filing appeals. This prevented their clients' property from being sold until a supreme court could be constituted to hear the appeal, which never occurred.<ref name="Moise, E. Warren 2003"/> Where Federal troops gained control over parts of the Confederacy and re-established civilian government, U.S. district courts sometimes resumed jurisdiction.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.archives.gov/research/guide-fed-records/groups/021.html |title=Records of District Courts of the United States, National Archives |publisher=Archives.gov |date= |accessdate=2010-08-29}}</ref> |
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'''Supreme Court''' – not established. |
'''Supreme Court''' – not established. |
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'''District Courts''' – judges |
'''District Courts''' – judges |
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{{col-begin}} |
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* Alabama [[William G. Jones]] 1861–1865 |
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{{col-2}} |
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* Alabama [[William Giles Jones]] 1861–1865 |
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* Arkansas [[Daniel Ringo]] 1861–1865 |
* Arkansas [[Daniel Ringo]] 1861–1865 |
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* Florida [[Jesse J. Finley]] 1861–1862 |
* Florida [[Jesse J. Finley]] 1861–1862 |
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* Georgia [[Henry R. Jackson]] 1861, |
* Georgia [[Henry R. Jackson]] 1861, Edward J. Harden 1861–1865 |
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* Louisiana [[Edwin Warren Moise]] 1861–1865 |
* Louisiana [[Edwin Warren Moise]] 1861–1865 |
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* Mississippi [[Alexander Mosby Clayton]] 1861–1865 |
* Mississippi [[Alexander Mosby Clayton]] 1861–1865 |
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* North Carolina [[Asa Biggs]] 1861–1865 |
* North Carolina [[Asa Biggs]] 1861–1865 |
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{{col-break}} |
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* South Carolina [[Andrew G. Magrath]] 1861–1864, [[Benjamin F. Perry]] 1865 |
* South Carolina [[Andrew G. Magrath]] 1861–1864, [[Benjamin F. Perry]] 1865 |
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* Tennessee [[West H. Humphreys]] 1861–1865 |
* Tennessee [[West H. Humphreys]] 1861–1865 |
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* Texas-East |
* Texas-East William Pinckney Hill 1861–1865 |
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* Texas-West |
* Texas-West Thomas J. Devine 1861–1865 |
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* Virginia-East [[James D. Halyburton]] 1861–1865 |
* Virginia-East [[James D. Halyburton]] 1861–1865 |
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* Virginia-West [[John W. Brockenbrough]] 1861–1865 |
* Virginia-West [[John W. Brockenbrough]] 1861–1865 |
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{{col-end}} |
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===Post office=== |
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{{Further|Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States}} |
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<gallery style="float:right; text-align:center" perrow="2"> |
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John Henninger Reagan - Brady-Handy.jpg|[[John H. Reagan]]<br />Postmaster General |
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J Davis 1861-5c.jpg|[[Jefferson Davis]], 5 cent<br />[[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Confederate postage|The first stamp]], 1861 |
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Csa jackson 1862-2c.jpg|[[Andrew Jackson]]<br />2 cent, 1862 |
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George-washington-CSA-stamp.jpg|[[George Washington]]<br />20 cent, 1863 |
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</gallery> |
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When the Confederacy was formed and its seceding states broke from the Union, it was at once confronted with the arduous task of providing its citizens with a mail delivery system, and, amid the [[American Civil War]], the newly formed Confederacy created and established the Confederate Post Office. One of the first undertakings in establishing the Post Office was the appointment of [[John H. Reagan]] to the position of Postmaster General, by [[Jefferson Davis]] in 1861. This made him the first Postmaster General of the Confederate Post Office, and a member of Davis's presidential cabinet. Writing in 1906, historian Walter Flavius McCaleb praised Reagan's "energy and intelligence... in a degree scarcely matched by any of his associates".<ref>Walter Flavius McCaleb, "The Organization of the Post-Office Department of the Confederacy." ''American Historical Review'' 12#1 (1906), pp. 66–74 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/1832885 online]</ref> |
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When the war began, the US Post Office briefly delivered mail from the secessionist states. Mail that was postmarked after the date of a state's admission into the Confederacy through May 31, 1861, and bearing US postage was still delivered.<ref name="U.S. Postal used in the Confederacy">{{cite web |url=http://arago.si.edu/index.asp?con=1&cmd=1&mode=&tid=2040514 |publisher=Smithsonian National Postal Museum |title=U.S. Postal Issue Used in the Confederacy (1893) |access-date=January 29, 2011 |archive-date=March 29, 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120329131022/http://arago.si.edu/index.asp?con=1&cmd=1&mode=&tid=2040514 |url-status=dead }}</ref> After this time, private express companies still managed to carry some of the mail across enemy lines. Later, mail that crossed lines had to be sent by [[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Covers|'Flag of Truce']] and was allowed to pass at only two specific points. Mail sent from the Confederacy to the U.S. was received, opened and inspected at [[Fortress Monroe]] on the Virginia coast before being passed on into the U.S. mail stream. Mail sent from the North to the South passed at [[City Point, Virginia|City Point]], also in Virginia, where it was also inspected before being sent on.<ref>{{Cite journal |jstor = 1832885|title = The Organization of the Post-Office Department of the Confederacy|journal = The American Historical Review|volume = 12|issue = 1|pages = 66–74|last1 = McCaleb|first1 = Walter Flavius|year = 1906|doi = 10.2307/1832885}}</ref><ref> |
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* {{cite journal|jstor=30234666|title=Administrative Problems of the Confederate Post Office Department, I|journal=The Southwestern Historical Quarterly|volume=19|issue=2|pages=111–141|last1=Garrison|first1=L. R.|year=1915}} |
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* {{cite journal|jstor=30237275|title=Administrative Problems of the Confederate Post Office Department, II|journal=The Southwestern Historical Quarterly|volume=19|issue=3|pages=232–250|last1=Garrison|first1=L. R.|year=1916}}</ref> |
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With the chaos of the war, a working postal system was more important than ever for the Confederacy. The Civil War had divided family members and friends and consequently letter writing increased dramatically across the entire divided nation, especially to and from the men who were away serving in an army. Mail delivery was also important for the Confederacy for a myriad of business and military reasons. Because of the Union blockade, basic supplies were always in demand and so getting mailed correspondence out of the country to suppliers was imperative to the successful operation of the Confederacy. Volumes of material have been written about the [[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Blockade mail|Blockade runners]] who evaded Union ships on blockade patrol, usually at night, and who moved cargo and mail in and out of the Confederate States throughout the course of the war. Of particular interest to students and historians of the American Civil War is ''[[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Prisoner of war mail|Prisoner of War mail]]'' and ''[[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Blockade mail|Blockade mail]]'' as these items were often involved with a variety of military and other war time activities. The postal history of the Confederacy along with [[:File:Pow cover 19May1865.jpg|surviving Confederate mail]] has helped historians document the various people, places and events that were involved in the American Civil War as it unfolded.<ref name="Confederate States Post Office">{{cite web |url=http://arago.si.edu/index.asp?con=1&cmd=1&tid=2027888 |title=Confederate States Post Office |publisher=Smithsonian National Postal Museum |access-date=November 17, 2010 |archive-date=July 20, 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110720043556/http://arago.si.edu/index.asp?con=1&cmd=1&tid=2027888 |url-status=dead }}</ref> |
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{{clear}} |
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===Civil liberties=== |
===Civil liberties=== |
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{{Further|Confederate patriotism}} |
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The Confederacy actively used the army to arrest people suspected of loyalty to the United States. Historian Mark Neely found 4,108 names of men arrested and estimated a much larger total.<ref>Neely (1999) p.1</ref> The Confederacy arrested pro-Union civilians in the South at about the same rate as the Union arrested pro-Confederate civilians in the North. Neely concludes: |
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The Confederacy actively used the army to arrest people suspected of loyalty to the United States. Historian [[Mark E. Neely, Jr.|Mark Neely]] found 4,108 names of men arrested and estimated a much larger total.<ref>Neely (1999) p. 1</ref> The Confederacy arrested pro-Union civilians in the South at about the same rate as the Union arrested pro-Confederate civilians in the North.<ref>Neely (1999) p. 172. Neely notes that. "Most surprising of all, the Confederacy at a greater rate than the North arrested persons who held opposition political views at least in part because they held them, despite the Confederacy's vaunted lack of political parties. Such arrests were more common before 1863 while memories of the votes on secession remained fresh."</ref> Neely argues: |
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{{quote|The Confederate citizen was not any freer than the Union citizen – and perhaps no less likely to be arrested by military authorities. In fact, the Confederate citizen may have been in some ways less free than his Northern counterpart. For example, freedom to travel within the Confederate states was severely limited by a [[Internal passport|domestic passport]] system.<ref>Neely (1993) pp. 11, 16.</ref>}} |
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{{Blockquote|The Confederate citizen was not any freer than the Union citizen – and perhaps no less likely to be arrested by military authorities. In fact, the Confederate citizen may have been in some ways less free than his Northern counterpart. For example, freedom to travel within the Confederate states was severely limited by a domestic passport system.<ref>Neely (1993) pp. 11, 16.</ref>}} |
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===Capital=== |
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[[File:Virginia Capitol 1865.jpg|thumb|[[Virginia State Capitol|Virginia State House]], which served as the last Confederate Capitol building]] |
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==Economy== |
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[[Montgomery, Alabama]] served as the capital of the Confederate States of America from February 4 until May 29, 1861. The naming of [[Richmond, Virginia]] as the new capital took place on May 30, 1861. Shortly before the end of the war, the Confederate government evacuated Richmond, planning to relocate farther south. Little came of these plans before Lee's surrender at Appomattox Court House on April 9, 1865. [[Danville, Virginia]], served as the last capital of the Confederate States of America, from April 3 to April 10, 1865. |
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{{Main|Economy of the Confederate States of America}} |
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=== |
===Slaves=== |
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Across the South, widespread rumors alarmed the whites by predicting the slaves were planning some sort of insurrection. [[Slave patrol|Patrols]] were stepped up. The slaves did become increasingly independent, and resistant to punishment, but historians agree there were no insurrections. In the invaded areas, insubordination was more the norm than was loyalty to the old master; [[Bell I. Wiley|Bell Wiley]] says, "It was not disloyalty, but the lure of freedom." Many slaves became spies for the North, and large numbers ran away to federal lines.<ref>{{cite book |first=Bell Irvin |last=Wiley |title=Southern Negroes, 1861–1865 |year=1938 |pages=21, 66–69 }}</ref> |
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Both the individual Confederate states and later the Confederate government printed [[Confederate States of America dollar]]s as paper currency in various denominations, much of it signed by the Treasurer [[Edward C. Elmore]]. During the course of the war these severely depreciated and eventually became worthless. Many bills still exist, although in recent years copies have proliferated. |
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According to the [[1860 United States census]], the 11 states that seceded had the highest percentage of slaves as a proportion of their population, representing 39% of their total population. The proportions ranged from a majority in South Carolina (57.2%) and Mississippi (55.2%) to about a quarter in Arkansas (25.5%) and Tennessee (24.8%). |
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The Confederate government initially financed the war effort mostly through [[tariffs]] on imports, [[custom duties|export taxes]], and voluntary donations of coins and bullion. However, after the imposition of a self-[[embargo]] on cotton sales to Europe in 1861, these sources of revenue dried up and the Confederacy increasingly turned to [[Government debt|issuing debt]] and printing money to pay for war expanses. The Confederate States politicians were worried about angering the general population with hard taxes. A tax increase might disillusion many Southerners, so the Confederacy resorted to printing more money. As a result inflation increased and remained a problem for the southern states throughout the rest of the war.<ref>Richard Burdekin and Farrokh Langdana, "War Finance in the Southern Confederacy, 1861–1865", ''Explorations in Economic History'', Vol 30, No 3, July 1993</ref> |
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[[File:Confederate currency $100 John Calhoun.jpg|thumb|left|260px|[[Hundred dollar bill|$100 bill]] issued by Confederate States of America, bearing image of [[John C. Calhoun]], November 1862]] |
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The Treasury also issued paper bonds in large numbers, and the Post Office produced a considerable number of [[postage stamps]]; both stamps and bonds (and especially bond coupons) remain readily available. The [[philatelic]] market regards as far more valuable the stamps placed on envelopes that were actually used during the war. |
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Lincoln's [[Emancipation Proclamation]], an executive order of the U.S. government on January 1, 1863, changed the legal status of three million slaves in designated areas of the Confederacy from "slave" to "free". The long-term effect was that the Confederacy could not preserve the institution of slavery and lost the use of the core element of its plantation labor force. Slaves were legally freed by the Proclamation, and became free by escaping to federal lines, or by advances of federal troops. Over 200,000 freed slaves were hired by the federal army as teamsters, cooks, launderers and laborers, and eventually as soldiers.<ref>{{cite book|author=Martha S. Putney|title=Blacks in the United States Army: Portraits Through History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R3EcLw6H38kC&pg=PA13|year=2003|publisher=McFarland|page=13|isbn=978-0786415939}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url= http://www.historynet.com/african-americans-in-the-civil-war|title= African Americans In The Civil War|work= History Net: Where History Comes Alive – World & US History Online}}</ref> Plantation owners, realizing that emancipation would destroy their economic system, sometimes moved their slaves as far as possible out of reach of the Union army.<ref>{{cite book |first=Leon F. |last=Litwack |title=Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery |location=New York |publisher=Knopf |year=1979 |pages=30–36, 105–166 |isbn=0-394-50099-7 }}</ref> |
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At the time of their secession, the states (and later the Confederate government) took over the national mints in their territories: the [[Charlotte Mint]] in North Carolina, the [[Dahlonega Mint]] in Georgia, and the [[New Orleans Mint]] in Louisiana. During 1861, the first two produced small amounts of gold coinage, the latter half dollars. Since the mints used the current dies on hand, these issues remain indistinguishable from those minted by the Union. |
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Though the [[Forty acres and a mule|concept was promoted within certain circles]] of the Union hierarchy during and immediately following the war, no program of reparations for freed slaves was ever attempted. Unlike other Western countries, such as Britain and France, the U.S. government never paid compensation to Southern slave owners for their "lost property". The only place [[compensated emancipation]] was carried out was the [[District of Columbia Compensated Emancipation Act|District of Columbia]].<ref>{{cite book |editor-first=Michael |editor-last=Vorenberg |title=The Emancipation Proclamation: A Brief History with Documents |year=2010 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |first=Peter |last=Kolchin |title=Reexamining Southern Emancipation in Comparative Perspective |journal=[[Journal of Southern History]] |volume=81 |issue=1 |year=2015 |pages=7–40 }}</ref> |
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However the four half dollars with a Confederate (rather than U.S.) reverse, mentioned below, used an obverse die that had a small crack. Thus "regular" 1861-O halves with this crack probably were among the 962,633 pieces struck under Confederate authority.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.shipwreck.net/pdf/OMEPaper7_000.pdf |title=The SS ''Republic'' Shipwreck Project: the Coin Collection, p.23 |format=PDF |date= |accessdate=2010-08-29}}</ref> |
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===Political economy=== |
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In 1861 plans also originated to produce Confederate coins. The New Orleans Mint produced dies and four specimen half dollars, but a lack of [[bullion]] prevented any further minting. A jeweler in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, manufactured a dozen pennies under an agreement, but did not deliver them for fear of arrest. Over the years copies of both denominations have appeared. More details and pictures of the original issues appear in ''[[A Guide Book of United States Coins]]''. |
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According to the 1860 United States census, about 31% of free households in the eleven states that would join the Confederacy owned slaves. Most whites were subsistence farmers who traded their surpluses locally. |
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The plantations of the South, with white ownership and an enslaved labor force, produced substantial wealth from cash crops. It supplied two-thirds of the world's cotton, which was in high demand for textiles, along with tobacco, sugar, and naval stores (such as [[turpentine]]). These [[raw material]]s were exported to factories in Europe and the Northeast. Planters reinvested their profits in more slaves and fresh land, as cotton and tobacco depleted the soil. There was little manufacturing or mining; shipping was controlled by non-southerners.<ref>"Thomas1979" pp. 13–14</ref><ref>R. Douglas Hurt, ''Agriculture and the Confederacy: Policy, Productivity, and Power in the Civil War South'' (2015)</ref> |
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===International diplomacy=== |
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Once the war with the United States began, the Confederacy pinned its hopes for survival on military intervention by [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland|Britain]] and [[Second French Empire|France]]. The United States realized this as well and made it clear that diplomatic recognition of the Confederacy meant war with the United States – and the cutting off of food shipments into Britain. The Confederates who had believed that "[[King Cotton|cotton is king]]" – that is, Britain had to support the Confederacy to obtain cotton – proved mistaken. The British had ample stocks to last over a year, and had been developing alternative sources of cotton (most notably [[British Raj|India]] and [[Egypt]]) and were not about to go to war with the U.S. to try to get more cotton.<ref>Blumenthal (1966)</ref><ref>Stanley Lebergott Why the South Lost: Commercial Purpose in the Confederacy, 1861–1865 The Journal of American History, Vol. 70, No. 1. (June, 1983), p. 61.</ref> |
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{{multiple image |
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The Confederate government sent repeated delegations to Europe; historians give them low marks for their poor diplomacy.<ref>Blumenthal (1966); Jones (2009); Owsley (1959)</ref> [[James M. Mason]] went to London and [[John Slidell]] traveled to Paris, but neither was officially received. Each did succeed in holding unofficial private meetings with high British and French officials but neither secured [[diplomatic recognition|official recognition]] for the Confederacy. Britain and the United States came dangerously close to war during the [[Trent Affair]] (when the U.S. Navy seized two Confederate agents traveling on a British ship in late 1861), and it seemed possible that the Confederacy would see its much desired recognition. When Lincoln released the two, however, tensions cooled, and in the end the episode did not aid the Confederate cause. |
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|image1=NewOrleans1841AcrossRiver.jpg |
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|width1=220 |
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|caption1=New Orleans, the South's largest port city and the only pre-war population over 100,000. The port and region's agriculture were lost to the Union in April 1862. |
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|image2=TredagarIronWorksRichmond.jpg |
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|width2=220 |
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|caption2=Tredegar Iron Works, Richmond VA. South's largest factory. Ended locomotive production in 1860 to make arms and munitions. |
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}} |
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The plantations that enslaved over three million black people were the principal source of wealth. Most were concentrated in "[[Black Belt (geological formation)|black belt]]" plantation areas (because few white families in the poor regions owned slaves). For decades, there had been widespread fear of slave revolts. During the war, extra men were assigned to "home guard" patrol duty and governors sought to keep militia units at home for protection. Historian William Barney reports, "no major slave revolts erupted during the Civil War." Nevertheless, slaves took the opportunity to enlarge their sphere of independence, and when union forces were nearby, many ran off to join them.<ref>{{cite book|author=William L. Barney|title=The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Civil War|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=R6BpAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA291|year=2011|publisher=Oxford Up|page=291|isbn=978-0199878147}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|author=Leslie Alexander|title=Encyclopedia of African American History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=uivtCqOlpTsC&pg=PA351|year=2010|publisher=ABC-CLIO|page=351|isbn=978-1851097746}}</ref> |
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[[File:Lord John Russell.jpg|thumb|left|upright|[[Lord John Russell]]<br> British Foreign Minister independently pressed to mediate in the American War.]]<br>Throughout the early years of the war, British foreign secretary [[John Russell, 1st Earl Russell|Lord Russell]], [[Napoleon III]] of France, and, to a lesser extent, British Prime Minister [[Henry Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston|Lord Palmerston]], showed interest in the idea of recognition of the Confederacy, or at least of offering a mediation. Recognition meant certain war with the United States, and war would have meant loss of American grain, loss of exports to the United States, loss of huge investments in American securities, invasion of Canada, much higher taxes, many lives lost and a threat to British trade. Intervention was considered by the British government following the [[Second Battle of Bull Run]], but the Union victory at the [[Battle of Antietam]] and Lincoln's [[Emancipation Proclamation]], combined with internal opposition, caused Britain to back away; the British government did allow [[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Blockade mail|''blockade runners'']] to be built in Britain and operated by British seamen. |
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Slave labor was applied in industry in a limited way in the Upper South and in a few port cities. One reason for the regional lag in industrial development was top-heavy income distribution. Mass production requires mass markets, and [[Economics of slavery|slaves]] living in small cabins, using self-made tools and outfitted with one suit of work clothes each year of inferior fabric, did not generate consumer demand to sustain local manufactures of any description in the same way as did a mechanized family farm of [[free labor]] in the North. The Southern economy was "pre-capitalist" in that slaves were put to work in the largest revenue-producing enterprises, not free labor markets. That labor system as practiced in the American South encompassed paternalism, whether abusive or indulgent, and that meant labor management considerations apart from productivity.<ref>"Thomas1979" pp. 12–15</ref> |
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No country appointed any diplomat to the Confederacy, but several maintained their consuls in the South whom they had appointed before the outbreak of war.<ref>In November 1863, Confederate diplomat [[A. Dudley Mann]] met [[Pope Pius IX]] in Rome and received a letter addressed "to the Illustrious and Honorable Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America". Mann, in his dispatch to Richmond, interpreted the letter as "a positive recognition of our Government". Confederate Secretary of State [[Judah P. Benjamin]], however, interpreted it as "a mere inferential recognition, unconnected with political action or the regular establishment of diplomatic relations" and thus did not assign it the weight of formal recognition. See [http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/pageviewer?root=%2Fmoa%2Fofre%2Fofre2003%2F&tif=01043.TIF&cite=http%3A%2F%2Fcdl.library.cornell.edu%2Fcgi-bin%2Fmoa%2Fsgml%2Fmoa-idx%3Fnotisid%3DANU4547-2003&coll=moa&frames=1&view=50 ''Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion'', p. 1015.]</ref> In 1861, [[Ernst Raven]] applied to Richmond for approval as the [[Saxe-Coburg-Gotha]] consul, but he held citizenship in Texas and officials in Saxe-Coburg-Gotha never saw his request; they strongly supported the Union.<ref>{{cite book |url=http://books.google.com/?id=x82ncYYwq98C&pg=PA111&lpg=PA111&dq=ernest+raven+texas&q=ernest%20raven%20texas |first=Eugene H |last=Berwanger |title=The British Foreign Service and the American Civil War |publisher=U of Kentucky Press |year=1994 |page=111 |isbn=9780813118765}}</ref> In 1863, the Confederacy expelled all foreign consuls (all of them European diplomats) for advising their subjects to refuse to serve in the Confederate army.<ref>Alexander DeConde, ed. ''Encyclopedia of American foreign policy'' (2001) vol 1 p 202</ref> |
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Approximately 85% of both the North and South white populations lived on family farms, both regions were predominantly agricultural, and mid-century industry in both was mostly domestic. But the Southern economy was pre-capitalist in its overwhelming reliance on the agriculture of cash crops to produce wealth, while the great majority of farmers fed themselves and supplied a small local market. Southern cities and industries grew faster than ever before, but the thrust of the rest of the country's exponential growth elsewhere was toward urban industrial development along transportation systems of canals and railroads. The South was following the dominant currents of the American economic mainstream, but at a "great distance" as it lagged in the all-weather modes of transportation that brought cheaper, speedier freight shipment and forged new, expanding inter-regional markets.<ref>Thomas ''The Confederate Nation'' pp. 15–16</ref> |
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No nation ever sent an ambassador or an official delegation to Richmond. However, they applied principles of international law that recognized the Union and Confederate sides as [[belligerent]]s. Both Confederate and Union agents were allowed to work openly in British territories. For example, in [[Hamilton, Bermuda]] a Confederate agent openly worked to help [[blockade runner]]s. Some state governments in northern Mexico negotiated local agreements to cover trade on the Texas border.<ref>[http://books.google.com/books?id=_kq7diciSsQC Wise, Stephen R., ''Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running During the Civil War'', University of South Carolina Press, 1991, ISBN 0872497992, 9780872497993], [http://books.google.com/books?id=_kq7diciSsQC&pg=PA86&dq p. 86].</ref> |
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A third count of the pre-capitalist Southern economy relates to the cultural setting. White southerners did not adopt a [[work ethic]], nor the habits of thrift that marked the rest of the country. It had access to the tools of capitalism, but it did not adopt its culture. The Southern Cause as a national economy in the Confederacy was grounded in "slavery and race, planters and patricians, plain folk and folk culture, cotton and plantations".<ref>"Thomas1979" p. 16</ref> |
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[[Pope Pius IX]] caused a controversy during the war by [[Pope Pius IX and the United States#Political involvement during the Civil War|writing a letter]] to Jefferson Davis in which he addressed Davis as the "Honorable President of the Confederate States of America." In doing so, the Pope appeared to informally (on a personal level) recognize that the CSA was a separate country. The [[Holy See]] never released a formal statement supporting or recognizing the Confederacy, however. |
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=== |
====National production==== |
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[[File:Advantages.jpg|thumb|right|238x238px|The Union had large advantages in men and resources at the start of the war; the ratio grew steadily in favor of the Union]] |
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Historian [[Frank Lawrence Owsley]] argued that the Confederacy "died of states' rights."<ref name="Frank L. Owsley 1925"/><ref>Owsley, "Local Defense and the Overthrow of the Confederacy", ''Mississippi Valley Historical Review'' 11 (Mar. 1925): 492–525, [http://www.jstor.org/pss/1895910 in JSTOR]</ref> According to Owsley, strong-willed governors and state legislatures in the South refused to give the central government the soldiers and money it needed because they feared that Richmond would encroach on the rights of the states. Georgia's governor [[Joseph E. Brown|Joseph Brown]] warned that he saw the signs of a deep-laid conspiracy on the part of Jefferson Davis to destroy states' rights and individual liberty. Brown declaimed: "Almost every act of usurpation of power, or of bad faith, has been conceived, brought forth and nurtured in secret session." He saw granting the Confederate government the power to draft soldiers as the "essence of military despotism."<ref>Rable (1994) 257; however Wallace Hettle in ''The Peculiar Democracy: Southern Democrats in Peace and Civil War'' (2001) p. 158 says Owsley's "famous thesis... is overstated."</ref> In 1863 governor [[Pendleton Murrah]] of Texas insisted that his State needed Texas troops for self-defense (against Native Americans or against a threatened Union advance), and refused to send them East.<ref>John Moretta; "Pendleton Murrah and States Rights in Civil War Texas," ''Civil War History,'' Vol. 45, 1999.</ref> [[Zebulon Vance]], the governor of North Carolina, had a reputation for hostility to Davis and to his demands. North Carolina showed intense opposition to conscription, resulting in very poor results for recruiting. Governor Vance's faith in states' rights drove him into a stubborn opposition.<ref>Albert Burton Moore, ''Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy.'' (1924) p. 295.</ref> |
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The Confederacy started its existence as an agrarian economy with exports, to a world market, of cotton, and, to a lesser extent, tobacco and [[sugarcane]]. Local food production included grains, hogs, cattle, and gardens. The cash came from exports but the Southern people spontaneously stopped exports in early 1861 to hasten the impact of "[[King Cotton]]", a failed strategy to coerce international support for the Confederacy through its cotton exports. When the blockade was announced, commercial shipping practically ended (the ships could not get insurance), and only a trickle of supplies came via blockade runners. The cutoff of exports was an economic disaster for the South, rendering useless its most valuable properties, its plantations and their enslaved workers. Many planters kept growing cotton, which piled up everywhere, but most turned to food production. All across the region, the lack of repair and maintenance wasted away the physical assets. |
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Historian George Rable wrote: |
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{{quote|For Alexander Stephens, any accommodation would only weaken the republic, and he therefore had no choice but to break publicly with the Confederate administration and the president. In an extraordinary three-hour speech to the legislature on the evening of March 16 [1864], the vice-president carefully outlined his position. Allowing Davis to make "arbitrary arrests" and to draft state officials conferred on him more power than the English Parliament had ever bestowed on the king. History proved the dangers of such unchecked authority. |
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The eleven states had produced $155 million (~${{Format price|{{Inflation|index=US-GDP|value=155000000|start_year=1860}}}} in {{Inflation/year|US-GDP}}) in manufactured goods in 1860, chiefly from local gristmills, and lumber, processed tobacco, cotton goods and [[naval stores]] such as turpentine. The main industrial areas were border cities such as Baltimore, Wheeling, Louisville and St. Louis, that were never under Confederate control. The government did set up munitions factories in the Deep South. Combined with captured munitions and those coming via blockade runners, the armies were kept minimally supplied with weapons. The soldiers suffered from reduced rations, lack of medicines, and the growing shortages of uniforms, shoes and boots. Shortages were much worse for civilians, and the prices of necessities steadily rose.<ref>{{cite book|author=Thomas Conn Bryan|title=Confederate Georgia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oeZr20kWbiAC&pg=PA106|year=2009|publisher=U. of Georgia Press|pages=105–109|isbn=978-0820334998}}</ref> |
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....The Confederate government intended to suppress the peace meetings in North Carolina, he warned, and "put a muzzle upon certain presses" (i.e., the ''Raleigh Standard'') in order to control elections in that state.<ref>Rable (1994) [http://books.google.com/books?id=aaxuu3YTD3oC&lpg=PP1&pg=PA258#v=onepage&q=&f=false p. 258]</ref> |
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}} |
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Echoing [[Patrick Henry]]'s "give me liberty or give me death" Stephens warned the Southerners they should never view liberty as "subordinate to independence" because the cry of "independence first and liberty second" was a "fatal delusion". As Rable concludes, "For Stephens, the essence of patriotism, the heart of the Confederate cause, rested on an unyielding commitment to traditional rights. In his idealist vision of politics, military necessity, pragmatism, and compromise meant nothing".<ref>Rable (1994) p. 259.</ref> |
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The Confederacy adopted a [[tariff]] or tax on imports of 15%, and imposed it on all imports from other countries, including the United States.<ref>[http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/tariff/tariff.html Tariff of the Confederate States of America, May 21, 1861].</ref> The tariff mattered little; the Union blockade minimized commercial traffic through the Confederacy's ports, and very few people paid taxes on goods smuggled from the North. The Confederate government in its entire history collected only $3.5 million in tariff revenue. The lack of adequate financial resources led the Confederacy to finance the war through printing money, which led to high inflation. The Confederacy underwent an economic revolution by centralization and standardization, but it was too little too late as its economy was systematically strangled by blockade and raids.<ref>Ian Drury, ed. ''American Civil War: Naval & Economic Warfare'' (2003) p. 138. {{ISBN|0-00-716458-0}}. "The Confederacy underwent a government-led industrial revolution during the war, but its economy was slowly strangled."</ref> |
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Despite political differences within the Confederacy, no political parties were formed. Historian William C. Cooper Jr. wrote that "at the birth of their new nation, Confederates, in the language of the Founding Fathers, denounced the legitimacy of parties. Anti-partyism became an article of political faith. Almost nobody, even Davis’s most fervent antagonists, advocated parties."<ref>Cooper (2000) p. 462. Rable (1994) pp. 2–3. Rable wrote, "But despite heated arguments and no little friction between the competing political cultures of unity and liberty, antiparty and broader fears about politics in general shaped civic life. These beliefs could obviously not eliminate partisanship or prevent Confederates from holding on to and exploiting old political prejudices. Indeed, some states, notably Georgia and North Carolina, remained political tinderboxes throughout the war. Even the most bitter foes of the Confederate government, however, refused to form an opposition party, and the Georgia dissidents, to cite the most prominent example, avoided many traditional political activities. Only in North Carolina did there develop anything resembling a party system, and there the central values of the Confederacy's two political cultures had a far more powerful influence on political debate than did organizational maneuvering."</ref> This lack of a functioning two party system, according to historian David M. Potter, caused "real and direct damage" to the Confederate war effort since it prevented the formulation of any effective alternatives to the Davis administration's policies in conducting the war.<ref>David Herbert Donald, , ed. ''Why the North Won the Civil War.'' (1996) p.112–113. Potter wrote in his contribution to this book, "Where parties do not exist, criticism of the administration is likely to remain purely an individual matter; therefore the tone of the criticism is likely to be negative, carping, and petty, as it certainly was in the Confederacy. But where there are parties, the opposition group is strongly impelled to formulate real alternative policies and to press for the adoption of these policies on a constructive basis. ... But the absence of a two-party system meant the absence of any available alternative leadership, and the protest votes which were cast in the [1863 Confederate mid-term] election became more expressions of futile and frustrated dissatisfaction rather than implements of a decision to adopt new and different policies for the Confederacy."</ref> |
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===Transportation systems=== |
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The survival of the Confederacy depended on a strong base of civilians and soldiers devoted to victory. The soldiers performed well, though increasing numbers deserted in the last year of fighting, and the Confederacy never succeeded in replacing casualties as the Union could. The civilians, although enthusiastic in 1861–62, seem to have lost faith in the future of the Confederacy by 1864, and instead looked to protect their homes and communities. As Rable explains, "As the Confederacy shrank, citizens' sense of the cause more than ever narrowed to their own states and communities. This contraction of civic vision was more than a crabbed libertarianism; it represented an increasingly widespread disillusionment with the Confederate experiment."<ref>Rable (1994) p. 265.</ref> |
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{{Main|Confederate railroads in the American Civil War}} |
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[[File:Railroad of Confederacy-1861.jpg|thumb|upright=1.78|Main railroads of Confederacy, 1861; colors show the different gauges (track width); the top railroad shown in the upper right is the Baltimore and Ohio, which was at all times a Union railroad]] |
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[[File:Hensie-fry-hanging-brownlow-1861.jpg|thumb|upright=1.2|Passers-by abused the bodies of Union supporters near [[Knoxville, Tennessee]]. The two were hanged by Confederate authorities near the railroad tracks so passing train passengers could see them.]] |
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In peacetime, the South's extensive and connected systems of navigable rivers and coastal access allowed for cheap and easy transportation of agricultural products. The railroad system in the South had developed as a supplement to the navigable rivers to enhance the all-weather shipment of cash crops to market. Railroads tied plantation areas to the nearest river or seaport and so made supply more dependable, lowered costs and increased profits. In the event of invasion, the vast geography of the Confederacy made logistics difficult for the Union. Wherever Union armies invaded, they assigned many of their soldiers to garrison captured areas and to protect rail lines. |
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===Self image=== |
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Historian [[Emory Thomas]] reconstructed the Confederacy's self image by studying the correspondence sent by the Confederate government in 1861–62 to foreign governments. He found that the C.S.A. had multiple self images: |
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{{quote|The Southern nation was by turns a guileless people attacked by a voracious neighbor, an 'established' nation in some temporary difficulty, a collection of bucolic aristocrats making a romantic stand against the banalities of industrial democracy, a cabal of commercial farmers seeking to make a pawn of King Cotton, an apotheosis of nineteenth-century nationalism and revolutionary liberalism, or the ultimate statement of social and economic reaction."<ref>Emory M. Thomas, ''The Confederate Nation: 1861–1865'' (1979), pp. 83–84</ref>}} |
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At the onset of the Civil War the South had a rail network disjointed and plagued by changes in [[track gauge]] as well as lack of interchange. Locomotives and freight cars had fixed axles and could not use tracks of different gauges (widths). Railroads of different gauges leading to the same city required all freight to be off-loaded onto wagons for transport to the connecting railroad station, where it had to await freight cars and a [[locomotive#Motive power|locomotive]] before proceeding. Centers requiring off-loading included Vicksburg, New Orleans, Montgomery, Wilmington and Richmond.<ref name="Trains1">{{cite journal|last1= Hankey|first1= John P.|year= 2011|title= The Railroad War|journal= Trains|publisher= Kalmbach Publishing Company|volume= 71|issue= 3|pages= 24–35 }}</ref> In addition, most rail lines led from coastal or river ports to inland cities, with few lateral railroads. Because of this design limitation, the relatively primitive railroads of the Confederacy were unable to overcome the Union naval blockade of the South's crucial intra-coastal and river routes. |
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==Relations with the United States== |
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During the four years of its existence, the Confederate States of America asserted its independence and appointed dozens of diplomatic agents abroad. The United States government, by contrast, regarded the Southern states as states in rebellion and refused any formal recognition of their status. Thus, even before the [[Battle of Fort Sumter]], U.S. Secretary of State [[William H. Seward]] issued formal instructions in April 1861 to [[Charles Francis Adams, Sr.|Charles Francis Adams]], the newly appointed minister to Great Britain: |
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{{quote|You will indulge in no expressions of harshness or disrespect, or even impatience concerning the seceding States, their agents, or their people. But you will, on the contrary, all the while remember that those States are now, as they always heretofore have been, and, notwithstanding their temporary self-delusion, they must always continue to be, equal and honored members of this Federal Union, and that their citizens throughout all political misunderstandings and alienations, still are and always must be our kindred and countrymen.<ref name=SewardToAdams1861 >William Seward to Charles Francis Adams, April 10, 1861 in Marion Mills Miller, (ed.) ''Life And Works Of Abraham Lincoln'' (1907) Vol 6.</ref>}} |
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The Confederacy had no plan to expand, protect or encourage its railroads. Southerners' refusal to export the cotton crop in 1861 left railroads bereft of their main source of income.<ref>{{Cite journal |jstor = 1836241|doi = 10.2307/1836241|title = The Confederate Government and the Railroads|journal = The American Historical Review|volume = 22|issue = 4|pages = 794–810|year = 1917|last1 = Ramsdell|first1 = Charles W.}}</ref> Many lines had to lay off employees; many critical skilled technicians and engineers were permanently lost to military service. In the early years of the war the Confederate government had a hands-off approach to the railroads. Only in mid-1863 did the Confederate government initiate a national policy, and it was confined solely to aiding the war effort.<ref name="Ersatz">Mary Elizabeth Massey. ''Ersatz in the Confederacy'' (1952) p. 128.</ref> Railroads came under the ''de facto'' control of the military. In contrast, the U.S. Congress had authorized military administration of Union-controlled railroad and telegraph systems in January 1862, imposed a standard gauge, and built railroads into the South using that gauge. Confederate armies successfully reoccupying territory could not be resupplied directly by rail as they advanced. The C.S. Congress formally authorized military administration of railroads in February 1865. |
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However, if the British seemed inclined to recognize the Confederacy, or even waver in that regard, they would receive a sharp warning, with a strong hint of war: |
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[[File:PRINCE ARTHUR CDSPC.JPG|thumb|British [[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Blockade mail|Mail Packet]], an ocean-going side-wheeler like the [[RMS Trent]] which caused a diplomatic crisis for the United States and Britain when Confederate diplomats were seized<ref>{{cite web|url=http://loc.gov/pictures/resource/cph.3c08243/ |title=The San Jacinto, having overhauled the British mail packet Trent, forces her to heave to. Confederate commissioners Mason and Slidell were taken off shortly afterward |publisher=Loc.gov |date= |accessdate=2011-05-17}}</ref>]] |
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{{quote|[if Britain is] tolerating the application of the so-called seceding States, or wavering about it, you will not leave them to suppose for a moment that they can grant that application and remain friends with the United States. You may even assure them promptly, in that case, that if they determine to recognize, they may at the same time prepare to enter into alliance with the enemies of this republic.<ref name=SewardToAdams1861 />}} |
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In the last year before the end of the war, the Confederate railroad system stood permanently on the verge of collapse. There was no new equipment and raids on both sides systematically destroyed key bridges, as well as locomotives and freight cars. Spare parts were cannibalized; feeder lines were torn up to get replacement rails for trunk lines, and rolling stock wore out through heavy use.<ref>Ramsdell, "The Confederate Government and the Railroads", pp. 809–810.</ref> |
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The Union government never declared war, but conducted its military efforts under a presidential proclamation issued April 15, 1861, calling for troops to recapture forts and suppress a rebellion.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.sonofthesouth.net/leefoundation/civil-war/1861/april/abraham-lincoln-declaration-war.htm |title=President Abraham Lincoln's Declaration of War |publisher=Sonofthesouth.net |date=2007-01-26 |accessdate=2010-08-29}}</ref><ref> |
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{{cite news |
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|url=http://www.nytimes.com/1861/04/15/news/proclamation-president-seventy-five-thousand-volunteers-extra-session-congress.html |
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|title=Lincoln Proclamation |
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|publisher= NY Times |
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|date= April 15, 1861}} |
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</ref> Mid-war negotiations between the two sides occurred without formal political recognition, though the [[laws of war]] governed military relationships. |
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====Horses and mules==== |
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Following the Battle of Fort Sumter, the Confederate Congress asserted on May 6, 1861: {{quote |... war exists between the Confederate States and the Government of the United States, and the States and Territories thereof, excepting the States of Maryland, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Arkansas, Missouri, and Delaware, and the Territories of Arizona, and New Mexico, and the Indian Territory south of Kansas...<ref>{{cite book |
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The Confederate army experienced a persistent shortage of horses and mules and requisitioned them with dubious promissory notes given to local farmers and breeders. Union forces paid in real money and found ready sellers in the South. Both armies needed horses for cavalry and for artillery.<ref>Spencer Jones, "The Influence of Horse Supply Upon Field Artillery in the American Civil War", ''Journal of Military History'', (April 2010), 74#2 pp. 357–377</ref> Mules pulled the wagons. The supply was undermined by an unprecedented epidemic of [[glanders]], a fatal disease that baffled veterinarians.<ref>{{Cite journal |jstor = 3744026|title = The Great Glanders Epizootic, 1861–1866: A Civil War Legacy|journal = Agricultural History|volume = 69|issue = 1|pages = 79–97|last1 = Sharrer|first1 = G. Terry|year = 1995|pmid = 11639801}}</ref> After 1863 the invading Union forces had a policy of shooting all the local horses and mules that they did not need, in order to keep them out of Confederate hands. The Confederate armies and farmers experienced a growing shortage of horses and mules, which hurt the Southern economy and the war effort. The South lost half of its 2.5 million horses and mules; many farmers ended the war with none left. Army horses were used up by hard work, malnourishment, disease and battle wounds; they had a life expectancy of about seven months.<ref> |
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|title= The Rebellion Record |
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Keith Miller, "Southern Horse", ''Civil War Times'', (February 2006) 45#1 pp. 30–36 [https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=19359914&site=eds-live&scope=site online] |
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|url=http://books.google.com/?id=RKB2AAAAMAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=Moore,%20Frank,%20#v=onepage&q=war%20exists%20between |
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|last=Moore |first=Frank |
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|volume=I |
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|publisher=G.P. Putnam |
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|year=1861 |
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|pages=195–197 |
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|isbn= 040510877X }} Doc. 140 |
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</ref> |
</ref> |
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}} <!--I find nowhere on these pages, nor anywhere in the volume that the war is given a name--> |
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===Financial instruments=== |
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Four years after the war, in 1869, the [[Supreme Court of the United States|United States Supreme Court]] in ''[[Texas v. White]]'' ruled Texas' declaration of secession was [[Void (law)|legally null and void]]. The court's opinion was authored by Chief Justice [[Salmon P. Chase]]. The court did allow some possibility of separation from the Union "through revolution or through consent of the States."<ref>Aleksandar Pavković, Peter Radan, [http://books.google.com/books?id=-IjHbPvp1W0C Creating New States: Theory and Practice of Secession], p. 222, Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2007. |
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Both the individual Confederate states and later the Confederate government printed [[Confederate States of America dollar]]s as paper currency in various denominations, with a total face value of $1.5 billion. Much of it was signed by Treasurer [[Edward C. Elmore]]. Inflation became rampant as the paper money depreciated and eventually became worthless. The state governments and some localities printed their own paper money, adding to the runaway inflation.<ref>{{cite book |first=William J. |last=Cooper |title=Jefferson Davis, American |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=j05vwNRXi-0C&pg=PA378 |year=2010 |publisher=Knopf Doubleday |page=378 |isbn=978-0307772640 }}</ref> Many bills still exist, although in recent years counterfeit copies have proliferated. |
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</ref><ref> |
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[http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/historics/USSC_CR_0074_0700_ZO.html ''Texas v. White''], 74 U.S. 700 (1868) at [[Cornell University Law School]] Supreme Court collection. |
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</ref> |
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[[File:CSA-T25-$10-1862.jpg|thumb|The 1862 $10 [[Confederate States dollar|CSA note]] depicts a vignette of [[Hope]] flanked by [[Robert M. T. Hunter|R. M. T. Hunter]] and [[Christopher Memminger|C. G. Memminger]].]] |
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[[Jefferson Davis]], former President of the Confederacy, and Alexander Stephens, its former Vice-President, both penned arguments in favor of secession's legality, most notably Davis' ''[[The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government]]''. |
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The Confederate government initially wanted to finance its war mostly through tariffs on imports, export taxes, and voluntary donations of gold. After the spontaneous imposition of an embargo on cotton sales to Europe in 1861, these sources of revenue dried up and the Confederacy increasingly turned to [[Government debt|issuing debt]] and printing money to pay for war expenses. The Confederate States politicians were worried about angering the general population with hard taxes. A tax increase might disillusion many Southerners, so the Confederacy resorted to printing more money. As a result, inflation increased and remained a problem for the southern states throughout the rest of the war.<ref>{{cite journal |first1=Richard |last1=Burdekin |first2=Farrokh |last2=Langdana |title=War Finance in the Southern Confederacy, 1861–1865 |journal=Explorations in Economic History |volume=30 |issue=3 |pages=352–376 |year=1993 |doi=10.1006/exeh.1993.1015 }}</ref> By April 1863, for example, the cost of flour in Richmond had risen to $100 (~${{Format price|{{Inflation|index=US|value=100|start_year=1863}}}} in {{Inflation/year|US}}) a barrel and housewives were rioting.<ref>{{cite book |first=John D. |last=Wright |title=The Language of the Civil War |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3aEJZRIxjDAC&pg=PA41 |year=2001 |page=41 |publisher=Bloomsbury Academic |isbn=978-1573561358 }}</ref> |
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==Confederate Post Office== |
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{{Main|Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States}} |
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[[File:John Henninger Reagan - Brady-Handy.jpg|thumb|<center>John H. Reagan</center><center>Confederate Postmaster General</center>]] |
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The Confederate government took over the three national mints in its territory: the [[Charlotte Mint]] in North Carolina, the [[Dahlonega Mint]] in Georgia, and the [[New Orleans Mint]] in Louisiana. During 1861 all of these facilities produced small amounts of gold coinage, and the latter half dollars as well. Since the mints used the current dies on hand, all appear to be U.S. issues. However, by comparing slight differences in the dies specialists can distinguish 1861-O half dollars that were minted either under the authority of the U.S. government, the State of Louisiana, or finally the Confederate States. Unlike the gold coins, this issue was produced in significant numbers (over 2.5 million) and is inexpensive in lower grades, although fakes have been made for sale to the public.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.ngccoin.com/coin-explorer/seated-liberty-half-dollars-pscid-40/1861-o-50c-ms-coinid-16303|title=1861 O 50C MS Seated Liberty Half Dollars | NGC|website=www.ngccoin.com}}</ref> However, before the New Orleans Mint ceased operation in May 1861, the Confederate government used its own reverse design to strike four half dollars. This made one of the great rarities of American numismatics. A lack of silver and gold precluded further coinage. The Confederacy apparently also experimented with issuing one cent coins, although only 12 were produced by a jeweler in Philadelphia, who was afraid to send them to the South. Like the half dollars, copies were later made as souvenirs.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.pcgs.com/news/confederate-coinage-a-short-lived-dream|title=Confederate Coinage: A Short-lived Dream|website=PCGS}}</ref> |
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When the Confederacy was formed and its seceding states broke from the Union, it was at once confronted with the arduous task of providing its citizens with a mail delivery system, and in the midst of the American Civil War the newly formed Confederacy created and established the Confederate Post Office. One of the first undertakings in establishing the Post Office was the appointment of [[John H. Reagan]] to the position of Postmaster General, by [[Jefferson Davis]] in 1861, making him the first Postmaster General of the Confederate Post Office as well as a member of Davis' presidential cabinet. Through Reagan's resourcefulness and remarkable industry, he had his department assembled, organized and in operation before the other Presidential cabinet members had their departments fully operational.<ref name="JOHN H. REAGAN - The Old Roman">{{cite web |url=http://www.reaganscvcamp.org/ |title=JOHN H. REAGAN – The Old Roman |publisher= John H. Reagan Camp #2156; Sons of Confederate Veterans<br/> <span style="font-size:8pt">|accessdate=17 November 2010}} </span></font></ref><ref name="REAGAN, John Henninger, (1818-1905)">{{cite web |url=http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=r000098 |title=REAGAN, John Henninger, (1818–1905) |publisher=<br/>''Biographical Directory of the United States''|accessdate=19 February 2011}}</ref> |
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US coinage was hoarded and did not have any general circulation. U.S. coinage was admitted as legal tender up to $10, as were British sovereigns, [[Napoléon (coin)|French Napoleons]] and Spanish and Mexican doubloons at a fixed rate of exchange. Confederate money was paper and postage stamps.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 127, 151–153</ref> |
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When the [[American Civil War|Civil War]] began, the U.S. Post Office still delivered mail from the seceded states for a brief period of time. Mail that was postmarked after the date of a state’s admission into the Confederacy through May 31, 1861 and bearing US (Union) Postage was still delivered.<ref name="U.S. Postal used in the Confederacy ">{{cite web |url=http://arago.si.edu/index.asp?con=1&cmd=1&mode=&tid=2040514 |publisher=Smithsonian National Postal Museum |title=U.S. Postal Issue Used in the Confederacy (1893) |accessdate=29 January 2011}}</ref> After this time, private express companies still managed to carry some of the mail across enemy lines. Later mail that crossed lines had to be sent by [[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Covers|'Flag of Truce']] and was only allowed to pass at two specific points: Mail sent from the South to Northern states was received, opened and inspected at [[Fortress Monroe]] on the Virginia coast before being passed on into the U.S. mail stream. Mail sent from the North to any of the seceded states passed at [[City Point, Virginia|City Point]], also in Virginia, where it was also inspected before being sent on.<ref>Walter Flavius McCaleb, "The Organization of the Post-Office Department of the Confederacy," ''American Historical Review'' Vol. 12, No. 1 (Oct., 1906), pp. 66–74 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/1832885 in JSTOR]</ref><ref>L. R. Garrison, "Administrative Problems of the Confederate Post Office Department I," ''Southwestern Historical Quarterly'' Vol. 19, No. 2 (Oct., 1915), pp. 111–141 and Vol. 19, No. 3 (Jan., 1916), pp. 232–250 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/30234666 in JSTOR] and [http://www.jstor.org/stable/30237275 in JSTOR]</ref> |
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===Food shortages and riots=== |
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[[File:J Davis 1861-5c.jpg|thumb|left|upright|<center>'''[[Jefferson Davis]]'''</center><center>[[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Confederate postage|The 1st Confederate stamp</center>]]<center>Issue of 1861</center>]] |
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{{Main|Southern bread riots}} |
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[[File:Apr2 richmond riot.jpg|thumb|upright|Richmond bread riot, 1863]] |
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By mid-1861, the Union naval blockade virtually shut down the export of cotton and the import of manufactured goods. Food that formerly came overland was cut off. |
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With the chaos of the war, a working postal system was more important than ever for the Confederacy. The Civil War had divided family members and friends and consequently letter writing naturally increased dramatically across the entire divided nation, especially to and from the men who were away serving in an army. Mail delivery was also important for the Confederacy for a myriad of business and military reasons. Because of the Union blockade, basic supplies were always in demand and so getting mailed correspondence out of the country to suppliers was imperative to the successful operation of the Confederacy. Volumes of material have been written about the [[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Blockade mail|Blockade runners]] who evaded Union ships on blockade patrol, usually at night, and who moved cargo and mail in and out of the Confederate States throughout the course of the war. Of particular interest to students and historians of the American Civil War is [[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Prisoner of war mail|''Prisoner of War mail'']] and [[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Blockade mail|''Blockade mail'']] as these items were often involved with a variety of military and other war time activities. The postal history of the Confederacy along with [[:File:Pow cover 19May1865.jpg|surviving Confederate mail]] has helped historians document the various people, places and events that were involved in the American Civil War as it unfolded.<ref name="Confederate States Post Office">{{cite web |url=http://arago.si.edu/index.asp?con=1&cmd=1&tid=2027888 |title=Confederate States Post Office |publisher=Smithsonian National Postal Museum |accessdate=17 November 2010}}</ref> |
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{{clear}} |
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As women were the ones who remained at home, they had to make do with the lack of food and supplies. They cut back on purchases, used old materials, and planted more flax and peas to provide clothing and food. They used ersatz substitutes when possible, but there was no real coffee, only okra and chicory substitutes. The households were severely hurt by inflation in the cost of everyday items like flour, and the shortages of food, fodder for the animals, and medical supplies for the wounded.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Jessica Fordham |last=Kidd |title=Privation and Pride: Life in Blockaded Alabama |journal=Alabama Heritage Magazine |year=2006 |volume=82 |pages=8–15 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book |first=Mary Elizabeth |last=Massey |title=Ersatz in the Confederacy: Shortages and Substitutes on the Southern Homefront |year=1952 |pages=71–73 }}</ref> |
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==Confederate flags== |
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<center> |
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<gallery caption=widths="140px" heights="100px" perrow="4"> |
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File:CSA FLAG 4.3.1861-21.5.1861.svg|1st National Flag<br/>"Stars and Bars" |
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File:Second national flag of the Confederate States of America.svg|2nd National Flag<br/>"Stainless Banner" |
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File:Confederate National Flag since Mar 4 1865.svg|3rd National Flag<br/>"Blood Stained Banner" |
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File:Jack of the CSA Navy 1861 1863.svg|CSA Naval Jack, 1861–1863 |
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State governments requested that planters grow less cotton and more food, but most refused. When cotton prices soared in Europe, expectations were that Europe would soon intervene to break the blockade and make them rich, but Europe remained neutral.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Coulter|first=E. Merton|year=1927|title=The Movement for Agricultural Reorganization in the Cotton South during the Civil War|journal=Agricultural History|volume=1|issue=1|pages=3–17|jstor=3739261}}</ref> The Georgia legislature imposed cotton quotas, making it a crime to grow an excess. But food shortages only worsened, especially in the towns.<ref>{{cite book |first=C. Mildred |last=Thompson |title=Reconstruction In Georgia: Economic, Social, Political 1865–1872 |year=1915 |pages=14–17, 22 }}</ref> |
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File:Conf Navy Jack (light blue).svg|CSA Naval Jack |
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File:Battle flag of the US Confederacy.svg|Battle Flag<br/>"Southern Cross" |
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The overall decline in food supplies, made worse by the inadequate transportation system, led to serious shortages and high prices in urban areas. When bacon reached a dollar a pound in 1863, the poor women of Richmond, Atlanta and many other cities began to riot; they broke into shops and warehouses to seize food, as they were angry at ineffective state relief efforts, speculators, and merchants. As wives and widows of soldiers, they were hurt by the inadequate welfare system.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Stephanie |last=McCurry |title=Bread or Blood! |journal=Civil War Times |year=2011 |volume=50 |issue=3 |pages=36–41 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |first1=Teresa Crisp |last1=Williams |first2=David |last2=Williams |title='The Women Rising': Cotton, Class, and Confederate Georgia's Rioting Women |journal=Georgia Historical Quarterly |year=2002 |volume=86 |issue=1 |pages=49–83 |jstor=40584640 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |first=Michael B. |last=Chesson |title=Harlots or Heroines? A New Look at the Richmond Bread Riot |journal=Virginia Magazine of History and Biography |volume=92 |issue=2 |year=1984 |pages=131–175 |jstor=4248710 }}</ref> |
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File:Bonnieblue.svg|Bonnie Blue Flag<br/>Unofficial Southern Flag |
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File:Confederate Rebel Flag.svg|Confederate Flag<br/>Used by some Confederate Army units. |
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===Devastation by 1865=== |
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By the end of the war deterioration of the Southern infrastructure was widespread. The number of civilian deaths is unknown. Every Confederate state was affected, but most of the war was fought in Virginia and Tennessee, while Texas and Florida saw the least military action. Much of the damage was caused by direct military action, but most was caused by lack of repairs and upkeep, and by deliberately using up resources. Historians have recently estimated how much of the devastation was caused by military action. Paul Paskoff calculates that Union military operations were conducted in 56% of 645 counties in nine Confederate states (excluding Texas and Florida). These counties contained 63% of the 1860 white population and 64% of the slaves. By the time the fighting took place, undoubtedly some people had fled to safer areas, so the exact population exposed to war is unknown.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Paul F. |last=Paskoff |title=Measures of War: A Quantitative Examination of the Civil War's Destructiveness in the Confederacy |journal=Civil War History |year=2008 |volume=54 |issue=1 |pages=35–62 |doi=10.1353/cwh.2008.0007 |s2cid=144929048 }}</ref> |
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<gallery style="float:right; text-align:center" perrow="2"> |
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PottersHouseAtlanta1864.jpg|Potters House, Atlanta GA |
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Charleston ruins.jpg|Downtown Charleston SC |
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Virginia, Norfolk Navy Yard, Ruins of - NARA - 533292.tif|Navy Yard, Norfolk VA |
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Ruins of Petersburg, R.R. Bridge, Richmond, Va. April, 1865 - NARA - 528974.jpg|Rail bridge, Petersburg VA |
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</gallery> |
</gallery> |
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</center> |
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The eleven Confederate States in the 1860 United States census had 297 towns and cities with 835,000 people; of these 162 with 681,000 people were at one point occupied by Union forces. Eleven were destroyed or severely damaged by war action, including Atlanta (with an 1860 population of 9,600), Charleston, Columbia, and Richmond (with prewar populations of 40,500, 8,100, and 37,900, respectively); the eleven contained 115,900 people in the 1860 census, or 14% of the urban South. Historians have not estimated what their actual population was when Union forces arrived. The number of people (as of 1860) who lived in the destroyed towns represented just over 1% of the Confederacy's 1860 population. In addition, 45 court houses were burned (out of 830). The South's agriculture was not highly mechanized. The value of farm implements and machinery in the 1860 Census was $81 million; by 1870, there was 40% less, worth just $48 million. Many old tools had broken through heavy use; new tools were rarely available; even repairs were difficult.<ref name="Paskoff, Measures of War">Paskoff, "Measures of War"</ref> |
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The economic losses affected everyone. Banks and insurance companies were mostly bankrupt. Confederate currency and bonds were worthless. The billions of dollars invested in slaves vanished. Most debts were also left behind. Most farms were intact, but most had lost their horses, mules and cattle; fences and barns were in disrepair. Paskoff shows the loss of farm infrastructure was about the same whether or not fighting took place nearby. The loss of infrastructure and productive capacity meant that rural widows throughout the region faced not only the absence of able-bodied men, but a depleted stock of material resources that they could manage and operate themselves. During four years of warfare, disruption, and blockades, the South used up about half its capital stock. The North, by contrast, absorbed its material losses so effortlessly that it appeared richer at the end of the war than at the beginning.<ref name="Paskoff, Measures of War"/> |
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The rebuilding took years and was hindered by the low price of cotton after the war. Outside investment was essential, especially in railroads. One historian has summarized the collapse of the transportation infrastructure needed for economic recovery:<ref>{{cite book |first=John Samuel |last=Ezell |title=The South since 1865 |year=1963 |pages=27–28 }}</ref> |
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{{Blockquote|One of the greatest calamities which confronted Southerners was the havoc wrought on the transportation system. Roads were impassable or nonexistent, and bridges were destroyed or washed away. The important river traffic was at a standstill: levees were broken, channels were blocked, the few steamboats which had not been captured or destroyed were in a state of disrepair, wharves had decayed or were missing, and trained personnel were dead or dispersed. Horses, mules, oxen, carriages, wagons, and carts had nearly all fallen prey at one time or another to the contending armies. The railroads were paralyzed, with most of the companies bankrupt. These lines had been the special target of the enemy. On one stretch of 114 miles in Alabama, every bridge and trestle was destroyed, cross-ties rotten, buildings burned, water-tanks gone, ditches filled up, and tracks grown up in weeds and bushes ... Communication centers like Columbia and Atlanta were in ruins; shops and foundries were wrecked or in disrepair. Even those areas bypassed by battle had been pirated for equipment needed on the battlefront, and the wear and tear of wartime usage without adequate repairs or replacements reduced all to a state of disintegration.}} |
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===Effect on women and families=== |
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[[File:Confederate monument in Natchez, MS, Cemetery IMG 6995.JPG|thumb|right|upright=0.9|This Confederate memorial [[tombstone]] at Natchez City Cemetery is in [[Natchez, Mississippi|Natchez]], [[Mississippi]].]] |
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More than 250,000 Confederate soldiers died during the war. Some widows abandoned their family farms and merged into the households of relatives, or even became refugees living in camps with high rates of disease and death.<ref>{{cite book |editor-first=Lisa Tendrich |editor-last=Frank |title=Women in the American Civil War |year=2008 }}</ref> In the Old South, being an "[[Spinster|old maid]]" was an embarrassment to the woman and her family, but after the war, it became almost a norm.<ref>{{cite book |first=Drew Gilpin |last=Faust |title=Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War |year=1996 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/mothersofinventi00faus/page/139 139–152] |isbn=0-8078-2255-8 |url=https://archive.org/details/mothersofinventi00faus/page/139 |publisher=Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press }}</ref> Some women welcomed the freedom of not having to marry. Divorce, while never fully accepted, became more common. The concept of the "New Woman" emerged – she was self-sufficient and independent, and stood in sharp contrast to the "Southern Belle" of antebellum lore.<ref>{{cite book |first=Anya |last=Jabour |title=Scarlett's Sisters: Young Women in the Old South |publisher=U of North Carolina Press |year=2007 |pages=273–280 |isbn=978-0-8078-3101-4 }}</ref> |
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==National flags== |
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{{Main|Flags of the Confederate States of America}} |
{{Main|Flags of the Confederate States of America}} |
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<gallery class="center" style="margin:auto" widths="140" heights="100" perrow="4" mode="packed" caption="Flags of the Confederate States of America"> |
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CSA FLAG 4.3.1861-21.5.1861.svg|1st National Flag<br />[7, 9, 11, 13 stars<ref>Coulter, Ellis Merton. [https://books.google.com/books?id=Z2_ZM0dWVrsC&q=stars+and+bars The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865] Retrieved 2012-06-13, published in LSU's History of the South series, on p. 118 notes that beginning in March 1861, the Stars-and-Bars was used "all over the Confederacy".</ref>]<br />"Stars and Bars" |
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Second national flag of the Confederate States of America.svg|2nd National Flag<br />[Richmond Capitol<ref>[[Sansing, David]]. [http://mshistorynow.mdah.state.ms.us/articles/107/history-of-the-confederate-flags|A Brief History of the Confederate Flags] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210224053317/http://mshistorynow.mdah.state.ms.us/articles/107/history-of-the-confederate-flags%7CA |date=February 24, 2021 }} at "Mississippi History Now" online Mississippi Historical Society. Second National Flag, "the stainless banner" references, Devereaux D. Cannon, Jr., The Flags of the Confederacy, An Illustrated History (St. Lukes Press, 1988), 22–24. Section Heading "Second and Third National Flags". Retrieved October 4, 2012.</ref>]<br />"Stainless Banner" |
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Confederate National Flag since Mar 4 1865.svg|3rd National Flag<br />[never flown<ref>Sansing, David, [http://mshistorynow.mdah.state.ms.us/articles/107/history-of-the-confederate-flags|A Brief History of the Confederate Flags] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210224053317/http://mshistorynow.mdah.state.ms.us/articles/107/history-of-the-confederate-flags%7CA |date=February 24, 2021 }} at "Mississippi History Now" online Mississippi Historical Socie ty. Third National Flag, "the bloodstained banner" references 19. Southern Historical Society Papers (cited hereafter as SHSP, volume number, date for the first entry, and page number), 24, 118. Section Heading "Second and Third National Flags". Retrieved October 4, 2012.</ref>]<br />"Blood Stained Banner" |
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Conf Navy Jack (light blue).svg|CSA Naval Jack<br />1863–65{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} |
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Battle flag of the Confederate States of America.svg|Battle Flag<br />"Southern Cross"<ref name=natgeo /> |
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</gallery> |
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[[File:Battle flag of the Confederate States of America (Latest version).svg|thumb|This [[Flags of the Confederate States of America#Confederate flag|Confederate Battle Flag]] pattern is the one most often thought of as the Confederate Flag. It is one of many used by the Confederate armed forces. Variations of this design served as the Battle Flag of the Armies of Northern Virginia and Tennessee, and as the Confederate Naval Jack.]] |
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The first official flag of the Confederate States of America—called the "Stars and Bars" |
The first official flag of the Confederate States of America—called the "Stars and Bars"—originally had seven stars, representing the first seven states that initially formed the Confederacy. As more states joined, more stars were added, until the total was 13 (two stars were added for the divided states of Kentucky and Missouri). During the First Battle of Bull Run, ([[First Battle of Bull Run|First Manassas]]) it sometimes proved difficult to distinguish the Stars and Bars from the [[Flag of the United States#Historical progression of designs|Union flag]].{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} To rectify the situation, a separate "Battle Flag" was designed for use by troops in the field. Also known as the "Southern Cross", many variations sprang from the original square configuration. |
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Although it was never officially adopted by the Confederate government, the popularity of the Southern Cross among both soldiers and the civilian population was a primary reason why it was made the main color feature when a new national flag was adopted in 1863.<ref name=natgeo>{{Cite web|url=https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/article/how-confederate-battle-flag-became-symbol-racism|website=[[National Geographic]]|date=January 12, 2021|author=Erin Blakemore|title=How the Confederate battle flag became an enduring symbol of racism|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210217192512/https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/article/how-confederate-battle-flag-became-symbol-racism|archive-date=February 17, 2021|url-status=dead|url-access=registration|access-date=July 21, 2022}}</ref> This new standard—known as the "Stainless Banner"—consisted of a lengthened white field area with a Battle Flag [[Canton (flag)|canton]]. This flag too had its problems when used in military operations as, on a windless day, it could easily be mistaken for a flag of truce or surrender. Thus, in 1865, a modified version of the Stainless Banner was adopted. This final national flag of the Confederacy kept the Battle Flag canton, but shortened the white field and added a vertical red bar to the fly end. |
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Because of its depiction in the 20th-century{{Citation needed|date=October 2008}} and popular media, many people consider the rectangular battle flag design as being synonymous with "the Confederate Flag", even though most were square, and none were ever adopted as Confederate national flags. The generic version of the banner familiar today was used as the Confederate Naval Jack and the Battle Flag of the Army of Tennessee as well as other units. |
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Because of its depiction in the 20th-century and popular media, many people consider the rectangular battle flag with the dark blue bars as being synonymous with "the Confederate Flag", but this flag was never adopted as a Confederate national flag.<ref name=natgeo /> |
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The "Confederate Flag" has a color scheme similar to that of the most common Battle Flag design, but is rectangular, not square. The "Confederate Flag" is a highly recognizable symbol of the South in the United States today and continues to be a controversial icon. |
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==Southern Unionism== |
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{{Main|Southern Unionist}} |
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[[File:1860-61 Secession in Appalachia by County.jpg|thumb|upright|Map of the county secession votes of 1860–1861 in Appalachia within the [[Appalachian Regional Commission|ARC]] definition. Virginia and Tennessee show the public votes, while the other states show the vote by county delegates to the conventions.]] |
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Unionism—opposition to the Confederacy—was strong in certain areas within the Confederate States. [[Southern Unionist]]s were widespread in the mountain regions of [[Appalachia]] and the [[Ozarks]].<ref>{{cite book |editor-first=Kenneth W. |editor-last=Noe |editor2-first=Shannon H. |editor2-last=Wilson |title=Civil War in Appalachia |year=1997 }}</ref> Unionists, led by [[Parson Brownlow]] and Senator [[Andrew Johnson]], took control of [[East Tennessee]] in 1863.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Robert Tracy |last=McKenzie |title=Contesting Secession: Parson Brownlow and the Rhetoric of Proslavery Unionism, 1860–1861 |journal=Civil War History |year=2002 |volume=48 |issue=4 |pages=294–312 |doi=10.1353/cwh.2002.0060 |s2cid=143199643 }}</ref> Unionists also attempted control over western Virginia, but never effectively held more than half of the counties that formed the new state of [[History of West Virginia#Civil War and split|West Virginia]].<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=q9Lna2shH7oC&pg=PA54 |first=Richard O. |last=Curry |title=A House Divided, Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia |publisher=Univ. of Pittsburgh |year=1964 |page=8 |isbn=978-0822977513 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book |first=James C. |last=McGregor |title=The Disruption of Virginia |year=1922 |url=https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_px4SAAAAYAAJ |publisher=New York, The Macmillan company }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |first=David R. |last=Zimring |title='Secession in Favor of the Constitution': How West Virginia Justified Separate Statehood during the Civil War |journal=West Virginia History |year=2009 |volume=3 |issue=2 |pages=23–51 |doi=10.1353/wvh.0.0060 |s2cid=159561246 }}</ref> Union forces captured parts of [[Eastern North Carolina|coastal North Carolina]], and at first were largely welcomed by local unionists. The occupiers became perceived as oppressive, callous, radical and favorable to [[Freedman|Freedmen]]. Occupiers pillaged, freed slaves, and evicted those who refused to swear loyalty oaths to the Union.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Judkin |last=Browning |title=Removing the Mask of Nationality: Unionism, Racism, and Federal Military Occupation in North Carolina, 1862–1865 |journal=[[Journal of Southern History]] |year=2005 |volume=71 |issue=3 |pages=589–620 |jstor=27648821 |doi=10.2307/27648821 }}</ref> |
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In Texas, local officials harassed and murdered Unionists. In [[Cooke County, Texas]], 150 suspected Unionists were arrested; 25 were lynched without trial and 40 more were hanged after a summary trial. Draft resistance was widespread especially among Texans of German or Mexican descent, many of the latter leaving for Mexico. Confederate officials attempted to hunt down and kill potential draftees who had gone into hiding.<ref name="in JSTOR">{{cite journal |first=Claude |last=Elliott |title=Union Sentiment in Texas 1861–1865 |journal=Southwestern Historical Quarterly |year=1947 |volume=50 |issue=4 |pages=449–477 |jstor=30237490 }}</ref> Over 4,000 suspected Unionists were imprisoned in the Confederate States without trial.<ref>{{cite book |first=Mark E. Jr. |last=Neely |title=Southern Rights: Political Prisoners and the Myth of Confederate Constitutionalism |publisher=University Press of Virginia |year=1999 |isbn=0-8139-1894-4 |url-access=registration |url=https://archive.org/details/southernrightspo0000neel }}</ref> |
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[[File:Jim Brownlow 1st Tennessee Cavalry Regiment (Union).jpg|thumb|upright=.8|Col. [[James P. Brownlow]], a 22-year-old cavalry colonel from Knoxville, and his regiment of Southern Unionist "mountaineers", were called "damned Tennessee Yankees" by Confederate troops.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Evans |first=David |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4vxjHOFflzcC&dq=jim+brownlow's+damned+tennessee+yankees&pg=PA28 |title=Sherman's Horsemen: Union Cavalry Operations in the Atlanta Campaign |date=March 22, 1999 |publisher=Indiana University Press |isbn=978-0-253-21319-8 |pages=28 |language=en-us}}</ref>]] |
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Up to 100,000 men living in states under Confederate control served in the [[Union Army]] or pro-Union guerilla groups. Although Southern Unionists came from all classes, most differed socially, culturally, and economically from the region's dominant pre-war [[planter class]].<ref>Scott, E. Carele. [https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/2018/12/21/southerner-vs-southerner-union-supporters-below-the-mason-dixon-line/ Southerner vs. Southerner: Union Supporters Below the Mason-Dixon Line]. ''Warfare History Network''. Retrieved December 27, 2022.</ref> |
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==Geography== |
==Geography== |
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The Confederate States of America claimed a total of 2,919 miles (4,698 km) of coastline, thus a large part of its territory lay on the seacoast with level and often sandy or marshy ground. Most of the interior portion consisted of arable farmland, though much was also hilly and mountainous, and the far western territories were deserts. The lower reaches of the [[Mississippi River]] bisected the country, with the western half often referred to as the [[Trans-Mississippi Theater of the American Civil War|Trans-Mississippi]]. The highest point (excluding Arizona and New Mexico) was [[Guadalupe Peak]] in [[Texas]] at 8,750 feet (2,667 m). |
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===Region and climate=== |
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[[File:Map of CSA 4.png|center|thumb|550px|Map of the states and territories claimed by the Confederate States of America]] |
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The Confederate States of America claimed a total of {{convert|2919|mi|km}} of coastline, thus a large part of its territory lay on the seacoast with level and often sandy or marshy ground. Most of the interior portion consisted of arable farmland, though much was also hilly and mountainous, and the far western territories were deserts. The southern reaches of the [[Mississippi River]] bisected the country, and the western half was often referred to as the [[Trans-Mississippi Theater of the American Civil War|Trans-Mississippi]]. The highest point (excluding Arizona and New Mexico) was [[Guadalupe Peak]] in Texas at {{convert|8750|ft|m}}. |
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[[File:Map of CSA 4.png|center|thumb|Map of the states and territories claimed by the Confederate States of America|upright=2.0]] |
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===Climate=== |
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Much of the area |
Much of the area had a [[humid subtropical climate]] with mild winters and long, hot, humid summers. The climate and terrain varied from vast [[swamp]]s to semi-arid [[steppe climate|steppes]] and arid [[desert climate|deserts]]. The subtropical climate made winters mild but allowed [[infectious disease]]s to flourish; on both sides more soldiers died from disease than were killed in combat.<ref name="StatsWarCost">Two-thirds of soldiers' deaths occurred due to disease. {{cite web|last=Nofi|first=Al|author-link=Albert Nofi|title=Statistics on the War's Costs|publisher=Louisiana State University|date=June 13, 2001|url=http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/other/stats/warcost.htm|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070711050249/http://www.cwc.lsu.edu/other/stats/warcost.htm|archive-date=July 11, 2007|access-date=September 8, 2008}} |
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</ref> |
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</ref> a fact hardly atypical of pre–World War I conflicts. |
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== |
==Demographics== |
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{{Further|White Southerners|Black Southerners}} |
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In peacetime, the vast system of navigable rivers allowed for cheap and easy transportation of farm products. The railroad system, built as a supplement, tied plantation areas to the nearest river or seaport. The vast geography of the Confederacy made logistics difficult for the Union, and the Union armies assigned many of their soldiers to garrison captured areas and to protect rail lines. Nevertheless, the [[Union Navy]] had seized most of the navigable rivers by 1862, making its own logistics easy and Confederate movements difficult. After the [[Siege of Vicksburg|fall of Vicksburg]] in July 1863, it became impossible for Confederate units to cross the Mississippi: Union gunboats constantly patrolled the river. The South thus lost the use of its western regions. |
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=== |
===Population=== |
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{{Hatnote|Percentages may not total 100% because of rounding.}} |
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{{Main|Confederate railroads in the American Civil War}} |
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The 1860 United States census<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.census.gov/prod/www/decennial.html#y1860|title=1860 Census of Population and Housing |publisher=Census.gov |date=January 7, 2009 |access-date=August 29, 2010}}</ref> gives a picture of the population for the areas that had joined the Confederacy. The population numbers exclude non-assimilated Indian tribes. |
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{|class="wikitable plainrowheaders sortable" style="clear: both; text-align: right;" |
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[[File:LocomotiveFredLeach.jpg|thumb|left|The Union locomotive, "Fred Leach", is photographed on the Orange and Alexandria Railroad after it escaped from Confederates on August 1, 1863 near Union Mills. Holes in the smokestack from Confederate shot are visible.]] [[File:1860 B&O.jpg|thumb|Baltimore & Ohio RR map of 1860 with connections.]] |
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|- |
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! scope="col" | State |
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! scope="col" | Total<br />population |
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! scope="col" | Total<br />number of<br />slaves |
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! scope="col" | Total<br />number of<br />households |
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! scope="col" | Total<br />free<br />population |
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! scope="col" | Total number<br />slaveholders |
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! scope="col" | % of Free<br />population<br />owning<br />slaves<ref>Calculated by dividing the number of owners (obtained via the census) by the number of free persons.</ref> |
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! scope="col" | % of Free<br />families<br />owning<br />slaves<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://faculty.weber.edu/kmackay/selected_statistics_on_slavery_i.htm|title=Selected Statistics on Slavery in the United States|website=faculty.weber.edu|accessdate=May 3, 2023}}</ref> |
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! scope="col" | Slaves<br />as % of<br />population |
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! scope="col" | Total<br />free<br />colored |
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|- |
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! scope="row" | Alabama |
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| 964,201 |
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| 435,080 |
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| 96,603 |
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| 529,121 |
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| 33,730 |
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| 6% |
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| 35% |
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| 45% |
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| 2,690 |
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|- style="background: #f5f5f5;" |
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! scope="row" | Arkansas |
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| 435,450 |
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| 111,115 |
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| 57,244 |
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| 324,335 |
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| 11,481 |
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| 4% |
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| 20% |
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| 26% |
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| 144 |
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|- |
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! scope="row" | Florida |
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| 140,424 |
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| 61,745 |
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| 15,090 |
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| 78,679 |
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| 5,152 |
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| 7% |
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| 34% |
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| 44% |
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| 932 |
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|- style="background: #f5f5f5;" |
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! scope="row" | Georgia |
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| 1,057,286 |
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| 462,198 |
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| 109,919 |
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| 595,088 |
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| 41,084 |
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| 7% |
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| 37% |
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| 44% |
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| 3,500 |
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|- |
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! scope="row" | Louisiana |
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| 708,002 |
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| 331,726 |
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| 74,725 |
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| 376,276 |
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| 22,033 |
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| 6% |
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| 29% |
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| 47% |
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| 18,647 |
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|- style="background: #f5f5f5;" |
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! scope="row" | Mississippi |
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| 791,305 |
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| 436,631 |
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| 63,015 |
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| 354,674 |
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| 30,943 |
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| 9% |
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| 49% |
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| 55% |
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| 773 |
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|- |
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! scope="row" | North Carolina |
|||
| 992,622 |
|||
| 331,059 |
|||
| 125,090 |
|||
| 661,563 |
|||
| 34,658 |
|||
| 5% |
|||
| 28% |
|||
| 33% |
|||
| 30,463 |
|||
|- style="background: #f5f5f5;" |
|||
! scope="row" | South Carolina |
|||
| 703,708 |
|||
| 402,406 |
|||
| 58,642 |
|||
| 301,302 |
|||
| 26,701 |
|||
| 9% |
|||
| 46% |
|||
| 57% |
|||
| 9,914 |
|||
|- |
|||
! scope="row" | Tennessee |
|||
| 1,109,801 |
|||
| 275,719 |
|||
| 149,335 |
|||
| 834,082 |
|||
| 36,844 |
|||
| 4% |
|||
| 25% |
|||
| 25% |
|||
| 7,300 |
|||
|- style="background: #f5f5f5;" |
|||
! scope="row" | Texas |
|||
| 604,215 |
|||
| 182,566 |
|||
| 76,781 |
|||
| 421,649 |
|||
| 21,878 |
|||
| 5% |
|||
| 28% |
|||
| 30% |
|||
| 355 |
|||
|- |
|||
! scope="row" | Virginia<ref>Figures for Virginia include the future West Virginia</ref> |
|||
| 1,596,318 |
|||
| 490,865 |
|||
| 201,523 |
|||
| 1,105,453 |
|||
| 52,128 |
|||
| 5% |
|||
| 26% |
|||
| 31% |
|||
| 58,042 |
|||
|- class="sortbottom" style="background: #f9f9f9; font-weight: bold;" |
|||
! scope="row" | '''Total''' |
|||
| 9,103,332 |
|||
| 3,521,110 |
|||
| 1,027,967 |
|||
| 5,582,222 |
|||
| 316,632 |
|||
| 6% |
|||
| 31% |
|||
| 39% |
|||
| 132,760 |
|||
|} |
|||
{| class="wikitable plainrowheaders" style="clear: both; text-align: right;" |
|||
At the end of 1860, the Southern rail network was disjointed and plagued by break of gauge as well as lack of interchange.<ref name="Trains1">{{cite journal |last1=Hankey |first1=John P. |year=2011 |title=The Railroad War |journal=Trains |publisher=Kalmbach Publishing Company |volume=71 |issue=3 |pages=24–35 }}</ref> In addition, most rail lines lead from coastal or river ports to inland cities, with few lateral railroads. This made travel between adjacent states by rail difficult. |
|||
|- |
|||
! scope="col" | Age structure |
|||
! scope="col" | 0–14 years |
|||
! scope="col" | 15–59 years |
|||
! scope="col" | 60 years and over |
|||
|- |
|||
! scope="row" | White males |
|||
| 43% |
|||
| 52% |
|||
| 4% |
|||
|- style="background: #f5f5f5;" |
|||
! scope="row" | White females |
|||
| 44% |
|||
| 52% |
|||
| 4% |
|||
|- |
|||
! scope="row" | Male slaves |
|||
| 44% |
|||
| 51% |
|||
| 4% |
|||
|- style="background: #f5f5f5;" |
|||
! scope="row" | Female slaves |
|||
| 45% |
|||
| 51% |
|||
| 3% |
|||
|- |
|||
! scope="row" | Free black males |
|||
| 45% |
|||
| 50% |
|||
| 5% |
|||
|- style="background: #f5f5f5;" |
|||
! scope="row" | Free black females |
|||
| 40% |
|||
| 54% |
|||
| 6% |
|||
|- style="background: #f9f9f9; font-weight: bold;" |
|||
! scope="row" | '''Total population'''<ref>Rows may not add to 100% due to rounding</ref> |
|||
| 44% |
|||
| 52% |
|||
| 4% |
|||
|} |
|||
In 1860, the areas that later formed the eleven Confederate states (and including the future West Virginia) had 132,760 (2%) free blacks. Males made up 49% of the total population and females 51%.<ref>[http://mapserver.lib.virginia.edu/php/start.php?year=V1860 All data for this section taken from the University of Virginia Library, Historical Census Browser, Census Data for Year 1860] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141011024040/http://mapserver.lib.virginia.edu/php/start.php?year=V1860 |date=October 11, 2014 }}.</ref> |
|||
The outbreak of war had a depressing effect on the economic fortunes of the railroad system in Confederate territory. The hoarding of the cotton crop in an attempt to entice European intervention left railroads bereft of their main source of income.<ref>Charles W. Ramsdell, "The Confederate Government and the Railroads, ''American Historical Review,'' Vol. 22, No. 4 (July, 1917), p. 795.</ref> Many had to lay off employees, and in particular, let go skilled technicians and engineers.<ref name="RamsRail1">Charles W. Ramsdell The Confederate Government and the Railroads The American Historical Review, Vol. 22, No. 4 (July, 1917), p. 795.</ref> For the early years of the war, the Confederate government had a hands-off approach to the railroads. Only in mid-1863 did the Confederate government initiate an overall policy, and it was confined solely to aiding the war effort.<ref name="Ersatz">Mary Elizabeth Massey. ''Ersatz in the Confederacy'' (1952) p. 128.</ref> With the legislation of [[impressment]] the same year, railroads and their rolling stock came under the de facto control of the military. |
|||
===Rural and urban population=== |
|||
In the last year before the end of the war, the Confederate railroad system stood permanently on the verge of collapse. There was no new equipment and raids on both sides systematically destroyed key bridges, as well as locomotives and freight cars. Spare parts were cannibalized; feeder lines were torn up to get replacement rails for trunk lines, and the heavy use of rolling stock wore them out.<ref name="RamsRail4">Ramsdell, "The Confederate Government and the Railroads," pp. 809–810.</ref> |
|||
[[File:A Home on the Mississippi.png|thumb|upright=1.15|''[[A Home on the Mississippi]]'', [[Currier and Ives]], 1871]] |
|||
The CSA was overwhelmingly rural. Few towns had populations of more than 1,000—the typical [[county seat]] had a population under 500. Of the twenty largest U.S. cities in the 1860 census, only [[New Orleans]] lay in Confederate territory.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.census.gov/population/www/documentation/twps0027/tab09.txt|title=U.S. Bureau of the Census, Population of the 100 Largest Urban Places: 1860, Internet Release date: June 15, 1998|access-date=August 29, 2010}}</ref> Only 13 Confederate-controlled cities ranked among the top 100 U.S. cities in 1860, most of them ports whose economic activities vanished or suffered severely in the [[Union blockade]]. The population of Richmond swelled after it became the Confederate capital, reaching an estimated 128,000 in 1864.<ref>Dabney 1990 p. 182</ref> |
|||
===Rural/urban configuration=== |
|||
The area claimed by the Confederate States of America consisted overwhelmingly of rural land. Few urban areas had populations of more than 1,000 – the typical [[county seat]] had a population of fewer than 500 people. Cities were rare. Of the twenty largest U.S. cities in the 1860 census, only [[New Orleans]] lay in Confederate territory <ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.census.gov/population/www/documentation/twps0027/tab09.txt |title=U.S. Bureau of the Census, Population of the 100 Largest Urban Places: 1860, Internet Release date: June 15, 1998 |date= |accessdate=2010-08-29}}</ref> – and the Union captured New Orleans in 1862. Only 13 Confederate-controlled cities ranked among the top 100 U.S. cities in 1860, most of them ports whose economic activities vanished or suffered severely in the [[Union blockade]]. The population of Richmond swelled after it became the Confederate capital, reaching an estimated 128,000 in 1864.<ref>Dabney 1990 p. 182</ref> Other large Southern cities ([[Baltimore, Maryland|Baltimore]], [[St. Louis, Missouri|St. Louis]], [[Louisville, Kentucky|Louisville]], and [[Washington, D.C]] as well as [[Wheeling, West Virginia|Wheeling]], [[West Virginia]], and [[Alexandria, Virginia|Alexandria]], [[Virginia]]) never came under the control of the Confederate government. |
|||
The cities of the Confederacy included |
The cities of the Confederacy included (by size of population): |
||
{| class="wikitable" style="margin:auto;" |
{| class="wikitable sortable plainrowheaders" style="margin: auto;" |
||
|- |
|||
|- style="background: #efefef;" |
|||
! scope="col" | # |
|||
! # !! City !! 1860 population !! [[List of United States metropolitan statistical areas by population|1860 U.S. rank]] |
|||
! scope="col" | City |
|||
| Return to U.S. control |
|||
! scope="col" | 1860 population |
|||
! scope="col" | [[List of United States metropolitan statistical areas by population|1860 U.S. rank]] |
|||
! Return to U.S. control |
|||
!Notes |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 1. |
|||
| [[New Orleans]], |
| [[New Orleans]], Louisiana |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 168,675 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 168,675 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 6 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 6 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1862 |
|||
| 1862 |
|||
|See [[New Orleans in the American Civil War]] |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 2. |
|||
| [[Charleston, South Carolina|Charleston]], |
| [[Charleston, South Carolina|Charleston]], South Carolina |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 40,522 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 40,522 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 22 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 22 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1865 |
|||
| 1865 |
|||
|See [[Charleston in the American Civil War]] |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 3. |
|||
| [[Richmond, Virginia|Richmond]], |
| [[Richmond, Virginia|Richmond]], Virginia |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 37,910 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 37,910 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 25 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 25 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1865 |
|||
| 1865 |
|||
|See [[Richmond in the Civil War|Richmond in the American Civil War]] |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 4. |
|||
| [[Mobile, Alabama|Mobile]], |
| [[Mobile, Alabama|Mobile]], Alabama |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 29,258 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 29,258 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 27 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 27 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1865 |
|||
| 1865 |
|||
| |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 5. |
|||
| [[Memphis, Tennessee|Memphis]], |
| [[Memphis, Tennessee|Memphis]], Tennessee |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 22,623 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 22,623 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 38 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 38 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1862 |
|||
| 1862 |
|||
| |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 6. |
|||
| [[Savannah, Georgia|Savannah]], |
| [[Savannah, Georgia|Savannah]], Georgia |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 22,619 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 22,619 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 41 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 41 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1864 |
|||
| 1864 |
|||
| |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 7. |
|||
| [[Petersburg, Virginia|Petersburg]], |
| [[Petersburg, Virginia|Petersburg]], Virginia |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 18,266 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 18,266 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 50 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 50 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1865 |
|||
| 1865 |
|||
| |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 8. |
|||
| [[Nashville, Tennessee|Nashville]], |
| [[Nashville, Tennessee|Nashville]], Tennessee |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 16,988 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 16,988 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 54 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 54 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1862 |
|||
| 1862 |
|||
|See [[History of Nashville, Tennessee#Civil War|Nashville in the American Civil War]] |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 9. |
|||
| [[Norfolk, Virginia|Norfolk]], |
| [[Norfolk, Virginia|Norfolk]], Virginia |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 14,620 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 14,620 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 61 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 61 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1862 |
|||
| 1862 |
|||
| |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 10. |
|||
| [[Alexandria, Virginia|Alexandria]], Virginia |
|||
| [[Augusta, Georgia|Augusta]], [[Georgia (U.S. state)|Georgia]] |
|||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 12,652 |
|||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 75 |
|||
| style="text-align: center; |1861 |
|||
| |
|||
|- |
|||
! scope="row" | 11. |
|||
| [[Augusta, Georgia|Augusta]], Georgia |
|||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 12,493 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 12,493 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 77 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 77 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1865 |
|||
| 1865 |
|||
| |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 12. |
|||
| [[Columbus, Georgia|Columbus]], |
| [[Columbus, Georgia|Columbus]], Georgia |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 9,621 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 9,621 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 97 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 97 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1865 |
|||
| 1865 |
|||
| |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 13. |
|||
| [[Atlanta]], |
| [[Atlanta]], Georgia |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 9,554 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 9,554 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 99 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 99 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1864 |
|||
| 1864 |
|||
|See [[Atlanta in the American Civil War]] |
|||
|- |
|- |
||
! scope="row" | 14. |
|||
| [[Wilmington, North Carolina|Wilmington]], |
| [[Wilmington, North Carolina|Wilmington]], North Carolina |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 9,553 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 9,553 |
||
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 100 |
| style="text-align: right; padding-right: 1em;" | 100 |
||
| style="text-align: center; |1865 |
|||
| 1865 |
|||
|See [[Wilmington, North Carolina in the American Civil War]] |
|||
|} |
|} |
||
===Religion=== |
|||
''(See also [[Atlanta in the Civil War]], [[Charleston, South Carolina, in the Civil War]], [[Nashville in the Civil War]], [[New Orleans in the Civil War]], [[Wilmington, North Carolina, in the American Civil War]], and [[Richmond in the Civil War]]).'' |
|||
{{See also|Christian views on slavery}} |
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[[File:St. John's Episcopal Montgomery Feb 2012 02.jpg|thumb|upright|[[St. John's Episcopal Church (Montgomery, Alabama)|St. John's Episcopal Church]], [[Montgomery, Alabama|Montgomery]]. The Secession Convention of Southern Churches was held here in 1861.]] |
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The CSA was overwhelmingly [[Protestant]].<ref>Randall M. Miller, Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan, eds. ''Religion and the American Civil War'' (1998) [https://www.amazon.com/dp/0195121295 excerpt and text search].</ref> Both free and enslaved populations identified with [[evangelical Protestantism]]. [[Baptists]] and [[Methodists]] together formed majorities of both the white and the slave population, becoming the [[Black church]]. [[Freedom of religion]] and [[separation of church and state]] were fully ensured by Confederate laws. [[Church attendance]] was very high and chaplains played a major role in the Army.<ref>Pamela Robinson-Durso, "Chaplains in the Confederate Army." ''Journal of Church and State'' 33 (1991): 747+.</ref> |
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==Economy== |
|||
{{Main|Economy of the Confederate States of America}} |
|||
Most large denominations experienced a North–South split in the prewar era on the issue of [[slavery]]. The creation of a new country necessitated independent structures. For example, the [[Presbyterian Church in the United States]] split, with much of the new leadership provided by [[Joseph Ruggles Wilson]].<ref>W. Harrison Daniel, "Southern Presbyterians in the Confederacy." ''North Carolina Historical Review'' 44.3 (1967): 231–255. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/23517888 online]</ref> Baptists and Methodists both broke off from their Northern coreligionists over the slavery issue, forming the [[Southern Baptist Convention]] and the [[Methodist Episcopal Church, South]].<ref>W. Harrison Daniel, "The Southern Baptists in the Confederacy." ''Civil War History'' 6.4 (1960): 389–401.</ref><ref>G. Clinton Prim. "Southern Methodism in the Confederacy". ''Methodist history'' 23.4 (1985): 240–249.</ref> Elites in the southeast favored the [[Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States of America]], which had reluctantly split from the [[Episcopal Church (USA)|Episcopal Church]] in 1861.<ref>Edgar Legare Pennington, "The Confederate Episcopal Church and the Southern Soldiers." ''Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church'' 17.4 (1948): 356–383. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/42972008 online]</ref> Other elites were [[Presbyterians]] belonging to the 1861-founded [[Presbyterian Church in the United States]]. Catholics included an Irish working-class element in coastal cities and an old French element in southern Louisiana.<ref>David T. Gleeson, ''The Green and the Gray: The Irish in the Confederate States of America'' (2013).</ref><ref>Sidney J. Romero, "Louisiana Clergy and the Confederate Army". ''Louisiana History'' 2.3 (1961): 277–300. {{JSTOR|4230621}}.</ref> |
|||
The Confederacy started its existence as an agrarian economy with exports, to a world market, of [[cotton]], and, to a lesser extent, [[tobacco]] and [[sugarcane]]. Local food production included grains, hogs, cattle, and gardens. The 11 states produced $155 million in manufactured goods in 1860, chiefly from local grist-mills, and lumber, processed tobacco, cotton goods and [[naval stores]] such as [[turpentine]]. By the 1830s, the 11 states produced more cotton than all of the other countries in the world combined. |
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The southern churches met the shortage of Army chaplains by sending missionaries. One result was wave after wave of revivals in the Army.<ref>W. Harrison Daniel, "Southern Protestantism and Army Missions in the Confederacy". ''Mississippi Quarterly'' 17.4 (1964): 179+.</ref> |
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The Confederacy adopted a low [[tariff]] of 15 per cent, but imposed it on all imports from other countries, including the Union states.<ref>[http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/tariff/tariff.html Tariff of the Confederate States of America, May 21, 1861].</ref> The tariff mattered little; the Union blockade minimized commercial traffic through the Confederacy's ports, and very few people paid taxes on goods smuggled from the Union states. The government collected about $3.5 million in tariff revenue from the start of their war against the Union to late 1864. The lack of adequate financial resources led the Confederacy to finance the war through printing money, which led to high inflation. The requirements of its military encouraged the Confederate government to take a [[dirigisme|dirigiste]]-style approach to industrialization.<ref> |
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{{cite book |
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|authorlink= |
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|coauthors= |
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|editor= Ian Drury |
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|editor-link= |
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|title= History of war |
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|origyear= 2000 |
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|year= 2003 |
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|publisher= Times Books |
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|location= London |
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|isbn= 0007164580 |
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|page= 138 |
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|chapter= American Civil War: Naval & Economic Warfare |
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|chapterurl= |
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|quote= The Confederacy underwent a government-led industrial revolution during the war, but its economy was slowly strangled. |
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}} |
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</ref> |
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But such efforts faced setbacks: Union raids and in particular [[William Tecumseh Sherman|Sherman]]'s scorched-earth campaigning destroyed much economic infrastructure.<ref> |
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{{cite book |
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|authorlink= |
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|editor= Ian Drury |
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|others= |
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|title= History of war |
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|volume= |
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|date= |
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|origyear= 2000 |
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|year= 2003 |
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|month= |
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|publisher= Times Books |
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|location= London |
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|isbn=0007164580 |
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|oclc= |
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|doi= |
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|bibcode= |
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|page= 138 |
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|pages= |
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|nopp= |
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|chapter= American Civil War: Naval & Economic Warfare |
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|chapterurl= |
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|quote= Like other belligerents unable to occupy enemy territory effectively, the US army resorted to raids. The most spectacular was Sherman's march through Georgia to the sea. This not only inflicted economic damage on the areas traversed, but disrupted the railways that supplied Confederate armies. |
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}} |
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</ref> |
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==Legacy and assessment== |
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==Demographics== |
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{{See also|Lost Cause of the Confederacy}} |
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The [[1860 United States Census|United States Census of 1860]] <ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.census.gov/prod/www/abs/decennial/1860.htm |title=1860 Census of Population and Housing |publisher=Census.gov |date=2009-01-07 |accessdate=2010-08-29}}</ref> gives a picture of the overall 1860 population of the areas that joined the Confederacy. Note that population-numbers exclude non-assimilated Indian tribes. |
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===Amnesty and treason issue=== |
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{| class="sortable" style="clear:both; text-align:right; font-size:85%" |
|||
{{Main|Pardons for ex-Confederates}} |
|||
|- style="background:#bbb; text-align:center;" |
|||
! State<br/> |
|||
!Total<br/>Population<br/> |
|||
!Total<br/># of<br/>Slaves<br/> |
|||
!Total<br/># of<br/>Households<br/> |
|||
!Total<br/>Free<br/>Population<br/> |
|||
!Total #<ref>Form available for viewing at http://c.ancestry.com/pdf/trees/charts/1860Slave.pdf shows how data on slave ownership was collected.</ref><br/>Slaveholders<br/> |
|||
!% of Free<br/>Population<br/>Owning<br/>Slaves<ref>Calculated by dividing the number of owners (obtained via the census) by the number of free persons.</ref><br/> |
|||
!Slaves<br/>as % of<br/>Population<br/> |
|||
!Total<br/>free<br/>colored<br/> |
|||
|- style="background:#ddd;" |
|||
|align=left| Alabama || 964,201 || 435,080 || 96,603 || 529,121 || 33,730 || 6% || 45%||2,690 |
|||
|- style="background:#eee;" |
|||
|align=left| Arkansas || 435,450 || 111,115 || 57,244 || 324,335 || 11,481 || 4% || 26%||144 |
|||
|- style="background:#ddd;" |
|||
|align=left| Florida || 140,424 || 61,745 || 15,090 || 78,679 || 5,152 || 7% || 44%||932 |
|||
|- style="background:#eee;" |
|||
|align=left| Georgia || 1,057,286 || 462,198 || 109,919 || 595,088 || 41,084 || 7% || 44%||3,500 |
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|- style="background:#ddd;" |
|||
|align=left| Louisiana || 708,002 || 331,726 || 74,725 || 376,276 || 22,033 || 6% || 47%||18,647 |
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|- style="background:#eee;" |
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|align=left| Mississippi || 791,305 || 436,631 || 63,015 || 354,674 || 30,943 || 9% || 55%||773 |
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|- style="background:#ddd;" |
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|align=left| North Carolina || 992,622 || 331,059 || 125,090 || 661,563 || 34,658 || 5% || 33%||30,463 |
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|- style="background:#eee;" |
|||
|align=left| South Carolina || 703,708 || 402,406 || 58,642 || 301,302 || 26,701 || 9% || 57%||9,914 |
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|- style="background:#ddd;" |
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|align=left| Tennessee || 1,109,801 || 275,719 || 149,335 || 834,082 || 36,844 || 4% || 25%||7,300 |
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|- style="background:#eee;" |
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|align=left| Texas || 604,215 || 182,566 || 76,781 || 421,649 || 21,878 || 5% || 30%||355 |
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|- style="background:#ddd;" |
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|align=left| Virginia || 1,596,318 || 490,865 || 201,523 || 1,105,453 || 52,128 || 5% || 31%||58,042 |
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|- style="background:#bbb;" |
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!align=left| Total || 9,103,332 || 3,521,110 || 1,027,967 || 5,582,222 || 316,632 || 6% || 39%||132,760 |
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|} |
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(Figures for Virginia include the future West Virginia.) |
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When the war ended over 14,000 Confederates petitioned President Johnson for a pardon; he was generous in giving them out.<ref>{{cite journal |first=J. T. |last=Dorris |title=Pardoning the Leaders of the Confederacy |journal=Mississippi Valley Historical Review |year=1928 |volume=15 |issue=1 |pages=3–21 |jstor=1891664 |doi=10.2307/1891664 }}</ref> He issued a general amnesty to all Confederate participants in the "late Civil War" in 1868.<ref>Johnson, Andrew. [http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=72360 "Proclamation 179 – Granting full pardon and amnesty for the offense of treason against the United States during the late Civil War"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171122185727/http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=72360 |date=November 22, 2017 }}, December 25, 1868. Accessed July 18, 2014.</ref> Congress passed additional Amnesty Acts in May 1866 with restrictions on office holding, and the [[Amnesty Act]] in May 1872 lifting those restrictions. There was a great deal of discussion in 1865 about bringing treason trials, especially against Jefferson Davis. There was no consensus in President Johnson's cabinet, and no one was charged with treason. An acquittal of Davis would have been humiliating for the government.<ref>{{cite journal |first=Roy Franklin |last=Nichols |title=United States vs. Jefferson Davis, 1865–1869 |journal=[[American Historical Review]] |year=1926 |volume=31 |issue=2 |pages=266–284 |jstor=1838262 |doi=10.2307/1838262 }}</ref> |
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{| style="clear:both; text-align:right;" |
|||
|- style="background:#bbb;" |
|||
! Age structure |
|||
! 0–14 years |
|||
! 15–59 years |
|||
! 60 years and over |
|||
! Total |
|||
|- style="background:#ddd;" |
|||
| align=left|White males |
|||
| 43%|| 52%|| 4%|| |
|||
|- style="background:#eee;" |
|||
| align=left|White females |
|||
| 44%|| 52%|| 4%|| |
|||
|- style="background:#ddd;" |
|||
| align=left|Male slaves |
|||
| 44%|| 51%|| 4%|| |
|||
|- style="background:#eee;" |
|||
| align=left|Female slaves |
|||
| 45%|| 51%|| 3%|| |
|||
|- style="background:#ddd;" |
|||
| align=left|Free black males |
|||
| 45%|| 50%|| 5%|| |
|||
|- style="background:#eee;" |
|||
| align=left|Free black females |
|||
| 40%|| 54%|| 6%|| |
|||
|- style="background:#ddd;" |
|||
| align=left|'''Total population''' |
|||
| '''44%'''|| '''52%'''|| '''4%'''|| |
|||
|} |
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Davis was indicted for treason but never tried; he was released from prison on bail in May 1867. The amnesty of December 25, 1868, by President Johnson eliminated any possibility of Jefferson Davis (or anyone else associated with the Confederacy) standing trial for treason.<ref>{{cite book|author=Jefferson Davis|title=The Papers of Jefferson Davis: June 1865 – December 1870|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tCFFUrkgy60C&pg=PA96|year=2008|publisher=Louisiana State UP|page=96|isbn=978-0807133415}}</ref><ref>Nichols, "United States vs. Jefferson Davis, 1865–1869".</ref><ref> |
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(Rows may not total to 100% due to rounding) |
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* {{cite journal |jstor = 25723506|title = United States v. Jefferson Davis: Constitutional Issues in the Trial for Treason|journal = American Bar Association Journal|volume = 52|issue = 2|pages = 139–145|last1 = Deutsch|first1 = Eberhard P.|year = 1966}} |
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* {{cite journal |jstor = 25723552|title = United States v. Jefferson Davis: Constitutional Issues in the Trial for Treason|journal = American Bar Association Journal|volume = 52|issue = 3|pages = 263–268|last1 = Deutsch|first1 = Eberhard P.|year = 1966}}</ref> |
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[[Henry Wirz]], the [[commandant]] of a notorious [[prisoner-of-war]] camp near [[Andersonville, Georgia]], was tried and convicted by a military court, and executed on November 10, 1865. The charges against him involved conspiracy and cruelty, not treason. |
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In 1860 the areas that later formed the 11 Confederate States (and including the future West Virginia) had 132,760 (1.46%) free blacks. Males made up 49.2% of the total population and females 50.8% (whites: 48.60% male, 51.40% female; slaves: 50.15% male, 49.85% female; free blacks: 47.43% male, 52.57% female).<ref>[http://mapserver.lib.virginia.edu/php/start.php?year=V1860 All data for this section taken from the University of Virginia Library, Historical Census Browser, Census Data for Year 1860].</ref> |
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The U.S. government began a decade-long process known as [[Reconstruction Era|Reconstruction]] which attempted to resolve the political and constitutional issues of the Civil War. The priorities were: to guarantee that Confederate nationalism and slavery were ended, to ratify and enforce the [[Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Thirteenth Amendment]] which outlawed slavery; the [[Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fourteenth]] which guaranteed dual U.S. and state citizenship to all native-born residents, regardless of race; the [[Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution|Fifteenth]], which made it illegal to deny the right to vote because of race; and repeal each state's ordinance of secession.<ref>John David Smith, ed. ''Interpreting American History: Reconstruction'' (Kent State University Press, 2016).</ref> |
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==Armed forces== |
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{{Main|Military of the Confederate States of America}} |
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[[File:Navy Jack CSA.jpg|thumb|right|Navy Jack of the CSA]] |
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By 1877, the [[Compromise of 1877]] ended Reconstruction in the former Confederate states. Federal troops were withdrawn from the South, where conservative white Democrats had already regained political control of state governments, often through extreme violence and fraud to suppress black voting. The prewar South had many rich areas; the war left the entire region economically devastated by military action, ruined infrastructure, and exhausted resources. Still dependent on an agricultural economy and resisting investment in infrastructure, it remained dominated by the planter elite into the next century. Confederate veterans had been temporarily disenfranchised by Reconstruction policy, and Democrat-dominated legislatures passed new constitutions and amendments [[Disfranchisement after Reconstruction era|to now exclude]] most blacks and many poor whites. This exclusion and a weakened Republican Party remained the norm until the [[Voting Rights Act of 1965]]. The [[Solid South]] of the early 20th century did not achieve national levels of prosperity until long after [[World War II]].<ref>{{Cite book|last1=Cooper|first1=William J.|author-link1 = William J. Cooper, Jr.|last2=Terrill|first2=Tom E.|title=The American South: a history|year=2009|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield Publishers|isbn=978-0-7425-6095-6|page=xix}}</ref> |
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The military armed forces of the Confederacy comprised three branches: |
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*[[Confederate States Army]] |
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*[[Confederate States Navy]] |
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*[[Confederate States Marine Corps]] |
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===''Texas v. White'' (1869)=== |
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The Confederate military leadership included many veterans from the [[United States Army]] and [[United States Navy]] who had resigned their Federal commissions and had won appointment to senior positions in the Confederate armed forces. Many had served in the [[Mexican-American War]] (including Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis), but some such as [[Leonidas Polk]] (who had attended [[United States Military Academy|West Point]] but did not graduate) had little or no experience. The Confederate officer corps consisted of men from both slave-owning and non-slave-owning families. The Confederacy appointed junior and field grade officers by election from the enlisted ranks. Although no Army service academy was established for the Confederacy, many colleges of the South (such as [[The Citadel (military college)|The Citadel]] and [[Virginia Military Institute]]) maintained cadet corps that were seen as a training ground for Confederate military leadership. A naval academy was established at [[Drewry’s Bluff]], Virginia<ref>[http://www.navyandmarine.org/ondeck/1862blackCSN.htm 1862blackCSN].</ref> in 1863, but no midshipmen graduated before the Confederacy's end. |
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In ''[[Texas v. White]]'', the United States Supreme Court ruled by a 5–3 majority that Texas had remained a state ever since it first joined the Union, despite claims that it joined the Confederate States of America. The Court held that the Constitution did not permit [[United States states|a state]] to unilaterally secede from the United States. It also held that the ordinances of secession, and all the acts of the legislatures within the eleven seceding states intended to give effect to such ordinances, were "absolutely [[Void (law)|null]]", under the Constitution.<ref>{{cite book |last=Murray |first=Robert Bruce |title=Legal Cases of the Civil War |year=2003 |publisher=Stackpole Books |isbn=0-8117-0059-3 |pages=155–159 }}</ref> This case settled the law that applied to all questions regarding state legislation during the war. Furthermore, it decided one of the "central constitutional questions" of the Civil War: The Union is perpetual and indestructible, as a matter of constitutional law. In declaring that no state could leave the Union, "except through revolution or through consent of the States", it was "explicitly repudiating the position of the Confederate states that the United States was a voluntary compact between sovereign states".<ref>{{cite book |last=Zuczek |first=Richard |title=Encyclopedia of the Reconstruction Era |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=H80eQweo0V4C&pg=PA649 |chapter=Texas v. White (1869) |year=2006 |isbn=0-313-33073-5 |page=649 |publisher=Bloomsbury }}</ref> |
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===''Sprott v. United States'' (1874)=== |
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The soldiers of the Confederate armed forces consisted mainly of white males aged between 16 and 28.{{Citation needed|date=February 2008}} The Confederacy adopted [[conscription]] in 1862. Many thousands of slaves served as laborers, cooks, and pioneers. Some freed blacks and men of color served in local state militia units of the Confederacy, primarily in Louisiana and South Carolina, but their officers deployed them for "local defense, not combat." <ref>Rubin p. 104.</ref> Depleted by casualties and desertions, the military suffered chronic manpower shortages. In the spring of 1865, the Confederate Congress, influenced by the public support by General Lee, approved the recruitment of black infantry units. Contrary to Lee’s and Davis’s recommendations, the Congress refused “to guarantee the freedom of black volunteers.” No more than two hundred black troops were ever raised.<ref>Levine pp. 146–147.</ref> |
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In ''Sprott v. United States'', the Supreme Court ruled 8–1 to reaffirm its conclusion in ''White'' and held that the Confederate States of America was little more than a briefly existing breakaway state. Specifically, the opinion condemned the Confederacy as treasonous and as having totally perished upon being overthrown.<ref>{{Cite web |title=SPROTT v. UNITED STATES. |url=https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/87/459 |access-date=2024-06-04 |website=LII / Legal Information Institute |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Treason Clause: Doctrine and Practice |url=https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution-conan/article-3/section-3/clause-1/treason-clause-doctrine-and-practice |access-date=2024-06-18 |website=LII / Legal Information Institute |language=en}}</ref> [[Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States|Associate Justice]] [[Samuel Freeman Miller]] wrote for the Court majority: |
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{{Blockquote|text=The government of the Confederate states ... had no existence except as a conspiracy to overthrow lawful authority. Its foundation was treason against the existing Federal government. Its single purpose, so long as it lasted, was to make that treason successful. So far from being necessary to the organization of civil government, or to its maintenance and support, it was inimical to social order, destructive to the best interests of society, and its primary object was to overthrow the government on which these so largely depended. Its existence and temporary power were an enormous evil which the whole force of the government and the people of the United States was engaged for years in destroying. When it was overthrown, it perished totally. It left no laws, no statutes, no decrees, no authority which can give support to any contract or any act done in its service, or in aid of its purpose or which contributed to protract its existence.}} |
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===Military leaders=== |
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Military leaders of the Confederacy (with their state or country of birth and highest rank)<ref>Eicher, ''Civil War High Commands''.</ref> included: |
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===Theories regarding downfall=== |
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[[File:Leeedit.jpg|thumb|right|General [[Robert E. Lee]]: for many, the face of the Confederate army]] |
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*[[Robert E. Lee]] ([[Virginia]]) – [[Full General (CSA)|General]] and [[General-in-Chief]] (1865) |
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*[[Albert Sidney Johnston]] ([[Kentucky]]) – General |
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*[[Joseph E. Johnston]] (Virginia) – General |
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*[[Braxton Bragg]] ([[North Carolina]]) – General |
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*[[P.G.T. Beauregard]] ([[Louisiana]]) – General |
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*[[Richard S. Ewell]] (Virginia) – [[Lieutenant General (CSA)|Lieutenant General]] |
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*[[Francis Marion Cockrell]] (Missouri) – Brigadier General for CSA. Following the Civil War, he received a Presidential Pardon and served as U.S. Senator from Missouri for 30 years. |
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*[[James Longstreet]] ([[South Carolina]]) – Lieutenant General |
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*[[Stonewall Jackson|Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson]] (Virginia now [[West Virginia]]) – Lieutenant General |
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*[[John Hunt Morgan]] (Kentucky) – [[Brigadier General (CSA)|Brigadier General]] |
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*[[A.P. Hill]] (Virginia) – Lieutenant General |
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*[[John Bell Hood]] (Kentucky) – Lieutenant General (temporary General) |
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*[[Wade Hampton III]] (South Carolina) – Lieutenant General |
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*[[Nathan Bedford Forrest]] ([[Tennessee]]) – Lieutenant General |
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*[[John Singleton Mosby]], the "Grey Ghost of the Confederacy" (Virginia) – Colonel |
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*[[J.E.B. Stuart]] (Virginia) – [[Major General (CSA)|Major General]] |
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*[[Edward Porter Alexander]] ([[Georgia (U.S. state)|Georgia]]) – Brigadier General |
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*[[Franklin Buchanan]] ([[Maryland]]) – [[Admiral]] |
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*[[Raphael Semmes]] (Maryland) – [[Rear admiral (United States)|Rear Admiral]] |
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*[[Stand Watie]] (Georgia) – Brigadier General (last to surrender) |
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*[[Leonidas Polk]] (North Carolina) – Lieutenant General |
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*[[Sterling Price]] (Missouri) – Major General |
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*[[Jubal Anderson Early]] (Virginia) – Lieutenant General |
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*[[Richard Taylor (general)|Richard Taylor]] (Kentucky) – Lieutenant General (Son of U.S. President [[Zachary Taylor]]) |
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*[[Stephen Dodson Ramseur]] (North Carolina) – Major General |
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*[[Camille Armand Jules Marie, Prince de Polignac]] – ([[France]]) Major General |
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*[[John Austin Wharton]] (Tennessee) – Major General |
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*[[Thomas L. Rosser]] (Virginia) – Major General |
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*[[Patrick Cleburne]] ([[Ireland]]) – Major General |
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*[[William N. Pendleton]] (Virginia) – Brigadier General |
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*[[Heros von Borcke]] ([[Prussia]]) – Lieutenant Colonel |
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===="Died of states' rights"==== |
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{{details|History of Confederate States Army Generals}} |
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Historian [[Frank Lawrence Owsley]] argued that the Confederacy "died of states' rights".<ref name="Frank L. Owsley 1925">{{cite book |first=Frank L. |last=Owsley |title=State Rights in the Confederacy |location=Chicago |publisher=The University of Chicago Press |year=1925 }}</ref><ref>"Thomas1979" p. 155</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last=Owsley |title=Local Defense and the Overthrow of the Confederacy |journal=Mississippi Valley Historical Review |volume=11 |issue=4 |year=1925 |pages=492–525 |jstor=1895910 |doi=10.2307/1895910 }}</ref> The central government was denied requisitioned soldiers and money by governors and state legislatures because they feared that Richmond would encroach on the rights of the states. Georgia's governor [[Joseph E. Brown|Joseph Brown]] warned of a secret conspiracy by Jefferson Davis to destroy states' rights and individual liberty. The first conscription act in North America, authorizing Davis to draft soldiers, was said to be the "essence of military despotism".<ref>Rable (1994) 257. For a detailed criticism of Owsley's argument see {{cite book |first1=Richard E. |last1=Beringer |first2=William N. Jr. |last2=Still |first3=Archer |last3=Jones |first4=Herman |last4=Hattaway |title=Why the South Lost the Civil War |publisher=University of Georgia Press |year=1986 |pages=443–457 }} Brown declaimed against Davis Administration policies: "Almost every act of usurpation of power, or of bad faith, has been conceived, brought forth and nurtured in secret session."</ref><ref>See also {{cite book |first=Richard |last=Beringer |display-authors=etal |title=Why the South Lost the Civil War |publisher=University of Georgia Press |year=1986 |pages=64–83, 424–457 }}</ref> [[Roger Lowenstein]] argued in ''Ways and Means: Lincoln and His Cabinet and the Financing of the Civil War'' (2022) that the Confederacy's failure to raise adequate revenue led to [[hyperinflation]] and being unable to win a [[war of attrition]], despite the prowess of its military leadership such as [[Robert E. Lee]].<ref>{{Cite news |last=Foner |first=Eric |date=March 8, 2022 |title=The Hidden Story of the North's Victory in the Civil War |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/08/books/review/ways-and-means-roger-lowenstein.html |access-date=March 8, 2022}}</ref> |
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<gallery style="float:right; text-align:center" perrow="2"> |
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==Member States of the Confederate States== |
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Joseph Emerson Brown.jpg |[[Joseph E. Brown]], governor of Georgia |
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{| class="wikitable" |
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Pendleton murrah.jpg|[[Pendleton Murrah]], governor of Texas |
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|- style="background: #efefef; vertical-align: top;" |
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</gallery> |
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! Member State |
|||
! Flag |
|||
! Ordinance of Secession |
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! Date of Admission |
|||
! Under predominant<br/>Union control |
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! Readmitted to<br/>representation<br/>in Congress |
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|- |
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| style="text-align:left;" | [[South Carolina]] |
|||
| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:SC-SovFlag.svg|border|48px]][[File:South Carolina Jan 1861.svg|border|48px]] |
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| Dec. 20, 1860 |
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| Feb. 8, 1861 |
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| 1865 |
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| July 9, 1868 |
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|- |
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| style="text-align:left;" | [[Mississippi]] |
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| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:Mississippi 1861.svg|border|48px]] |
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| Jan. 9, 1861 |
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| Feb. 8, 1861 |
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| 1863 |
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| Feb. 23, 1870 |
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|- |
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| style="text-align:left;" | [[Florida]] |
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| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:Florida Provisional 1861.svg|border|48px]][[File:Florida 1861.svg|border|48px]] |
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| Jan. 10, 1861 |
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| Feb. 8, 1861 |
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| 1865 |
|||
| June 25, 1868 |
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|- |
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| style="text-align:left;" | [[Alabama]] |
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| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:Alabama 1861 Obverse.svg|border|48px]][[File:Alabama 1861 Reverse.svg|border|48px]] |
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| Jan. 11, 1861 |
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| Feb. 8, 1861 |
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| 1865 |
|||
| July 13, 1868 |
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|- |
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| style="text-align:left;" | [[Georgia (U.S. state)|Georgia]] |
|||
| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:Red Star Flag.png|border|48px]][[File:Flag of Georgia non official.svg|border|48px]] |
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| Jan. 19, 1861 |
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| Feb. 8, 1861 |
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| 1865 |
|||
| 1st Date July 21, 1868;<br/>2nd Date July 15, 1870 |
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|- |
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| style="text-align:left;" | [[Louisiana]] |
|||
| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:Louisiana Feb 11 1861.svg|border|48px]] |
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| Jan. 26, 1861 |
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| Feb. 8, 1861 |
|||
| 1863 |
|||
| July 9, 1868 |
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|- |
|||
| style="text-align:left;" | [[Texas]] |
|||
| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:Flag of Texas.svg|border|48px]] |
|||
| Feb. 1, 1861 |
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| March 2, 1861 |
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| 1865 |
|||
| March 30, 1870 |
|||
|- |
|||
| style="text-align:left;" | [[Virginia]] |
|||
| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:Flag of Virginia.svg|border|48px]] |
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| April 17, 1861 |
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| May 7, 1861 |
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| 1865;<br/>(1862/63 for [[West Virginia]]) |
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| Jan. 26, 1870 |
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|- |
|||
| style="text-align:left;" | [[Arkansas]] |
|||
| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:Proposed Arkansas flag (1910).svg|border|48px]] |
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| May 6, 1861 |
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| May 18, 1861 |
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| 1864 |
|||
| June 22, 1868 |
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|- |
|||
| style="text-align:left;" | [[North Carolina]] |
|||
| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:North Carolina 1861.svg|border|48px]] |
|||
| May 20, 1861 |
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| May 21, 1861 |
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| 1865 |
|||
| July 4, 1868 |
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|- |
|||
| style="text-align:left;" | [[Tennessee]] |
|||
| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:Tennessee 1861 proposed.svg|border|48px]] |
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| June 8, 1861 |
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| July 2, 1861 |
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| 1863 |
|||
| July 24, 1866 |
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|- |
|||
| style="text-align:left;" | [[Missouri]] <small>([[Missouri Secession|exiled government]])</small> |
|||
| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:Flag blue.svg|border|48px|place holder for Missouri State Guard flag]] |
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| Oct. 31, 1861 |
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| Nov. 28, 1861 |
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| 1861 |
|||
| Unionist govt. appointed by [[Missouri Constitutional Convention (1861–63)|Missouri Constitutional Convention]] 1861 |
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|- |
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| style="text-align:left;" | [[Kentucky]] <small>([[Russellville Convention]])</small> |
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| style="text-align:center;"|[[File:CSA FLAG 4.3.1861-21.5.1861.svg|border|48px]] |
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| Nov. 20, 1861 |
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| Dec. 10, 1861 |
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| 1861 |
|||
| Elected Union and unelected rump Confederate governments from 1861 |
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|} |
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Vice President Alexander H. Stephens feared losing the very form of republican government. Allowing President Davis to threaten "arbitrary arrests" to draft hundreds of governor-appointed "bomb-proof" bureaucrats conferred "more power than the English Parliament had ever bestowed on the king. History proved the dangers of such unchecked authority."<ref name="google258">{{cite book |last=Rable |year=1994 |url=https://archive.org/details/confederaterepub00geor |url-access=registration |title=The Confederate Republic: A Revolution Against Politics |publisher=Univ of North Carolina Press |pages=[https://archive.org/details/confederaterepub00geor/page/258 258], 259 |isbn=978-0807821442 }}</ref> The abolishment of draft exemptions for newspaper editors was interpreted as an attempt by the Confederate government to muzzle presses, such as the Raleigh NC ''Standard'', to control elections and to suppress the peace meetings there. As Rable concludes, "For Stephens, the essence of patriotism, the heart of the Confederate cause, rested on an unyielding commitment to traditional rights" without considerations of military necessity, pragmatism or compromise.<ref name="google258"/> |
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==See also== |
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{{Portal box|North America|American Civil War}} |
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*[[Conclusion of the American Civil War]] |
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*[[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Beginnings|Confederate Post Office]] |
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*[[Confederate war finance]] |
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*[[Confederate Seal]] |
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*[[History of the Southern United States]] |
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*[[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States#Prisoner of war prisons and camps|Prisoner of war prisons and camps]] |
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*[[Postage stamps and postal history of the Confederate States]] |
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*[[Golden Circle (proposed country)]] |
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*[[Confederate Patent Office]] |
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*[[Confederate colonies]] |
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*[[Confederados]] |
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* For the 2004 film: [[C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America]] |
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In 1863, Governor [[Pendleton Murrah]] of Texas determined that state troops were required for defense against Plains Indians and Union forces that might attack from Kansas. He refused to send his soldiers to the East.<ref>{{cite journal |first=John |last=Moretta |title=Pendleton Murrah and States Rights in Civil War Texas |journal=Civil War History |year=1999 |volume=45 |issue=2 |pages=126–146 |doi=10.1353/cwh.1999.0101 |s2cid=143584568 }}</ref> Governor [[Zebulon Vance]] of North Carolina showed intense opposition to conscription, limiting recruitment success. Vance's faith in states' rights drove him into repeated, stubborn opposition to the Davis administration.<ref>{{cite book |first=Albert Burton |last=Moore |title=Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy |year=1924 |page=295 }}</ref> |
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==Notes== |
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{{Reflist|30em}} |
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Though political differences were within the Confederacy, no national political parties were formed because they were seen as illegitimate. "Anti-partyism became an article of political faith."<ref>Cooper (2000) p. 462. Rable (1994) pp. 2–3. Rable wrote, "But despite heated arguments and no little friction between the competing political cultures of unity and liberty, antiparty and broader fears about politics in general shaped civic life. These beliefs could obviously not eliminate partisanship or prevent Confederates from holding on to and exploiting old political prejudices ... Even the most bitter foes of the Confederate government, however, refused to form an opposition party, and the Georgia dissidents, to cite the most prominent example, avoided many traditional political activities. Only in North Carolina did there develop anything resembling a party system, and there the central values of the Confederacy's two political cultures had a far more powerful influence on political debate than did organizational maneuvering."</ref> Without a system of political parties building alternate sets of national leaders, electoral protests tended to be narrowly state-based, "negative, carping and petty". The [[1863 Confederate States House of Representatives elections|1863 mid-term elections]] became mere expressions of futile and frustrated dissatisfaction. According to historian David M. Potter, the lack of a functioning two-party system caused "real and direct damage" to the Confederate war effort since it prevented the formulation of any effective alternatives to the conduct of the war by the Davis administration.<ref>{{cite book |editor-first=David Herbert |editor-last=Donald |title=Why the North Won the Civil War |year=1996 |pages=112–113 }} Potter wrote in his contribution to this book, "Where parties do not exist, criticism of the administration is likely to remain purely an individual matter; therefore the tone of the criticism is likely to be negative, carping, and petty, as it certainly was in the Confederacy. But where there are parties, the opposition group is strongly impelled to formulate real alternative policies and to press for the adoption of these policies on a constructive basis. ... But the absence of a two-party system meant the absence of any available alternative leadership, and the protest votes which were cast in the [1863 Confederate mid-term] election became more expressions of futile and frustrated dissatisfaction rather than implements of a decision to adopt new and different policies for the Confederacy."</ref> |
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==References== |
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{{refbegin}} |
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*Bowman, John S. (ed), ''The Civil War Almanac'', New York: Bison Books, 1983 |
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*Eicher, John H., & Eicher, David J., ''Civil War High Commands'', [[Stanford University Press]], 2001, ISBN 0-8047-3641-3 |
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*Wilentz, Sean, ''The Rise of American Democracy'', W.W. Norton & Co., ISBN 0-393-32921-6 |
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{{refend}} |
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===="Died of Davis"==== |
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==Bibliography== |
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The enemies of President Davis proposed that the Confederacy "died of Davis". He was unfavorably compared to [[George Washington]] by critics such as [[Edward Alfred Pollard]], editor of the most influential newspaper in the Confederacy, the ''[[Richmond Examiner|Daily Richmond Examiner]]''. Beyond the early honeymoon period, Davis was never popular.<ref name="Coulter pp 105-06">Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 105–106</ref> |
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{{refbegin}} |
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* Bonner, Robert E., “Proslavery Extremism Goes to War: The Counterrevolutionary Confederacy and Reactionary Militarism,” ''Modern Intellectual History,'' 6 (Aug. 2009), 261–85. |
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*Cooper, William J. Jr. ''Jefferson Davis, American.'' (2000) |
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*Coulter, E. Merton ''The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865'', 1950 |
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*Crofts, Daniel W. ''Reluctant Confederates: Upper South Unionists in the Secession Crisis.'' (1989) ISBN 0-8078-1809-7. |
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*Current, Richard N., ed. ''Encyclopedia of the Confederacy'' (4 vol), 1993. 1900 pages, articles by scholars. |
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*{{Cite book |author=William C. Davis |title=Look Away! A History of the Confederate States of America |location=New York |publisher=Free Press |year=2003 |isbn=0-684-86585-8}} |
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*Davis, William C. ''A Government of Our Own.'' (1994) ISBN 0-8071-2177-0 |
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*Eaton, Clement ''A History of the Southern Confederacy'', 1954 |
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*Eckenrode, H. J., ''Jefferson Davis: President of the South'', 1923 |
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*Gallgher, Gary W., ''The Confederate War'', 1999 |
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*Faust, Patricia L. ed, ''Historical Times Illustrated Encyclopedia of the Civil War'', 1986 |
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* Gallagher, Gary W., “Disaffection, Persistence, and Nation: Some Directions in Recent Scholarship on the Confederacy,” ''Civil War History,'' 55 (Sept. 2009), 329–53. Historiography |
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*Gallagher, Gary W. ''The Confederate War'' (1997) ISBN 0-674-16055-X |
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*Heidler, David S., and others. ''Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History'', 2002 2400 pages (ISBN 0-393-04758-X) |
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*Levine, Bruce ''Confederate Emancipation''. (2006) |
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*McPherson, James M. ''Battle Cry of Freedom.'' (1988), standard military history of the war; Pulitzer Prize |
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* Nevins, Allan. ''War for the Union'' (4 vol 1960–1971), the most detailed history of the war. |
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*Neely, Mark E., Jr., ''Confederate Bastille: Jefferson Davis and Civil Liberties'' (1993) |
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*Neely, Mark E. Jr. ''Southern Rights: Political Prisoners and the Myth of Confederate Constitutionalism.'' (1999) ISBN 0-8139-1894-4 |
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*Rable, George C., ''The Confederate Republic: A Revolution against Politics'', 1994 |
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*Riggs, David F. "Robert Young Conrad and the Ordeal of Secession."''The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography'', Vol. 86, No. 3 (July 1978), pp. 259–274. |
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*[[Charles P. Roland|Roland, Charles P.]] ''The Confederacy'', (1960) brief survey |
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*Rubin, Sarah Anne ''A Shattered Nation: The Rise & Fall of the Confederacy 1861–1868'' (2005) |
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*Thomas, Emory M. ''Confederate Nation: 1861–1865'', 1979 Standard political-economic-social history |
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*Wakelyn, Jon L. ''Biographical Dictionary of the Confederacy'' Greenwood Press ISBN 0-8371-6124-X |
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*Weigley, Russell F. ''A Great Civil War: A Military and Political History, 1861–1865.'' (2000) ISBN 0-253-33738-0 |
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*Woodworth, Steven E. ed. ''The American Civil War: A Handbook of Literature and Research'', 1996 750 pages of historiography and bibliography |
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{{refend}} |
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[[E. Merton Coulter|Ellis Merton Coulter]], viewed by historians as a [[Lost Cause of the Confederacy|Confederate apologist]],<ref name="Bailey, 2001">Fred A. Bailey, "E. Merton Coulter", in ''Reading Southern History: Essays on Interpreters and Interpretations'', ed. Glenn Feldman (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2001, p. 46).</ref><ref>Eric Foner, ''Freedom's Lawmakers: A Directory Of Black Officeholders During Reconstruction'', New York: Oxford University Press, 1993; Revised, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996, p. xii</ref><ref>Foner, ''Freedom's Lawmakers'', p. xii</ref><ref>Eric Foner, ''Black Legislators'', pp. 119–20, 180</ref> says Davis was heroic, but his "tenacity, determination, and will power" stirred up lasting opposition from enemies. He failed to overcome "petty leaders of the states" who made the term "Confederacy" into a label for tyranny and oppression, preventing the "[[Flags of the Confederate States of America#First flag: the "Stars and Bars" (1861–1863)|Stars and Bars]]" from becoming a symbol of larger patriotic service and sacrifice. Instead of campaigning to develop nationalism and gain support for his administration, he rarely courted public opinion, assuming an aloofness, "almost like an [[John Adams|Adams]]".<ref name="Coulter pp 105-06" /> |
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===State studies=== |
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{{refbegin}} |
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*Ayers, Edward L. and others. ''Crucible of the Civil War: Virginia from Secession to Commemoration'' (2008) |
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*Dollar, Kent, and others. ''Sister States, Enemy States: The Civil War in Kentucky and Tennessee'' (2009) [http://www.amazon.com/dp/0813125413/ excerpt and text search] |
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* Inscoe, John C. ''The Heart of Confederate Appalachia: Western North Carolina in the Civil War'' (2003) [http://www.amazon.com/dp/0807855030/ excerpt and text search] |
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*Lee, Edward J. and Ron Chepesiuk, eds. ''South Carolina in the Civil War: The Confederate Experience in Letters and Diaries'' (2004), primary sources |
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*Smith, Timothy B. ''Mississippi in the Civil War: The Home Front'' (University Press of Mississippi, 2010) 265 pages; Examines the declining morale of Mississippians as they witnessed extensive destruction and came to see victory as increasingly improbable |
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*Wallenstein, Peter and Bertram Wyatt-Brown, eds. ''Virginia's Civil War'' (2009) |
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{{refend}} |
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Escott argues that Davis was unable to mobilize Confederate nationalism in support of his government effectively, and especially failed to appeal to the small farmers who made up the bulk of the population. Escott also emphasizes that the widespread opposition to any strong central government combined with the vast difference in wealth between the slave-owning class and the small farmers created insolvable dilemmas when the Confederate survival presupposed a strong central government backed by a united populace. The prewar claim that white solidarity was necessary to provide a unified Southern voice in Washington no longer held. Davis failed to build a network of supporters who would speak up when he came under criticism, and he repeatedly alienated governors and other state-based leaders by demanding centralized control of the war effort.<ref>{{cite book |first=Paul |last=Escott |title=After Secession: Jefferson Davis and the Failure of Confederate Nationalism |publisher=Louisiana State University Press |year=1992 |isbn=0-8071-1807-9 }}</ref> |
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===Economic and social history=== |
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{{refbegin}} |
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*Bernath, Michael T. ''Confederate Minds: The Struggle for Intellectual Independence in the Civil War South'' (University of North Carolina Press; 2010) 412 pages. Examines the efforts of writers, editors, and other "cultural nationalists" to free the South from the dependence on Northern print culture and educational systems. |
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*Black, Robert C., III. ''The Railroads of the Confederacy'', 1988. |
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* Bonner, Michael Brem. "Expedient Corporatism and Confederate Political Economy," ''Civil War History'', 56 (March 2010), 33–65. |
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*Clinton, Catherine, and Silber, Nina, eds. ''Divided Houses: Gender and the Civil War'', 1992 |
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*Dabney, Virginius ''Richmond: The Story of a City''. Charlottesville: The University of Virginia Press, 1990 ISBN 0-8139-1274-1 |
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*Faust, Drew Gilpin ''Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War'', 1996 |
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*Grimsley, Mark ''The Hard Hand of War: Union Military Policy toward Southern Civilians, 1861–1865'', 1995 |
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*Lentz, Perry Carlton ''Our Missing Epic: A Study in the Novels about the American Civil War'', 1970 |
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*Massey, Mary Elizabeth ''Bonnet Brigades: American Women and the Civil War'', 1966 |
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*Massey, Mary Elizabeth ''Refugee Life in the Confederacy'', 1964 |
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*Rable, George C. ''Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern Nationalism'', 1989 |
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*Ramsdell, Charles. ''Behind the Lines in the Southern Confederacy'', 1994. |
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*Riggs, David F. "Robert Young Conrad and the Ordeal of Secession."''The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography'', Vol. 86, No. 3 (July 1978), pp. 259–274. |
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*Roark, James L. ''Masters without Slaves: Southern Planters in the Civil War and Reconstruction'', 1977. |
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*Rubin, Anne Sarah. ''A Shattered Nation: The Rise and Fall of the Confederacy, 1861–1868'', 2005 A cultural study of Confederates' self images |
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*Thomas, Emory M. ''The Confederacy as a Revolutionary Experience'', 1992 |
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* Wallenstein, Peter, and Bertram Wyatt-Brown, eds. ''Virginia's Civil War'' (2008) [http://www.amazon.com/dp/0813928281 excerpt and text search] |
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*Wiley, Bell Irwin ''Confederate Women'', 1975 |
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*Wiley, Bell Irwin ''The Plain People of the Confederacy'', 1944 |
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*Woods, James M. ''Rebellion and Realignment:Arkansas's Road to Secession.'' (1987) |
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*Woodward, C. Vann, ed. ''Mary Chesnut's Civil War'', 1981 |
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{{refend}} |
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According to Coulter, Davis was not an efficient administrator as he attended to too many details, protected his friends after their failures were obvious, and spent too much time on military affairs versus his civic responsibilities. Coulter concludes he was not the ideal leader for the Southern Revolution, but he showed "fewer weaknesses than any other" contemporary character available for the role.<ref>Coulter, ''The Confederate States of America'', pp. 108, 113, 103</ref> |
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===Politics=== |
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{{refbegin}} |
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*Alexander, Thomas B., and Beringer, Richard E. ''The Anatomy of the Confederate Congress: A Study of the Influences of Member Characteristics on Legislative Voting Behavior, 1861–1865'', (1972) |
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*Boritt, Gabor S., and others., ''Why the Confederacy Lost'', (1992) |
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*Cooper, William J, ''Jefferson Davis, American'' (2000), standard biography |
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*Downing, David C. ''A South Divided: Portraits of Dissent in the Confederacy''. (2007). ISBN 978-1-58182-587-9 |
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*Faust, Drew Gilpin. ''The Creation of Confederate Nationalism: Ideology and Identity in the Civil War South.'' (1988) |
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*Rembert, W. Patrick ''Jefferson Davis and His Cabinet'' (1944). |
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*Williams, William M. ''Justice in Grey: A History of the Judicial System of the Confederate States of America'' (1941) |
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*Yearns, Wilfred Buck ''The Confederate Congress'' (1960) |
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{{refend}} |
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== |
==See also== |
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{{Div col|colwidth=20em|gap=2em}} |
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{{refbegin}} |
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* [[American Civil War prison camps]] |
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* Blumenthal, Henry. "Confederate Diplomacy: Popular Notions and International Realities," ''Journal of Southern History,'' Vol. 32, No. 2 (May, 1966), pp. 151–171 [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2204555 in JSTOR] |
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* [[Cabinet of the Confederate States of America]] |
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* Daddysman, James W. ''The Matamoros Trade: Confederate Commerce, Diplomacy, and Intrigue''. (1984). |
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* [[Commemoration of the American Civil War]] |
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* Hubbard, Charles M. ''The Burden of Confederate Diplomacy'' (1998) |
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* [[Commemoration of the American Civil War on postage stamps]] |
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* Jones, Howard. ''Blue and Gray Diplomacy: A History of Union and Confederate Foreign Relations'' (2009) [http://www.amazon.com/dp/0807833495 excerpt and text search] |
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* [[Confederate colonies]] |
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* Merli, Frank J. ''The Alabama, British Neutrality, and the American Civil War'' (2004). 225 pp. |
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* [[Confederate Patent Office]] |
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*Owsley, Frank. ''King Cotton Diplomacy: Foreign Relations of the Confederate States of America'' (2nd ed. 1959) |
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* [[Confederate war finance]] |
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{{refend}} |
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* ''[[C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America]]'' |
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* [[History of the Southern United States]] |
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* [[Knights of the Golden Circle]] |
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* [[List of Confederate arms manufacturers]] |
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* [[List of Confederate arsenals and armories]] |
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* [[List of Confederate monuments and memorials]] |
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* [[List of treaties of the Confederate States of America]] |
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* [[List of historical separatist movements]] |
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* [[List of civil wars]] |
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* [[National Civil War Naval Museum]] |
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==Notes== |
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===Primary sources=== |
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{{notelist|30em}} |
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==References== |
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{{reflist}} |
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===Sources=== |
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{{refbegin}} |
{{refbegin}} |
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* |
* Bowman, John S. (ed), ''The Civil War Almanac'', New York: Bison Books, 1983 |
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* Eicher, John H., & Eicher, David J., ''Civil War High Commands'', [[Stanford University Press]], 2001, {{ISBN|0-8047-3641-3}} |
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*Commager, Henry Steele, ed. ''The Blue and the Gray, the Story of the Civil War as Told By Participants'' (2 vol.; 1950 and many reprints) |
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* |
* Martis, Kenneth C. ''The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America 1861–1865'' (1994) {{ISBN|0-13-389115-1}} |
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*Harwell, Richard B., ''The Confederate Reader'' (1957) |
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*Jones, John B. ''A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital'', edited by Howard Swiggert, [1935] 1993. 2 vols. |
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*Richardson, James D., ed. ''A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Confederacy, Including the Diplomatic Correspondence 1861–1865'', 2 volumes, 1906. |
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*Yearns, W. Buck and Barret, John G.,eds. ''North Carolina Civil War Documentary'', 1980. |
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*[http://docsouth.unc.edu/imls/confdocs.html Confederate official government documents] major online collection of complete texts in HTML format, from [[University of North Carolina]] |
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*''[http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/amlaw/lwcc.html Journal of the Congress of the Confederate States of America, 1861–1865]'' (7 vols), 1904. Available online at the [[Library of Congress]] |
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{{refend}} |
{{refend}} |
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==Further reading== |
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{{Main|Bibliography of the American Civil War}} |
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==External links== |
==External links== |
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{{Commons category}} |
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{{Sister project links|1=Confederate States|wikt=Confederate States of America|commonscat=yes|n=no|q=Confederate States of America|s=1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Confederate States of America|author=no|b=Confederate States Government|voy=no|v=no|d=Q81931}} |
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*[http://politicalgraveyard.com/offices/confed1.html#ZY4102y1862 Confederate offices Index of Politicians by Office Held or Sought] |
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<!--Please: |
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*Civil War Research & Discussion Group -*[http://fax.libs.uga.edu/canu/ ''Confederate States of Am. Army and Navy Uniforms''], 1861 |
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1)Follow the [[WP:EL]] guideline where possible and consider discussing on the talk page; |
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*[http://fax.libs.uga.edu/AP2xC84/ ''The Countryman'', 1862–1866], published weekly by Turnwold, Ga., edited by J.A. Turner |
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*[http://fax.libs.uga.edu/ccsus/ ''The Federal and the Confederate Constitution Compared''] |
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* Civil War Research & Discussion Group – [https://web.archive.org/web/20081206024047/http://fax.libs.uga.edu/canu/ ''Confederate States of Am. Army and Navy Uniforms''], 1861 |
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*[http://www.rebelstatescurrency.com/confederate.html ''Confederate Currency''] |
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* [https://web.archive.org/web/20081206024037/http://fax.libs.uga.edu/AP2xC84/ ''The Countryman'', 1862–1866], published weekly by Turnwold, Ga., edited by J.A. Turner |
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*[http://csapostoffice.com/stamps.html ''Confederate Postage Stamps''] |
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* [https://web.archive.org/web/20090111231646/http://fax.libs.uga.edu/ccsus/ ''The Federal and the Confederate Constitution Compared''] |
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*[http://www.libs.uga.edu/hargrett/selections/confed/confed.html Photographs of the original Confederate Constitution] and other Civil War documents owned by the [http://www.libs.uga.edu/hargrett/speccoll.html Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library] at the [http://www.libs.uga.edu/ University of Georgia Libraries]. |
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* [http://www.libs.uga.edu/hargrett/selections/confed/confed.html Photographs of the original Confederate Constitution] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120303004450/http://www.libs.uga.edu/hargrett/selections/confed/confed.html |date=March 3, 2012 }} and other Civil War documents owned by the [http://www.libs.uga.edu/hargrett/speccoll.html Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120429160002/http://www.libs.uga.edu/hargrett/speccoll.html |date=April 29, 2012 }} at the [http://www.libs.uga.edu/ University of Georgia Libraries]. |
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*[http://fax.libs.uga.edu/E468x7xM647/ ''Photographic History of the Civil War'', 10 vols., 1912.] |
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* [https://web.archive.org/web/20081206024042/http://fax.libs.uga.edu/E468x7xM647/ ''Photographic History of the Civil War'', 10 vols., 1912.] |
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*[http://docsouth.unc.edu/index.html DocSouth: Documenting the American South] – numerous online text, image, and audio collections. |
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* [http://docsouth.unc.edu/index.html DocSouth: Documenting the American South] – numerous online text, image, and audio collections. |
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*[http://www.ourarchives.wikispaces.net/Civil+War+Records+at+National+Archives+at+Atlanta Civil War records at the National Archives at Atlanta]- includes Confederate records, such as Confederate court documents, Confederate records collected by the U.S. War Department during the Civil War and Confederate records collected by the Treasury Department during Civil War |
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* The [http://cdm.bostonathenaeum.org/cdm/landingpage/collection/p16057coll14 Boston Athenæum] has over 4000 Confederate imprints, including rare books, pamphlets, government documents, manuscripts, serials, broadsides, maps, and sheet music that have been conserved and digitized. |
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* [https://web.archive.org/web/20121024013411/http://www.library.okstate.edu/okmaps/ Oklahoma Digital Maps: Digital Collections of Oklahoma and Indian Territory] |
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* [https://www.loc.gov/rr/rarebook/coll/050.html Confederate States of America Collection at the Library of Congress] |
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* [http://www.oldmagazinearticles.com/article-summary/civil_war_religion#.Xs_0q2hKizk Religion in the CSA: ''Confederate Veteran Magazine'', May, 1922] |
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Latest revision as of 01:19, 28 December 2024
This article may be too long to read and navigate comfortably. When this tag was added, its readable prose size was 16,000 words. (August 2024) |
The Confederate States of America (CSA), commonly referred to as the Confederate States (C.S.), the Confederacy, or the South, was an unrecognized breakaway[1] republic in the Southern United States that existed from February 8, 1861, to May 5, 1865.[8] It was composed of eleven U.S. states that declared secession; South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Texas, Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina; they warred against the United States during the American Civil War.[8][9]
With Abraham Lincoln's election as President of the United States in 1860, a portion of southern states were convinced that their slavery-dependent plantation economies were threatened, and began to secede from the United States.[1][10][11] The Confederacy was formed on February 8, 1861, by South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas.[12][13][14] They adopted a new constitution establishing a confederation government of "sovereign and independent states".[15][16][17] Some Northerners reacted by saying "Let the Confederacy go in peace!", while some Southerners wanted to maintain their loyalty to the Union. The federal government in Washington D.C. and states under its control were known as the Union.[9][12][18]
The Civil War began on April 12, 1861, when South Carolina's militia attacked Fort Sumter. Four slave states of the Upper South—Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina—then seceded and joined the Confederacy. On February 22, 1862, Confederate States Army leaders installed a centralized federal government in Richmond, Virginia, and enacted the first Confederate draft on April 16, 1862. By 1865, the Confederacy's federal government dissolved into chaos, and the Confederate States Congress adjourned, effectively ceasing to exist as a legislative body on March 18. After four years of heavy fighting, most Confederate land and naval forces either surrendered or otherwise ceased hostilities by May 1865.[19][20] The most significant capitulation was Confederate general Robert E. Lee's surrender on April 9, after which any doubt about the war's outcome or the Confederacy's survival was extinguished. Confederate President Davis's administration declared the Confederacy dissolved on May 5.[21][22][23]
After the war, during the Reconstruction era, the Confederate states were readmitted to Congress after each ratified the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution outlawing slavery. Lost Cause mythology, an idealized view of the Confederacy valiantly fighting for a just cause, emerged in the decades after the war among former Confederate generals and politicians, and in organizations such as the United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Sons of Confederate Veterans. Intense periods of Lost Cause activity developed around the turn of the 20th century and during the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s in reaction to growing support for racial equality. Advocates sought to ensure future generations of Southern whites would continue to support white supremacist policies such as the Jim Crow laws through activities such as building Confederate monuments and influencing the authors of textbooks.[24] The modern display of the Confederate battle flag primarily started during the 1948 presidential election, when the battle flag was used by the Dixiecrats. During the civil rights movement, racial segregationists used it for demonstrations.[25][26]
- Northwest Ordinance
- Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions
- End of Atlantic slave trade
- Missouri Compromise
- Tariff of 1828
- Nat Turner's Rebellion
- Nullification crisis
- End of slavery in British colonies
- Texas Revolution
- United States v. Crandall
- Gag rule
- Commonwealth v. Aves
- Murder of Elijah Lovejoy
- Burning of Pennsylvania Hall
- American Slavery As It Is
- United States v. The Amistad
- Prigg v. Pennsylvania
- Texas annexation
- Mexican–American War
- Wilmot Proviso
- Nashville Convention
- Compromise of 1850
- Uncle Tom's Cabin
- Recapture of Anthony Burns
- Kansas–Nebraska Act
- Ostend Manifesto
- Bleeding Kansas
- Caning of Charles Sumner
- Dred Scott v. Sandford
- The Impending Crisis of the South
- Panic of 1857
- Lincoln–Douglas debates
- Oberlin–Wellington Rescue
- John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry
- Virginia v. John Brown
- 1860 presidential election
- Crittenden Compromise
- Secession of Southern states
- Peace Conference of 1861
- Corwin Amendment
- Battle of Fort Sumter
Origins
A consensus of historians who address the origins of the American Civil War agree that the preservation of the institution of slavery was the principal aim of the eleven Southern states (seven states before the onset of the war and four states after the onset) that declared their secession from the United States (the Union) and united to form the Confederate States of America (known as the "Confederacy").[27] While historians in the 21st century agree on the centrality of slavery in the conflict, they disagree sharply on which aspects of this conflict (ideological, economic, political, or social) were most important, and on the North's reasons for refusing to allow the Southern states to secede.[28] Proponents of the pseudo-historical Lost Cause ideology have denied that slavery was the principal cause of the secession, a view that has been disproven by the overwhelming historical evidence against it, notably some of the seceding states' own secession documents.[29]
The principal political battle leading to Southern secession was over whether slavery would be permitted to expand into the Western territories destined to become states. Initially Congress had admitted new states into the Union in pairs, one slave and one free. This had kept a sectional balance in the Senate but not in the House of Representatives, as free states outstripped slave states in numbers of eligible voters.[30] Thus, at mid-19th century, the free-versus-slave status of the new territories was a critical issue, both for the North, where anti-slavery sentiment had grown, and for the South, where the fear of slavery's abolition had grown. Another factor leading to secession and the formation of the Confederacy was the development of white Southern nationalism in the preceding decades.[31] The primary reason for the North to reject secession was to preserve the Union, a cause based on American nationalism.[32]
Abraham Lincoln won the 1860 presidential election. His victory triggered declarations of secession by seven slave states of the Deep South, all of whose riverfront or coastal economies were based on cotton that was cultivated by slave labor. They formed the Confederate States of America after Lincoln was elected in November 1860 but before he took office in March 1861. Nationalists in the North and "Unionists" in the South refused to accept the declarations of secession. No foreign government ever recognized the Confederacy. The U.S. government, under President James Buchanan, refused to relinquish its forts that were in territory claimed by the Confederacy. The war itself began on April 12, 1861, when Confederate forces bombarded the Union's Fort Sumter, in the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina.
Background factors in the run up to the Civil War were partisan politics, abolitionism, nullification versus secession, Southern and Northern nationalism, expansionism, economics, and modernization in the antebellum period. As a panel of historians emphasized in 2011, "while slavery and its various and multifaceted discontents were the primary cause of disunion, it was disunion itself that sparked the war."[33] Historian David M. Potter wrote: "The problem for Americans who, in the age of Lincoln, wanted slaves to be free was not simply that southerners wanted the opposite, but that they themselves cherished a conflicting value: they wanted the Constitution, which protected slavery, to be honored, and the Union, which was a fellowship with slaveholders, to be preserved. Thus they were committed to values that could not logically be reconciled."[34]
Secession
The first secession state conventions from the Deep South sent representatives to the Montgomery Convention in Alabama on February 4, 1861. A provisional government was established, and a representative Congress met for the Confederate States of America.[35]
The new provisional Confederate President Jefferson Davis issued a call for 100,000 men from the states' militias to defend the newly formed Confederacy.[35] All Federal property was seized, including gold bullion and coining dies at the U.S. mints in Charlotte, North Carolina; Dahlonega, Georgia; and New Orleans.[35] The Confederate capital was moved from Montgomery to Richmond, Virginia, in May 1861. On February 22, 1862, Davis was inaugurated as president with a term of six years.[36]
The Confederate administration pursued a policy of national territorial integrity, continuing earlier state efforts in 1860–1861 to remove U.S. government presence. This included taking possession of U.S. courts, custom houses, post offices, and most notably, arsenals and forts. After the Confederate attack and capture of Fort Sumter in April 1861, Lincoln called up 75,000 of the states' militia to muster under his command. The stated purpose was to re-occupy U.S. properties throughout the South, as the U.S. Congress had not authorized their abandonment. The resistance at Fort Sumter signaled his change of policy from that of the Buchanan Administration. Lincoln's response ignited a firestorm of emotion. The people of both North and South demanded war, with soldiers rushing to their colors in the hundreds of thousands.[35]
Secessionists argued that the United States Constitution was a contract among sovereign states that could be abandoned without consultation and each state had a right to secede. After intense debates and statewide votes, seven Deep South cotton states passed secession ordinances by February 1861, while secession efforts failed in the other eight slave states.
The Confederacy expanded in May–July 1861 (with Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee, North Carolina), and disintegrated in April–May 1865. It was formed by delegations from seven slave states of the Lower South that had proclaimed their secession. After the fighting began in April, four additional slave states seceded and were admitted. Later, two slave states (Missouri and Kentucky) and two territories were given seats in the Confederate Congress.[37]
Its establishment flowed from and deepened Southern nationalism,[38] which prepared men to fight for "The Southern Cause".[39] This "Cause" included support for states' rights, tariff policy, and internal improvements, but above all, cultural and financial dependence on the South's slavery-based economy. The convergence of race and slavery, politics, and economics raised South-related policy questions to the status of moral questions over, way of life, merging love of things Southern and hatred of things Northern. As the war approached, political parties split, and national churches and interstate families divided along sectional lines.[40] According to historian John M. Coski:
The statesmen who led the secession movement were unashamed to explicitly cite the defense of slavery as their prime motive ... Acknowledging the centrality of slavery to the Confederacy is essential for understanding the Confederate.[41]
Southern Democrats had chosen John Breckinridge as their candidate during the 1860 presidential election, but in no Southern state was support for him unanimous, as they recorded at least some popular vote for at least one of the other three candidates (Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas and John Bell). Support for these three collectively, ranged from significant to outright majority, running from 25% in Texas to 81% in Missouri.[42] There were minority views everywhere, especially in the upland and plateau areas of the South, particularly concentrated in western Virginia and eastern Tennessee. The first six signatory states establishing the Confederacy counted about one-fourth its population. They voted 43% for pro-Union candidates. The four states which entered after the attack on Fort Sumter held almost half the population of the Confederacy and voted 53% for pro-Union candidates. The three big turnout states voted extremes; Texas, with 5% of the population, voted 20% for pro-Union candidates; Kentucky and Missouri, with one-fourth the Confederate population, voted 68% for pro-Union.
Following South Carolina's unanimous 1860 secession vote, no other Southern states considered the question until 1861; when they did, none had a unanimous vote. All had residents who cast significant numbers of Unionist votes. Voting to remain in the Union did not necessarily mean individuals were sympathizers with the North. Once fighting began, many who voted to remain in the Union accepted the majority decision, and supported the Confederacy.[43] Many writers have evaluated the War as an American tragedy—a "Brothers' War", pitting "brother against brother, father against son, kin against kin of every degree".[44][45]
States
Initially, some secessionists hoped for a peaceful departure. Moderates in the Confederate Constitutional Convention included a provision against importation of slaves from Africa to appeal to the Upper South. Non-slave states might join, but the radicals secured a two-thirds requirement in both houses of Congress to accept them.[46]
Seven states declared their secession from the United States before Lincoln took office on March 4, 1861. After the Confederate attack on Fort Sumter April 12, 1861, and Lincoln's subsequent call for troops, four more states declared their secession.
Kentucky declared neutrality, but after Confederate troops moved in, the state legislature asked for Union troops to drive them out. Delegates from 68 Kentucky counties were sent to the Russellville Convention that signed an Ordinance of Secession. Kentucky was admitted into the Confederacy on December 10, 1861, with Bowling Green as its first capital. Early in the war, the Confederacy controlled more than half of Kentucky but largely lost control in 1862. The splinter Confederate government of Kentucky relocated to accompany western Confederate armies and never controlled the state population after 1862. By the end of the war, 90,000 Kentuckians had fought for the Union, compared to 35,000 for the Confederacy.[47]
In Missouri, a constitutional convention was approved and delegates elected. The convention rejected secession 89–1 on March 19, 1861.[48] The governor maneuvered to take control of the St. Louis Arsenal and restrict Federal movements. This led to a confrontation, and in June federal forces drove him and the General Assembly from Jefferson City. The executive committee of the convention called the members together in July, and declared the state offices vacant and appointed a Unionist interim state government.[49] The exiled governor called a rump session of the former General Assembly together in Neosho and, on October 31, 1861, it passed an ordinance of secession.[50][51] The Confederate state government was unable to control substantial parts of Missouri territory, effectively only controlling southern Missouri early in the war. It had its capital at Neosho, then Cassville, before being driven out of the state. For the remainder of the war, it operated as a government in exile at Marshall, Texas.[52]
Not having seceded, neither Kentucky nor Missouri was declared in rebellion in Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. The Confederacy recognized the pro-Confederate claimants in Kentucky (December 10, 1861) and Missouri (November 28, 1861) and laid claim to those states, granting them Congressional representation and adding two stars to the Confederate flag. Voting for the representatives was mostly done by Confederate soldiers from Kentucky and Missouri.[53]
Some southern unionists blamed Lincoln's call for troops as the precipitating event for the second wave of secessions. Historian James McPherson argues such claims have "a self-serving quality" and regards them as misleading:
As the telegraph chattered reports of the attack on Sumter April 12 and its surrender next day, huge crowds poured into the streets of Richmond, Raleigh, Nashville, and other upper South cities to celebrate this victory over the Yankees. These crowds waved Confederate flags and cheered the glorious cause of southern independence. They demanded that their own states join the cause. Scores of demonstrations took place from April 12 to 14, before Lincoln issued his call for troops. Many conditional unionists were swept along by this powerful tide of southern nationalism; others were cowed into silence.[54]
Historian Daniel W. Crofts disagrees with McPherson:
The bombardment of Fort Sumter, by itself, did not destroy Unionist majorities in the upper South. Because only three days elapsed before Lincoln issued the proclamation, the two events viewed retrospectively, appear almost simultaneous. Nevertheless, close examination of contemporary evidence ... shows that the proclamation had a far more decisive impact.[55]...Many concluded ... that Lincoln had deliberately chosen "to drive off all the Slave states, in order to make war on them and annihilate slavery".[56]
The order of secession resolutions and dates are:
- 1. South Carolina (December 20, 1860)[57]
- 2. Mississippi (January 9, 1861)[58]
- 3. Florida (January 10)[59]
- 4. Alabama (January 11)[60]
- 5. Georgia (January 19)[61]
- 6. Louisiana (January 26)[62]
- 7. Texas (February 1; referendum February 23)[63]
- Inauguration of President Lincoln, March 4
- Bombardment of Fort Sumter (April 12) and President Lincoln's call-up (April 15)[64]
- 8. Virginia (April 17; referendum May 23, 1861)[65]
- 9. Arkansas (May 6)[66]
- 10. Tennessee (May 7; referendum June 8)[67]
- 11. North Carolina (May 20)[68]
In Virginia, the populous counties along the Ohio and Pennsylvania borders rejected the Confederacy. Unionists held a Convention in Wheeling in June 1861, establishing a "restored government" with a rump legislature, but sentiment in the region remained deeply divided. In the 50 counties that would make up the state of West Virginia, voters from 24 counties had voted for disunion in Virginia's May 23 referendum on the ordinance of secession.[69] In the 1860 election "Constitutional Democrat" Breckenridge had outpolled "Constitutional Unionist" Bell in the 50 counties by 1,900 votes, 44% to 42%.[70] The counties simultaneously supplied over 20,000 soldiers to each side of the conflict.[71][72] Representatives for most counties were seated in both state legislatures at Wheeling and at Richmond for the duration of the war.[73]
Attempts to secede from the Confederacy by counties in East Tennessee were checked by martial law.[74] Although slaveholding Delaware and Maryland did not secede, citizens exhibited divided loyalties. Regiments of Marylanders fought in Lee's Army of Northern Virginia.[75] Overall, 24,000 men from Maryland joined Confederate forces, compared to 63,000 who joined Union forces.[47] Delaware never produced a full regiment for the Confederacy, but neither did it emancipate slaves as did Missouri and West Virginia. District of Columbia citizens made no attempts to secede and through the war, referendums sponsored by Lincoln approved compensated emancipation and slave confiscation from "disloyal citizens".[76]
Territories
Citizens at Mesilla and Tucson in the southern part of New Mexico Territory formed a secession convention, which voted to join the Confederacy on March 16, 1861, and appointed Dr. Lewis S. Owings as the new territorial governor. They won the Battle of Mesilla and established a territorial government with Mesilla serving as its capital.[77] The Confederacy proclaimed the Confederate Arizona Territory on February 14, 1862, north to the 34th parallel. Marcus H. MacWillie served in both Confederate Congresses as Arizona's delegate. In 1862, the Confederate New Mexico campaign to take the northern half of the U.S. territory failed and the Confederate territorial government in exile relocated to San Antonio, Texas.[78]
Confederate supporters in the trans-Mississippi west claimed portions of the Indian Territory after the US evacuated the federal forts and installations. Over half of the American Indian troops participating in the War from the Indian Territory supported the Confederacy. On July 12, 1861, the Confederate government signed a treaty with both the Choctaw and Chickasaw Indian nations. After several battles, Union armies took control of the territory.[79]
The Indian Territory never formally joined the Confederacy, but did receive representation in the Congress. Many Indians from the Territory were integrated into regular Confederate Army units. After 1863, the tribal governments sent representatives to the Confederate Congress: Elias Cornelius Boudinot representing the Cherokee and Samuel Benton Callahan representing the Seminole and Creek. The Cherokee Nation aligned with the Confederacy. They practiced and supported slavery, opposed abolition, and feared their lands would be seized by the Union. After the war, the Indian territory was disestablished, their black slaves were freed, and the tribes lost some of their lands.[80]
Capitals
Montgomery, Alabama, served as capital of the Confederate States from February 4 until May 29, 1861, in the Alabama State Capitol. Six states created the Confederacy there on February 8, 1861. The Texas delegation was seated at the time, so it is counted in the "original seven" states of the Confederacy; it had no roll call vote until after its referendum made secession "operative".[81][82] The Permanent Constitution was adopted there on March 12, 1861.[83]
The permanent capital provided for in the Confederate Constitution called for a state cession of a 100 square mile district to the central government. Atlanta, which had not yet supplanted Milledgeville, Georgia, as its state capital, put in a bid noting its central location and rail connections, as did Opelika, Alabama, noting its strategically interior situation, rail connections and deposits of coal and iron.[84]
Richmond, Virginia, was chosen for the interim capital at the Virginia State Capitol. The move was used by Vice President Stephens and others to encourage other border states to follow Virginia into the Confederacy. In the political moment it was a show of "defiance and strength". The war for Southern independence was surely to be fought in Virginia, but it also had the largest Southern military-aged white population, with infrastructure, resources, and supplies. The Davis Administration's policy was that "It must be held at all hazards."[85]
The naming of Richmond as the new capital took place on May 30, 1861, and the last two sessions of the Provisional Congress were held there.[86] As war dragged on, Richmond became crowded with training and transfers, logistics and hospitals. Prices rose dramatically despite government efforts at price regulation. A movement in Congress argued for moving the capital from Richmond. At the approach of Federal armies in mid-1862, the government's archives were readied for removal. As the Wilderness Campaign progressed, Congress authorized Davis to remove the executive department and call Congress to session elsewhere in 1864 and again in 1865. Shortly before the end of the war, the Confederate government evacuated Richmond, planning to relocate further south. Little came of these plans before Lee's surrender.[87] Davis and most of his cabinet fled to Danville, Virginia, which served as their headquarters for eight days.
Diplomacy
During its four years, the Confederacy asserted its independence and appointed dozens of diplomatic agents abroad. None were recognized by a foreign government. The US government regarded the Southern states as being in rebellion or insurrection and so refused any formal recognition of their status.
The US government never declared war on those "kindred and countrymen" in the Confederacy but conducted its military efforts beginning with a presidential proclamation issued April 15, 1861.[88] It called for troops to recapture forts and suppress what Lincoln later called an "insurrection and rebellion".[89] Mid-war parleys between the two sides occurred without formal political recognition, though the laws of war predominantly governed military relationships on both sides of uniformed conflict.[90]
Once war with the United States began, the Confederacy pinned its hopes for survival on military intervention by the UK or France. The Confederate government sent James M. Mason to London and John Slidell to Paris. On their way in 1861, the U.S. Navy intercepted their ship, the Trent, and took them to Boston, an international episode known as the Trent Affair. The diplomats were eventually released and continued their voyage.[91] However, their mission was unsuccessful; historians judge their diplomacy as poor.[92][page needed] Neither secured diplomatic recognition for the Confederacy, much less military assistance.
The Confederates who had believed that "cotton is king", that is, that Britain had to support the Confederacy to obtain cotton, proved mistaken. The British had stocks to last over a year and been developing alternative sources.[93] The United Kingdom took pride leading the end of transatlantic enslavement of Africans; by 1833, the Royal Navy patrolled middle passage waters to prevent additional slave ships from reaching the Western Hemisphere. It was in London that the first World Anti-Slavery Convention had been held in 1840. Black abolitionist speakers toured England, Scotland, and Ireland, exposing the reality of America's chattel slavery and rebutting the Confederate position that blacks were "unintellectual, timid, and dependent",[94] and "not equal to the white man...the superior race." Frederick Douglass, Henry Highland Garnet, Sarah Parker Remond, her brother Charles Lenox Remond, James W. C. Pennington, Martin Delany, Samuel Ringgold Ward, and William G. Allen all spent years in Britain, where fugitive slaves were safe and, as Allen said, there was an "absence of prejudice against color. Here the colored man feels himself among friends, and not among enemies".[95] Most British public opinion was against the practice, with Liverpool seen as the primary base of Southern support.[96]
Throughout the early years of the war, British foreign secretary Lord John Russell, Emperor Napoleon III of France, and, to a lesser extent, British Prime Minister Lord Palmerston, showed interest in recognition of the Confederacy or at least mediation of the war. Chancellor of the Exchequer William Gladstone attempted unsuccessfully to convince Palmerston to intervene.[97] By September 1862 the Union victory at the Battle of Antietam, Lincoln's preliminary Emancipation Proclamation and abolitionist opposition in Britain put an end to these possibilities.[98] The cost to Britain of a war with the U.S. would have been high: the immediate loss of American grain-shipments, the end of British exports to the U.S., and seizure of billions of pounds invested in American securities. War would have meant higher taxes in Britain, another invasion of Canada, and attacks on the British merchant fleet. In mid-1862, fears of a race war (like the Haitian Revolution of 1791–1804) led to the British considering intervention for humanitarian reasons.[99]
John Slidell, the Confederate States emissary to France, succeeded in negotiating a loan of $15,000,000 from Erlanger and other French capitalists for ironclad warships and military supplies.[100] The British government did allow the construction of blockade runners in Britain; they were owned and operated by British financiers and shipowners; a few were owned and operated by the Confederacy. The British investors' goal was to acquire highly profitable cotton.[101]
Several European nations maintained diplomats in place who had been appointed to the U.S., but no country appointed any diplomat to the Confederacy. Those nations recognized the Union and Confederate sides as belligerents. In 1863, the Confederacy expelled European diplomatic missions for advising their resident subjects to refuse to serve in the Confederate army.[102] Both Confederate and Union agents were allowed to work openly in British territories.[103] The Confederacy appointed Ambrose Dudley Mann as special agent to the Holy See in September 1863, but the Holy See never released a statement supporting or recognizing the Confederacy. In November 1863, Mann met Pope Pius IX and received a letter supposedly addressed "to the Illustrious and Honorable Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America"; Mann had mistranslated the address. In his report to Richmond, Mann claimed a great diplomatic achievement for himself, but Confederate Secretary of State Judah P. Benjamin told Mann it was "a mere inferential recognition, unconnected with political action or the regular establishment of diplomatic relations" and thus did not assign it the weight of formal recognition.[104][105]
Nevertheless, the Confederacy was seen internationally as a serious attempt at nationhood, and European governments sent military observers to assess whether there had been a de facto establishment of independence. These observers included Arthur Lyon Fremantle of the British Coldstream Guards, who entered the Confederacy via Mexico, Fitzgerald Ross of the Austrian Hussars, and Justus Scheibert of the Prussian Army.[106] European travelers visited and wrote accounts for publication. Importantly in 1862, the Frenchman Charles Girard's Seven months in the rebel states during the North American War testified "this government ... is no longer a trial government ... but really a normal government, the expression of popular will".[107] Fremantle went on to write in his book Three Months in the Southern States that he had:
...not attempted to conceal any of the peculiarities or defects of the Southern people. Many persons will doubtless highly disapprove of some of their customs and habits in the wilder portion of the country; but I think no generous man, whatever may be his political opinions, can do otherwise than admire the courage, energy, and patriotism of the whole population, and the skill of its leaders, in this struggle against great odds. And I am also of opinion that many will agree with me in thinking that a people in which all ranks and both sexes display a unanimity and a heroism which can never have been surpassed in the history of the world, is destined, sooner or later, to become a great and independent nation.[108]
French Emperor Napoleon III assured Confederate diplomat John Slidell that he would make "direct proposition" to Britain for joint recognition. The Emperor made the same assurance to British Members of Parliament John A. Roebuck and John A. Lindsay. Roebuck in turn publicly prepared a bill to submit to Parliament supporting joint Anglo-French recognition of the Confederacy. "Southerners had a right to be optimistic, or at least hopeful, that their revolution would prevail, or at least endure." Following the disasters at Vicksburg and Gettysburg in July 1863, the Confederates "suffered a severe loss of confidence in themselves" and withdrew into an interior defensive position.[109] By December 1864, Davis considered sacrificing slavery in order to enlist recognition and aid from Paris and London; he secretly sent Duncan F. Kenner to Europe with a message that the war was fought solely for "the vindication of our rights to self-government and independence" and that "no sacrifice is too great, save that of honor". The message stated that if the French or British governments made their recognition conditional on anything at all, the Confederacy would consent to such terms.[110] European leaders all saw that the Confederacy was on the verge of defeat.[111]
The Confederacy's biggest foreign policy successes were with Brazil and Cuba. Militarily this meant little. Brazil represented the "peoples most identical to us in Institutions",[112] in which slavery remained legal until the 1880s and the abolitionist movement was small. Confederate ships were welcome in Brazilian ports.[113] After the war, Brazil was the primary destination of those Southerners who wanted to continue living in a slave society, where, as one immigrant remarked, Confederado slaves were cheap. The Captain–General of Cuba declared in writing that Confederate ships were welcome, and would be protected in Cuban ports.[112] Historians speculate that if the Confederacy had achieved independence, it probably would have tried to acquire Cuba as a base of expansion.[114]
At war
Motivations of soldiers
Most soldiers who joined Confederate national or state military units joined voluntarily. Perman (2010) says historians are of two minds on why millions of soldiers seemed so eager to fight, suffer and die over four years:
Some historians emphasize that Civil War soldiers were driven by political ideology, holding firm beliefs about the importance of liberty, Union, or state rights, or about the need to protect or to destroy slavery. Others point to less overtly political reasons to fight, such as the defense of one's home and family, or the honor and brotherhood to be preserved when fighting alongside other men. Most historians agree that, no matter what he thought about when he went into the war, the experience of combat affected him profoundly and sometimes affected his reasons for continuing to fight.[115][116]
Military strategy
Civil War historian E. Merton Coulter wrote that for those who would secure its independence, "The Confederacy was unfortunate in its failure to work out a general strategy for the whole war". Aggressive strategy called for offensive force concentration. Defensive strategy sought dispersal to meet demands of locally minded governors. The controlling philosophy evolved into a combination "dispersal with a defensive concentration around Richmond". The Davis administration considered the war purely defensive, a "simple demand that the people of the United States would cease to war upon us".[117] Historian James M. McPherson is a critic of Lee's offensive strategy: "Lee pursued a faulty military strategy that ensured Confederate defeat".[118]
As the Confederate government lost control of territory in campaign after campaign, it was said that "the vast size of the Confederacy would make its conquest impossible". The enemy would be struck down by the same elements which so often debilitated or destroyed visitors and transplants in the South. Heat exhaustion, sunstroke, endemic diseases such as malaria and typhoid would match the destructive effectiveness of the Moscow winter on the invading armies of Napoleon.[119]
Early in the war, both sides believed that one great battle would decide the conflict; the Confederates won a surprise victory at the First Battle of Bull Run, also known as First Manassas (the name used by Confederate forces). It drove the Confederate people "insane with joy"; the public demanded a forward movement to capture Washington, relocate the Confederate capital there, and admit Maryland to the Confederacy.[120] A council of war by the victorious Confederate generals decided not to advance against larger numbers of fresh Federal troops in defensive positions. Davis did not countermand it. Following the Confederate incursion into Maryland halted at the Battle of Antietam in October 1862, generals proposed concentrating forces from state commands to re-invade the north. Nothing came of it.[121] Again in mid-1863 at his incursion into Pennsylvania, Lee requested of Davis that Beauregard simultaneously attack Washington with troops taken from the Carolinas. But the troops there remained in place during the Gettysburg Campaign.
The eleven states of the Confederacy were outnumbered by the North about four-to-one in military manpower. It was overmatched far more in military equipment, industrial facilities, railroads for transport, and wagons supplying the front.
Confederates slowed the Yankee invaders, at heavy cost to the Southern infrastructure. The Confederates burned bridges, laid land mines in the roads, and made harbors inlets and inland waterways unusable with sunken mines (called "torpedoes" at the time). Coulter reports:
Rangers in twenty to fifty-man units were awarded 50% valuation for property destroyed behind Union lines, regardless of location or loyalty. As Federals occupied the South, objections by loyal Confederate concerning Ranger horse-stealing and indiscriminate scorched earth tactics behind Union lines led to Congress abolishing the Ranger service two years later.[122]
The Confederacy relied on external sources for war materials. The first came from trade with the enemy. "Vast amounts of war supplies" came through Kentucky, and thereafter, western armies were "to a very considerable extent" provisioned with illicit trade via Federal agents and northern private traders.[123] But that trade was interrupted in the first year of war by Admiral Porter's river gunboats as they gained dominance along navigable rivers north–south and east–west.[124] Overseas blockade running then came to be of "outstanding importance".[125] On April 17, President Davis called on privateer raiders, the "militia of the sea", to wage war on U.S. seaborne commerce.[126] Despite noteworthy effort, over the course of the war the Confederacy was found unable to match the Union in ships and seamanship, materials and marine construction.[127]
An inescapable obstacle to success in the warfare of mass armies was the Confederacy's lack of manpower, and sufficient numbers of disciplined, equipped troops in the field at the point of contact with the enemy. During the winter of 1862–63, Lee observed that none of his famous victories had resulted in the destruction of the opposing army. He lacked reserve troops to exploit an advantage on the battlefield as Napoleon had done. Lee explained, "More than once have most promising opportunities been lost for want of men to take advantage of them, and victory itself had been made to put on the appearance of defeat, because our diminished and exhausted troops have been unable to renew a successful struggle against fresh numbers of the enemy."[128]
Armed forces
The military armed forces of the Confederacy comprised three branches: Army, Navy and Marine Corps.
On February 28, 1861, the Provisional Confederate Congress established a provisional volunteer army and gave control over military operations and authority for mustering state forces and volunteers to the newly chosen Confederate president, Jefferson Davis. On March 1, 1861, on behalf of the Confederate government, Davis assumed control of the military situation at Charleston, South Carolina, where South Carolina state militia besieged Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor, held by a small U.S. Army garrison. By March 1861, the Provisional Confederate Congress expanded the provisional forces and established a more permanent Confederate States Army.
The total population of the Confederate Army is unknowable due to incomplete and destroyed Confederate records but estimates are between 750,000 and 1,000,000 troops. This does not include an unknown number of slaves pressed into army tasks, such as the construction of fortifications and defenses or driving wagons.[129] Confederate casualty figures also are incomplete and unreliable, estimated at 94,000 killed or mortally wounded, 164,000 deaths from disease, and between 26,000 and 31,000 deaths in Union prison camps. One incomplete estimate is 194,026.[citation needed]
The Confederate military leadership included many veterans from the United States Army and United States Navy who had resigned their Federal commissions and were appointed to senior positions. Many had served in the Mexican–American War (including Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis), but some such as Leonidas Polk (who graduated from West Point but did not serve in the Army) had little or no experience.
The Confederate officer corps consisted of men from both slave-owning and non-slave-owning families. The Confederacy appointed junior and field grade officers by election from the enlisted ranks. Although no Army service academy was established for the Confederacy, some colleges (such as The Citadel and Virginia Military Institute) maintained cadet corps that trained Confederate military leadership. A naval academy was established at Drewry's Bluff, Virginia[130] in 1863, but no midshipmen graduated before the Confederacy's end.
Most soldiers were white males aged between 16 and 28. The median year of birth was 1838, so half the soldiers were 23 or older by 1861.[131] The Confederate Army was permitted to disband for two months in early 1862 after its short-term enlistments expired. The majority of those in uniform would not re-enlist after their one-year commitment, thus on April 16, 1862, the Confederate Congress imposed the first mass conscription on North American territory. (A year later, on March 3, 1863, the United States Congress passed the Enrollment Act.) Rather than a universal draft, the first program was a selective one with physical, religious, professional, and industrial exemptions. These became narrower as the battle progressed. Initially substitutes were permitted, but by December 1863 these were disallowed. In September 1862 the age limit was increased from 35 to 45 and by February 1864, all men under 18 and over 45 were conscripted to form a reserve for state defense inside state borders. By March 1864, the Superintendent of Conscription reported that all across the Confederacy, every officer in constituted authority, man and woman, "engaged in opposing the enrolling officer in the execution of his duties".[132] Although challenged in the state courts, the Confederate State Supreme Courts routinely rejected legal challenges to conscription.[133]
Many thousands of slaves served as personal servants to their owner, or were hired as laborers, cooks, and pioneers.[134] Some freed blacks and men of color served in local state militia units of the Confederacy, primarily in Louisiana and South Carolina, but their officers deployed them for "local defense, not combat".[135] Depleted by casualties and desertions, the military suffered chronic manpower shortages. In early 1865, the Confederate Congress, influenced by the public support by General Lee, approved the recruitment of black infantry units. Contrary to Lee's and Davis's recommendations, the Congress refused "to guarantee the freedom of black volunteers". No more than two hundred black combat troops were ever raised.[136]
Raising troops
The immediate onset of war meant that it was fought by the "Provisional" or "Volunteer Army". State governors resisted concentrating a national effort. Several wanted a strong state army for self-defense. Others feared large "Provisional" armies answering only to Davis.[137] When filling the Confederate government's call for 100,000 men, another 200,000 were turned away by accepting only those enlisted "for the duration" or twelve-month volunteers who brought their own arms or horses.[138]
It was important to raise troops; it was just as important to provide capable officers to command them. With few exceptions the Confederacy secured excellent general officers. Efficiency in the lower officers was "greater than could have been reasonably expected". As with the Federals, political appointees could be indifferent. Otherwise, the officer corps was governor-appointed or elected by unit enlisted. Promotion to fill vacancies was made internally regardless of merit, even if better officers were immediately available.[139]
Anticipating the need for more "duration" men, in January 1862 Congress provided for company level recruiters to return home for two months, but their efforts met little success on the heels of Confederate battlefield defeats in February.[140] Congress allowed for Davis to require numbers of recruits from each governor to supply the volunteer shortfall. States responded by passing their own draft laws.[141]
The veteran Confederate army of early 1862 was mostly twelve-month volunteers with terms about to expire. Enlisted reorganization elections disintegrated the army for two months. Officers pleaded with the ranks to re-enlist, but a majority did not. Those remaining elected majors and colonels whose performance led to officer review boards in October. The boards caused a "rapid and widespread" thinning out of 1,700 incompetent officers. Troops thereafter would elect only second lieutenants.[142]
In early 1862, the popular press suggested the Confederacy required a million men under arms. But veteran soldiers were not re-enlisting, and earlier secessionist volunteers did not reappear to serve in war. One Macon, Georgia, newspaper asked how two million brave fighting men of the South were about to be overcome by four million northerners who were said to be cowards.[143]
Conscription
The Confederacy passed the first American law of national conscription on April 16, 1862. The white males of the Confederate States from 18 to 35 were declared members of the Confederate army for three years, and all men then enlisted were extended to a three-year term. They would serve only in units and under officers of their state. Those under 18 and over 35 could substitute for conscripts, in September those from 35 to 45 became conscripts.[144] The cry of "rich man's war and a poor man's fight" led Congress to abolish the substitute system altogether in December 1863. All principals benefiting earlier were made eligible for service. By February 1864, the age bracket was made 17 to 50, those under eighteen and over forty-five to be limited to in-state duty.[145]
Confederate conscription was not universal; it was a selective service. The First Conscription Act of April 1862 exempted occupations related to transportation, communication, industry, ministers, teaching and physical fitness. The Second Conscription Act of October 1862 expanded exemptions in industry, agriculture and conscientious objection. Exemption fraud proliferated in medical examinations, army furloughs, churches, schools, apothecaries and newspapers.[146]
Rich men's sons were appointed to the socially outcast "overseer" occupation, but the measure was received in the country with "universal odium". The legislative vehicle was the controversial Twenty Negro Law that specifically exempted one white overseer or owner for every plantation with at least 20 slaves. Backpedaling six months later, Congress provided overseers under 45 could be exempted only if they held the occupation before the first Conscription Act.[147] The number of officials under state exemptions appointed by state Governor patronage expanded significantly.[148]
-
Gen. Gabriel J. Rains, Conscription Bureau chief, April 1862 – May 1863
-
Gen. Gideon J. Pillow, military recruiter under Bragg, then J.E. Johnston[149]
The Conscription Act of February 1864 "radically changed the whole system" of selection. It abolished industrial exemptions, placing detail authority in President Davis. As the shame of conscription was greater than a felony conviction, the system brought in "about as many volunteers as it did conscripts." Many men in otherwise "bombproof" positions were enlisted in one way or another, nearly 160,000 additional volunteers and conscripts in uniform. Still there was shirking.[150] To administer the draft, a Bureau of Conscription was set up to use state officers, as state Governors would allow. It had a checkered career of "contention, opposition and futility". Armies appointed alternative military "recruiters" to bring in the out-of-uniform 17–50-year-old conscripts and deserters. Nearly 3,000 officers were tasked with the job. By late 1864, Lee was calling for more troops. "Our ranks are constantly diminishing by battle and disease, and few recruits are received; the consequences are inevitable." By March 1865 conscription was to be administered by generals of the state reserves calling out men over 45 and under 18 years old. All exemptions were abolished. These regiments were assigned to recruit conscripts ages 17–50, recover deserters, and repel enemy cavalry raids. The service retained men who had lost but one arm or a leg in home guards. Ultimately, conscription was a failure, and its main value was in goading men to volunteer.[151]
The survival of the Confederacy depended on a strong base of civilians and soldiers devoted to victory. The soldiers performed well, though increasing numbers deserted in the last year of fighting, and the Confederacy never succeeded in replacing casualties as the Union could. The civilians, although enthusiastic in 1861–62, seem to have lost faith in the future of the Confederacy by 1864, and instead looked to protect their homes and communities. As Rable explains, "This contraction of civic vision was more than a crabbed libertarianism; it represented an increasingly widespread disillusionment with the Confederate experiment."[152]
Victories: 1861
The American Civil War broke out in April 1861 with a Confederate victory at the Battle of Fort Sumter in Charleston.
In January, President James Buchanan had attempted to resupply the garrison with the steamship, Star of the West, but Confederate artillery drove it away. In March, President Lincoln notified South Carolina Governor Pickens that without Confederate resistance to the resupply there would be no military reinforcement without further notice, but Lincoln prepared to force resupply if it were not allowed. Confederate President Davis, in cabinet, decided to seize Fort Sumter before the relief fleet arrived, and on April 12, 1861, General Beauregard forced its surrender.[154]
Following Sumter, Lincoln directed states to provide 75,000 troops for three months to recapture the Charleston Harbor forts and all other federal property.[155] This emboldened secessionists in Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee and North Carolina to secede rather than provide troops to march into neighboring Southern states. In May, Federal troops crossed into Confederate territory along the entire border from the Chesapeake Bay to New Mexico. The first battles were Confederate victories at Big Bethel (Bethel Church, Virginia), First Bull Run (First Manassas) in Virginia July and in August, Wilson's Creek (Oak Hills) in Missouri. At all three, Confederate forces could not follow up their victory due to inadequate supply and shortages of fresh troops to exploit their successes. Following each battle, Federals maintained a military presence and occupied Washington, DC; Fort Monroe, Virginia; and Springfield, Missouri. Both North and South began training up armies for major fighting the next year.[156] Union General George B. McClellan's forces gained possession of much of northwestern Virginia in mid-1861, concentrating on towns and roads; the interior was too large to control and became the center of guerrilla activity.[157][158] General Robert E. Lee was defeated at Cheat Mountain in September and no serious Confederate advance in western Virginia occurred until the next year.
Meanwhile, the Union Navy seized control of much of the Confederate coastline from Virginia to South Carolina. It took over plantations and the abandoned slaves. Federals there began a war-long policy of burning grain supplies up rivers into the interior wherever they could not occupy.[159] The Union Navy began a blockade of the major southern ports and prepared an invasion of Louisiana to capture New Orleans in early 1862.
Incursions: 1862
The victories of 1861 were followed by a series of defeats east and west in early 1862. To restore the Union by military force, the Federal strategy was to (1) secure the Mississippi River, (2) seize or close Confederate ports, and (3) march on Richmond. To secure independence, the Confederate intent was to (1) repel the invader on all fronts, costing him blood and treasure, and (2) carry the war into the North by two offensives in time to affect the mid-term elections.
Much of northwestern Virginia was under Federal control.[161] In February and March, most of Missouri and Kentucky were Union "occupied, consolidated, and used as staging areas for advances further South". Following the repulse of a Confederate counterattack at the Battle of Shiloh, Tennessee, permanent Federal occupation expanded west, south and east.[162] Confederate forces repositioned south along the Mississippi River to Memphis, Tennessee, where at the naval Battle of Memphis, its River Defense Fleet was sunk. Confederates withdrew from northern Mississippi and northern Alabama. New Orleans was captured on April 29 by a combined Army-Navy force under U.S. Admiral David Farragut, and the Confederacy lost control of the mouth of the Mississippi River. It had to concede extensive agricultural resources that had supported the Union's sea-supplied logistics base.[163]
Although Confederates had suffered major reverses everywhere, as of the end of April the Confederacy still controlled territory holding 72% of its population.[164] Federal forces disrupted Missouri and Arkansas; they had broken through in western Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Louisiana. Along the Confederacy's shores, Union forces had closed ports and made garrisoned lodgments on every coastal Confederate state except Alabama and Texas.[165] Although scholars sometimes assess the Union blockade as ineffectual under international law until the last few months of the war, from the first months it disrupted Confederate privateers, making it "almost impossible to bring their prizes into Confederate ports".[166] British firms developed small fleets of blockade running companies, such as John Fraser and Company and S. Isaac, Campbell & Company while the Ordnance Department secured its own blockade runners for dedicated munitions cargoes.[167]
During the Civil War fleets of armored warships were deployed for the first time in sustained blockades at sea. After some success against the Union blockade, in March the ironclad CSS Virginia was forced into port and burned by Confederates at their retreat. Despite several attempts mounted from their port cities, CSA naval forces were unable to break the Union blockade. Attempts were made by Commodore Josiah Tattnall III's ironclads from Savannah in 1862 with the CSS Atlanta.[168] Secretary of the Navy Stephen Mallory placed his hopes in a European-built ironclad fleet, but they were never realized. On the other hand, four new English-built commerce raiders served the Confederacy, and several fast blockade runners were sold in Confederate ports. They were converted into commerce-raiding cruisers, and manned by their British crews.[169]
In the east, Union forces could not close on Richmond. General McClellan landed his army on the Lower Peninsula of Virginia. Lee subsequently ended that threat from the east, then Union General John Pope attacked overland from the north only to be repulsed at Second Bull Run (Second Manassas). Lee's strike north was turned back at Antietam MD, then Union Major General Ambrose Burnside's offensive was disastrously ended at Fredericksburg VA in December. Both armies then turned to winter quarters to recruit and train for the coming spring.[170]
In an attempt to seize the initiative, reprove, protect farms in mid-growing season and influence U.S. Congressional elections, two major Confederate incursions into Union territory had been launched in August and September 1862. Both Braxton Bragg's invasion of Kentucky and Lee's invasion of Maryland were decisively repulsed, leaving Confederates in control of but 63% of its population.[164] Civil War scholar Allan Nevins argues that 1862 was the strategic high-water mark of the Confederacy.[171] The failures of the two invasions were attributed to the same irrecoverable shortcomings: lack of manpower at the front, lack of supplies including serviceable shoes, and exhaustion after long marches without adequate food.[172] Also in September Confederate General William W. Loring pushed Federal forces from Charleston, Virginia, and the Kanawha Valley in western Virginia, but lacking reinforcements Loring abandoned his position and by November the region was back in Federal control.[173][174]
Anaconda: 1863–1864
The failed Middle Tennessee campaign was ended January 2, 1863, at the inconclusive Battle of Stones River (Murfreesboro), both sides losing the largest percentage of casualties suffered during the war. It was followed by another strategic withdrawal by Confederate forces.[175] The Confederacy won a significant victory April 1863, repulsing the Federal advance on Richmond at Chancellorsville, but the Union consolidated positions along the Virginia coast and the Chesapeake Bay.
Without an effective answer to Federal gunboats, river transport and supply, the Confederacy lost the Mississippi River following the capture of Vicksburg, Mississippi, and Port Hudson in July, ending Southern access to the trans-Mississippi West. July brought short-lived counters, Morgan's Raid into Ohio and the New York City draft riots. Robert E. Lee's strike into Pennsylvania was repulsed at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania despite Pickett's famous charge and other acts of valor. Southern newspapers assessed the campaign as "The Confederates did not gain a victory, neither did the enemy."
September and November left Confederates yielding Chattanooga, Tennessee, the gateway to the lower south.[176] For the remainder of the war fighting was restricted inside the South, resulting in a slow but continuous loss of territory. In early 1864, the Confederacy still controlled 53% of its population, but it withdrew further to reestablish defensive positions. Union offensives continued with Sherman's March to the Sea to take Savannah and Grant's Wilderness Campaign to encircle Richmond and besiege Lee's army at Petersburg.[163]
In April 1863, the C.S. Congress authorized a uniformed Volunteer Navy, many of whom were British.[177] The Confederacy had altogether eighteen commerce-destroying cruisers, which seriously disrupted Federal commerce at sea and increased shipping insurance rates 900%.[178] Commodore Tattnall again unsuccessfully attempted to break the Union blockade on the Savannah River in Georgia with an ironclad in 1863.[179] Beginning in April 1864 the ironclad CSS Albemarle engaged Union gunboats for six months on the Roanoke River in North Carolina.[180] The Federals closed Mobile Bay by sea-based amphibious assault in August, ending Gulf coast trade east of the Mississippi River. In December, the Battle of Nashville ended Confederate operations in the western theater.
Large numbers of families relocated to safer places, usually remote rural areas, bringing along household slaves if they had any. Mary Massey argues these elite exiles introduced an element of defeatism into the southern outlook.[181]
Collapse: 1865
The first three months of 1865 saw the Federal Carolinas Campaign, devastating a wide swath of the remaining Confederate heartland. The "breadbasket of the Confederacy" in the Great Valley of Virginia was occupied by Philip Sheridan. The Union Blockade captured Fort Fisher in North Carolina, and Sherman finally took Charleston, South Carolina, by land attack.[163]
The Confederacy controlled no ports, harbors or navigable rivers. Railroads were captured or had ceased operating. Its major food-producing regions had been war-ravaged or occupied. Its administration survived in only three pockets of territory holding only one-third of its population. Its armies were defeated or disbanding. At the February 1865 Hampton Roads Conference with Lincoln, senior Confederate officials rejected his invitation to restore the Union with compensation for emancipated slaves.[163] The three pockets of unoccupied Confederacy were southern Virginia—North Carolina, central Alabama—Florida, and Texas, the latter two areas less from any notion of resistance than from the disinterest of Federal forces to occupy them.[182] The Davis policy was independence or nothing, while Lee's army was wracked by disease and desertion, barely holding the trenches defending Jefferson Davis' capital.
The Confederacy's last remaining blockade-running port, Wilmington, North Carolina, was lost. When the Union broke through Lee's lines at Petersburg, Richmond fell immediately. Lee surrendered a remnant of 50,000 from the Army of Northern Virginia at Appomattox Court House, Virginia, on April 9, 1865.[183] "The Surrender" marked the end of the Confederacy.[184] The CSS Stonewall sailed from Europe to break the Union blockade in March; on making Havana, Cuba, it surrendered. Some high officials escaped to Europe, but President Davis was captured May 10; all remaining Confederate land forces surrendered by June 1865. The U.S. Army took control of the Confederate areas without post-surrender insurgency or guerrilla warfare against them, but peace was subsequently marred by a great deal of local violence, feuding and revenge killings.[185] The last confederate military unit, the commerce raider CSS Shenandoah, surrendered on November 6, 1865, in Liverpool.[186]
Historian Gary Gallagher concluded that the Confederacy capitulated in early 1865 because northern armies crushed "organized southern military resistance". The Confederacy's population, soldier and civilian, had suffered material hardship and social disruption.[187] Jefferson Davis' assessment in 1890 determined, "With the capture of the capital, the dispersion of the civil authorities, the surrender of the armies in the field, and the arrest of the President, the Confederate States of America disappeared ... their history henceforth became a part of the history of the United States."[188]
Government and politics
Political divisions
Constitution
In February, 1861, Southern leaders met in Montgomery, Alabama to adopt their first constitution, establishing a confederation of "sovereign and independent states", guaranteeing states the right to a republican form of government. Prior to adopting to the first Confederate constitution, the independent states were sovereign republics, e.g. "Republic of Louisiana", "Republic of Mississippi", "Republic of Texas" etc.[4][17]
A second Confederate constitution was written in March, 1861, which sought to replace the confederation with a federal government; much of this constitution replicated the United States Constitution verbatim, but contained several explicit protections of the institution of slavery including provisions for the recognition and protection of slavery in any territory of the Confederacy. It maintained the ban on international slave-trading, though it made the ban's application explicit to "Negroes of the African race" in contrast to the U.S. Constitution's reference to "such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit". It protected the existing internal trade of slaves among slaveholding states.
In certain areas, the second Confederate Constitution gave greater powers to the states (or curtailed the powers of the central government more) than the U.S. Constitution of the time did, but in other areas, the states lost rights they had under the U.S. Constitution. Although the Confederate Constitution, like the U.S. Constitution, contained a commerce clause, the Confederate version prohibited the central government from using revenues collected in one state for funding internal improvements in another state. The Confederate Constitution's equivalent to the U.S. Constitution's general welfare clause prohibited protective tariffs (but allowed tariffs for providing domestic revenue), and spoke of "carry[ing] on the Government of the Confederate States" rather than providing for the "general welfare". State legislatures had the power to impeach officials of the Confederate government in some cases. On the other hand, the Confederate Constitution contained a Necessary and Proper Clause and a Supremacy Clause that essentially duplicated the respective clauses of the U.S. Constitution. The Confederate Constitution also incorporated each of the 12 amendments to the U.S. Constitution that had been ratified up to that point.
The second Confederate Constitution was finally adopted on February 22, 1862, one year into the American Civil War, and did not specifically include a provision allowing states to secede; the Preamble spoke of each state "acting in its sovereign and independent character" but also of the formation of a "permanent federal government". During the debates on drafting the Confederate Constitution, one proposal would have allowed states to secede from the Confederacy. The proposal was tabled with only the South Carolina delegates voting in favor of considering the motion.[189] The Confederate Constitution also explicitly denied States the power to bar slaveholders from other parts of the Confederacy from bringing their slaves into any state of the Confederacy or to interfere with the property rights of slave owners traveling between different parts of the Confederacy. In contrast with the secular language of the United States Constitution, the Confederate Constitution overtly asked God's blessing ("... invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God ...").
Some historians have referred to the Confederacy as a form of Herrenvolk democracy.[190][191]
Executive
The Montgomery Convention to establish the Confederacy and its executive met on February 4, 1861. Each state as a sovereignty had one vote, with the same delegation size as it held in the U.S. Congress, and generally 41 to 50 members attended.[192] Offices were "provisional", limited to a term not to exceed one year. One name was placed in nomination for president, one for vice president. Both were elected unanimously, 6–0.[193]
Jefferson Davis was elected provisional president. His U.S. Senate resignation speech greatly impressed with its clear rationale for secession and his pleading for a peaceful departure from the Union to independence. Although he had made it known that he wanted to be commander-in-chief of the Confederate armies, when elected, he assumed the office of Provisional President. Three candidates for provisional Vice President were under consideration the night before the February 9 election. All were from Georgia, and the various delegations meeting in different places determined two would not do, so Alexander H. Stephens was elected unanimously provisional Vice President, though with some privately held reservations. Stephens was inaugurated February 11, Davis February 18.[194]
Davis and Stephens were elected president and vice president, unopposed on November 6, 1861. They were inaugurated on February 22, 1862.
Coulter stated, "No president of the U.S. ever had a more difficult task." Washington was inaugurated in peacetime. Lincoln inherited an established government of long standing. The creation of the Confederacy was accomplished by men who saw themselves as fundamentally conservative. Although they referred to their "Revolution", it was in their eyes more a counter-revolution against changes away from their understanding of U.S. founding documents. In Davis' inauguration speech, he explained the Confederacy was not a French-like revolution, but a transfer of rule. The Montgomery Convention had assumed all the laws of the United States until superseded by the Confederate Congress.[195]
The Permanent Constitution provided for a President of the Confederate States of America, elected to serve a six-year term but without the possibility of re-election. Unlike the United States Constitution, the Confederate Constitution gave the president the ability to subject a bill to a line item veto, a power also held by some state governors.
The Confederate Congress could overturn either the general or the line item vetoes with the same two-thirds votes required in the U.S. Congress. In addition, appropriations not specifically requested by the executive branch required passage by a two-thirds vote in both houses of Congress. The only person to serve as president was Jefferson Davis, as the Confederacy was defeated before the completion of his term.
Administration and cabinet
Office | Name | Term |
---|---|---|
President | Jefferson Davis | 1861–65 |
Vice President | Alexander H. Stephens | 1861–65 |
Secretary of State | Robert Toombs | 1861 |
Robert M.T. Hunter | 1861–62 | |
Judah P. Benjamin | 1862–65 | |
Secretary of the Treasury | Christopher Memminger | 1861–64 |
George Trenholm | 1864–65 | |
John H. Reagan | 1865 | |
Secretary of War | Leroy Pope Walker | 1861 |
Judah P. Benjamin | 1861–62 | |
George W. Randolph | 1862 | |
James Seddon | 1862–65 | |
John C. Breckinridge | 1865 | |
Secretary of the Navy | Stephen Mallory | 1861–65 |
Postmaster General | John H. Reagan | 1861–65 |
Attorney General | Judah P. Benjamin | 1861 |
Thomas Bragg | 1861–62 | |
Thomas H. Watts | 1862–63 | |
George Davis | 1864–65 |
Legislative
The only two "formal, national, functioning, civilian administrative bodies" in the Civil War South were the Jefferson Davis administration and the Confederate Congresses. The Confederacy was begun by the Provisional Congress in Convention at Montgomery, Alabama on February 28, 1861. The Provisional Confederate Congress was a unicameral assembly; each state received one vote.[196]
The Permanent Confederate Congress was elected and began its first session February 18, 1862. The Permanent Congress for the Confederacy followed the United States forms with a bicameral legislature. The Senate had two per state, twenty-six Senators. The House numbered 106 representatives apportioned by free and slave populations within each state. Two Congresses sat in six sessions until March 18, 1865.[196]
The political influences of the civilian, soldier vote and appointed representatives reflected divisions of political geography of a diverse South. These in turn changed over time relative to Union occupation and disruption, the war impact on the local economy, and the course of the war. Without political parties, key candidate identification related to adopting secession before or after Lincoln's call for volunteers to retake Federal property. Previous party affiliation played a part in voter selection, predominantly secessionist Democrat or unionist Whig.[197]
The absence of political parties made individual roll call voting all the more important, as the Confederate "freedom of roll-call voting [was] unprecedented in American legislative history."[198] Key issues throughout the life of the Confederacy related to (1) suspension of habeas corpus, (2) military concerns such as control of state militia, conscription and exemption, (3) economic and fiscal policy including impressment of slaves, goods and scorched earth, and (4) support of the Jefferson Davis administration in its foreign affairs and negotiating peace.[199]
For the first year, the unicameral Provisional Confederate Congress functioned as the Confederacy's legislative branch.
|
|
Judicial
-
Jesse J. Finley
Florida District -
Henry R. Jackson
Georgia District -
Asa Biggs
North Carolina District -
Andrew Magrath
South Carolina District
The Confederate Constitution outlined a judicial branch of the government, but the ongoing war and resistance from states-rights advocates, particularly on the question of whether it would have appellate jurisdiction over the state courts, prevented the creation or seating of the "Supreme Court of the Confederate States". Thus, the state courts generally continued to operate as they had done, simply recognizing the Confederate States as the national government.[200]
Confederate district courts were authorized by Article III, Section 1, of the Confederate Constitution,[201] and President Davis appointed judges within the individual states of the Confederate States of America.[202] In many cases, the same US Federal District Judges were appointed as Confederate States District Judges. Confederate district courts began reopening in early 1861, handling many of the same type cases as had been done before. Prize cases, in which Union ships were captured by the Confederate Navy or raiders and sold through court proceedings, were heard until the blockade of southern ports made this impossible. After a Sequestration Act was passed by the Confederate Congress, the Confederate district courts heard many cases in which enemy aliens (typically Northern absentee landlords owning property in the South) had their property sequestered (seized) by Confederate Receivers.
When the matter came before the Confederate court, the property owner could not appear because he was unable to travel across the front lines between Union and Confederate forces. Thus, the District Attorney won the case by default, the property was typically sold, and the money used to further the Southern war effort. Eventually, because there was no Confederate Supreme Court, sharp attorneys like South Carolina's Edward McCrady began filing appeals. This prevented their clients' property from being sold until a supreme court could be constituted to hear the appeal, which never occurred.[202] Where Federal troops gained control over parts of the Confederacy and re-established civilian government, US district courts sometimes resumed jurisdiction.[203]
Supreme Court – not established.
District Courts – judges
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|
Post office
-
John H. Reagan
Postmaster General -
Andrew Jackson
2 cent, 1862 -
George Washington
20 cent, 1863
When the Confederacy was formed and its seceding states broke from the Union, it was at once confronted with the arduous task of providing its citizens with a mail delivery system, and, amid the American Civil War, the newly formed Confederacy created and established the Confederate Post Office. One of the first undertakings in establishing the Post Office was the appointment of John H. Reagan to the position of Postmaster General, by Jefferson Davis in 1861. This made him the first Postmaster General of the Confederate Post Office, and a member of Davis's presidential cabinet. Writing in 1906, historian Walter Flavius McCaleb praised Reagan's "energy and intelligence... in a degree scarcely matched by any of his associates".[204]
When the war began, the US Post Office briefly delivered mail from the secessionist states. Mail that was postmarked after the date of a state's admission into the Confederacy through May 31, 1861, and bearing US postage was still delivered.[205] After this time, private express companies still managed to carry some of the mail across enemy lines. Later, mail that crossed lines had to be sent by 'Flag of Truce' and was allowed to pass at only two specific points. Mail sent from the Confederacy to the U.S. was received, opened and inspected at Fortress Monroe on the Virginia coast before being passed on into the U.S. mail stream. Mail sent from the North to the South passed at City Point, also in Virginia, where it was also inspected before being sent on.[206][207]
With the chaos of the war, a working postal system was more important than ever for the Confederacy. The Civil War had divided family members and friends and consequently letter writing increased dramatically across the entire divided nation, especially to and from the men who were away serving in an army. Mail delivery was also important for the Confederacy for a myriad of business and military reasons. Because of the Union blockade, basic supplies were always in demand and so getting mailed correspondence out of the country to suppliers was imperative to the successful operation of the Confederacy. Volumes of material have been written about the Blockade runners who evaded Union ships on blockade patrol, usually at night, and who moved cargo and mail in and out of the Confederate States throughout the course of the war. Of particular interest to students and historians of the American Civil War is Prisoner of War mail and Blockade mail as these items were often involved with a variety of military and other war time activities. The postal history of the Confederacy along with surviving Confederate mail has helped historians document the various people, places and events that were involved in the American Civil War as it unfolded.[208]
Civil liberties
The Confederacy actively used the army to arrest people suspected of loyalty to the United States. Historian Mark Neely found 4,108 names of men arrested and estimated a much larger total.[209] The Confederacy arrested pro-Union civilians in the South at about the same rate as the Union arrested pro-Confederate civilians in the North.[210] Neely argues:
The Confederate citizen was not any freer than the Union citizen – and perhaps no less likely to be arrested by military authorities. In fact, the Confederate citizen may have been in some ways less free than his Northern counterpart. For example, freedom to travel within the Confederate states was severely limited by a domestic passport system.[211]
Economy
Slaves
Across the South, widespread rumors alarmed the whites by predicting the slaves were planning some sort of insurrection. Patrols were stepped up. The slaves did become increasingly independent, and resistant to punishment, but historians agree there were no insurrections. In the invaded areas, insubordination was more the norm than was loyalty to the old master; Bell Wiley says, "It was not disloyalty, but the lure of freedom." Many slaves became spies for the North, and large numbers ran away to federal lines.[212]
According to the 1860 United States census, the 11 states that seceded had the highest percentage of slaves as a proportion of their population, representing 39% of their total population. The proportions ranged from a majority in South Carolina (57.2%) and Mississippi (55.2%) to about a quarter in Arkansas (25.5%) and Tennessee (24.8%).
Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, an executive order of the U.S. government on January 1, 1863, changed the legal status of three million slaves in designated areas of the Confederacy from "slave" to "free". The long-term effect was that the Confederacy could not preserve the institution of slavery and lost the use of the core element of its plantation labor force. Slaves were legally freed by the Proclamation, and became free by escaping to federal lines, or by advances of federal troops. Over 200,000 freed slaves were hired by the federal army as teamsters, cooks, launderers and laborers, and eventually as soldiers.[213][214] Plantation owners, realizing that emancipation would destroy their economic system, sometimes moved their slaves as far as possible out of reach of the Union army.[215]
Though the concept was promoted within certain circles of the Union hierarchy during and immediately following the war, no program of reparations for freed slaves was ever attempted. Unlike other Western countries, such as Britain and France, the U.S. government never paid compensation to Southern slave owners for their "lost property". The only place compensated emancipation was carried out was the District of Columbia.[216][217]
Political economy
According to the 1860 United States census, about 31% of free households in the eleven states that would join the Confederacy owned slaves. Most whites were subsistence farmers who traded their surpluses locally.
The plantations of the South, with white ownership and an enslaved labor force, produced substantial wealth from cash crops. It supplied two-thirds of the world's cotton, which was in high demand for textiles, along with tobacco, sugar, and naval stores (such as turpentine). These raw materials were exported to factories in Europe and the Northeast. Planters reinvested their profits in more slaves and fresh land, as cotton and tobacco depleted the soil. There was little manufacturing or mining; shipping was controlled by non-southerners.[218][219]
The plantations that enslaved over three million black people were the principal source of wealth. Most were concentrated in "black belt" plantation areas (because few white families in the poor regions owned slaves). For decades, there had been widespread fear of slave revolts. During the war, extra men were assigned to "home guard" patrol duty and governors sought to keep militia units at home for protection. Historian William Barney reports, "no major slave revolts erupted during the Civil War." Nevertheless, slaves took the opportunity to enlarge their sphere of independence, and when union forces were nearby, many ran off to join them.[220][221]
Slave labor was applied in industry in a limited way in the Upper South and in a few port cities. One reason for the regional lag in industrial development was top-heavy income distribution. Mass production requires mass markets, and slaves living in small cabins, using self-made tools and outfitted with one suit of work clothes each year of inferior fabric, did not generate consumer demand to sustain local manufactures of any description in the same way as did a mechanized family farm of free labor in the North. The Southern economy was "pre-capitalist" in that slaves were put to work in the largest revenue-producing enterprises, not free labor markets. That labor system as practiced in the American South encompassed paternalism, whether abusive or indulgent, and that meant labor management considerations apart from productivity.[222]
Approximately 85% of both the North and South white populations lived on family farms, both regions were predominantly agricultural, and mid-century industry in both was mostly domestic. But the Southern economy was pre-capitalist in its overwhelming reliance on the agriculture of cash crops to produce wealth, while the great majority of farmers fed themselves and supplied a small local market. Southern cities and industries grew faster than ever before, but the thrust of the rest of the country's exponential growth elsewhere was toward urban industrial development along transportation systems of canals and railroads. The South was following the dominant currents of the American economic mainstream, but at a "great distance" as it lagged in the all-weather modes of transportation that brought cheaper, speedier freight shipment and forged new, expanding inter-regional markets.[223]
A third count of the pre-capitalist Southern economy relates to the cultural setting. White southerners did not adopt a work ethic, nor the habits of thrift that marked the rest of the country. It had access to the tools of capitalism, but it did not adopt its culture. The Southern Cause as a national economy in the Confederacy was grounded in "slavery and race, planters and patricians, plain folk and folk culture, cotton and plantations".[224]
National production
The Confederacy started its existence as an agrarian economy with exports, to a world market, of cotton, and, to a lesser extent, tobacco and sugarcane. Local food production included grains, hogs, cattle, and gardens. The cash came from exports but the Southern people spontaneously stopped exports in early 1861 to hasten the impact of "King Cotton", a failed strategy to coerce international support for the Confederacy through its cotton exports. When the blockade was announced, commercial shipping practically ended (the ships could not get insurance), and only a trickle of supplies came via blockade runners. The cutoff of exports was an economic disaster for the South, rendering useless its most valuable properties, its plantations and their enslaved workers. Many planters kept growing cotton, which piled up everywhere, but most turned to food production. All across the region, the lack of repair and maintenance wasted away the physical assets.
The eleven states had produced $155 million (~$4.29 billion in 2023) in manufactured goods in 1860, chiefly from local gristmills, and lumber, processed tobacco, cotton goods and naval stores such as turpentine. The main industrial areas were border cities such as Baltimore, Wheeling, Louisville and St. Louis, that were never under Confederate control. The government did set up munitions factories in the Deep South. Combined with captured munitions and those coming via blockade runners, the armies were kept minimally supplied with weapons. The soldiers suffered from reduced rations, lack of medicines, and the growing shortages of uniforms, shoes and boots. Shortages were much worse for civilians, and the prices of necessities steadily rose.[225]
The Confederacy adopted a tariff or tax on imports of 15%, and imposed it on all imports from other countries, including the United States.[226] The tariff mattered little; the Union blockade minimized commercial traffic through the Confederacy's ports, and very few people paid taxes on goods smuggled from the North. The Confederate government in its entire history collected only $3.5 million in tariff revenue. The lack of adequate financial resources led the Confederacy to finance the war through printing money, which led to high inflation. The Confederacy underwent an economic revolution by centralization and standardization, but it was too little too late as its economy was systematically strangled by blockade and raids.[227]
Transportation systems
In peacetime, the South's extensive and connected systems of navigable rivers and coastal access allowed for cheap and easy transportation of agricultural products. The railroad system in the South had developed as a supplement to the navigable rivers to enhance the all-weather shipment of cash crops to market. Railroads tied plantation areas to the nearest river or seaport and so made supply more dependable, lowered costs and increased profits. In the event of invasion, the vast geography of the Confederacy made logistics difficult for the Union. Wherever Union armies invaded, they assigned many of their soldiers to garrison captured areas and to protect rail lines.
At the onset of the Civil War the South had a rail network disjointed and plagued by changes in track gauge as well as lack of interchange. Locomotives and freight cars had fixed axles and could not use tracks of different gauges (widths). Railroads of different gauges leading to the same city required all freight to be off-loaded onto wagons for transport to the connecting railroad station, where it had to await freight cars and a locomotive before proceeding. Centers requiring off-loading included Vicksburg, New Orleans, Montgomery, Wilmington and Richmond.[228] In addition, most rail lines led from coastal or river ports to inland cities, with few lateral railroads. Because of this design limitation, the relatively primitive railroads of the Confederacy were unable to overcome the Union naval blockade of the South's crucial intra-coastal and river routes.
The Confederacy had no plan to expand, protect or encourage its railroads. Southerners' refusal to export the cotton crop in 1861 left railroads bereft of their main source of income.[229] Many lines had to lay off employees; many critical skilled technicians and engineers were permanently lost to military service. In the early years of the war the Confederate government had a hands-off approach to the railroads. Only in mid-1863 did the Confederate government initiate a national policy, and it was confined solely to aiding the war effort.[230] Railroads came under the de facto control of the military. In contrast, the U.S. Congress had authorized military administration of Union-controlled railroad and telegraph systems in January 1862, imposed a standard gauge, and built railroads into the South using that gauge. Confederate armies successfully reoccupying territory could not be resupplied directly by rail as they advanced. The C.S. Congress formally authorized military administration of railroads in February 1865.
In the last year before the end of the war, the Confederate railroad system stood permanently on the verge of collapse. There was no new equipment and raids on both sides systematically destroyed key bridges, as well as locomotives and freight cars. Spare parts were cannibalized; feeder lines were torn up to get replacement rails for trunk lines, and rolling stock wore out through heavy use.[231]
Horses and mules
The Confederate army experienced a persistent shortage of horses and mules and requisitioned them with dubious promissory notes given to local farmers and breeders. Union forces paid in real money and found ready sellers in the South. Both armies needed horses for cavalry and for artillery.[232] Mules pulled the wagons. The supply was undermined by an unprecedented epidemic of glanders, a fatal disease that baffled veterinarians.[233] After 1863 the invading Union forces had a policy of shooting all the local horses and mules that they did not need, in order to keep them out of Confederate hands. The Confederate armies and farmers experienced a growing shortage of horses and mules, which hurt the Southern economy and the war effort. The South lost half of its 2.5 million horses and mules; many farmers ended the war with none left. Army horses were used up by hard work, malnourishment, disease and battle wounds; they had a life expectancy of about seven months.[234]
Financial instruments
Both the individual Confederate states and later the Confederate government printed Confederate States of America dollars as paper currency in various denominations, with a total face value of $1.5 billion. Much of it was signed by Treasurer Edward C. Elmore. Inflation became rampant as the paper money depreciated and eventually became worthless. The state governments and some localities printed their own paper money, adding to the runaway inflation.[235] Many bills still exist, although in recent years counterfeit copies have proliferated.
The Confederate government initially wanted to finance its war mostly through tariffs on imports, export taxes, and voluntary donations of gold. After the spontaneous imposition of an embargo on cotton sales to Europe in 1861, these sources of revenue dried up and the Confederacy increasingly turned to issuing debt and printing money to pay for war expenses. The Confederate States politicians were worried about angering the general population with hard taxes. A tax increase might disillusion many Southerners, so the Confederacy resorted to printing more money. As a result, inflation increased and remained a problem for the southern states throughout the rest of the war.[236] By April 1863, for example, the cost of flour in Richmond had risen to $100 (~$2,475 in 2023) a barrel and housewives were rioting.[237]
The Confederate government took over the three national mints in its territory: the Charlotte Mint in North Carolina, the Dahlonega Mint in Georgia, and the New Orleans Mint in Louisiana. During 1861 all of these facilities produced small amounts of gold coinage, and the latter half dollars as well. Since the mints used the current dies on hand, all appear to be U.S. issues. However, by comparing slight differences in the dies specialists can distinguish 1861-O half dollars that were minted either under the authority of the U.S. government, the State of Louisiana, or finally the Confederate States. Unlike the gold coins, this issue was produced in significant numbers (over 2.5 million) and is inexpensive in lower grades, although fakes have been made for sale to the public.[238] However, before the New Orleans Mint ceased operation in May 1861, the Confederate government used its own reverse design to strike four half dollars. This made one of the great rarities of American numismatics. A lack of silver and gold precluded further coinage. The Confederacy apparently also experimented with issuing one cent coins, although only 12 were produced by a jeweler in Philadelphia, who was afraid to send them to the South. Like the half dollars, copies were later made as souvenirs.[239]
US coinage was hoarded and did not have any general circulation. U.S. coinage was admitted as legal tender up to $10, as were British sovereigns, French Napoleons and Spanish and Mexican doubloons at a fixed rate of exchange. Confederate money was paper and postage stamps.[240]
Food shortages and riots
By mid-1861, the Union naval blockade virtually shut down the export of cotton and the import of manufactured goods. Food that formerly came overland was cut off.
As women were the ones who remained at home, they had to make do with the lack of food and supplies. They cut back on purchases, used old materials, and planted more flax and peas to provide clothing and food. They used ersatz substitutes when possible, but there was no real coffee, only okra and chicory substitutes. The households were severely hurt by inflation in the cost of everyday items like flour, and the shortages of food, fodder for the animals, and medical supplies for the wounded.[241][242]
State governments requested that planters grow less cotton and more food, but most refused. When cotton prices soared in Europe, expectations were that Europe would soon intervene to break the blockade and make them rich, but Europe remained neutral.[243] The Georgia legislature imposed cotton quotas, making it a crime to grow an excess. But food shortages only worsened, especially in the towns.[244]
The overall decline in food supplies, made worse by the inadequate transportation system, led to serious shortages and high prices in urban areas. When bacon reached a dollar a pound in 1863, the poor women of Richmond, Atlanta and many other cities began to riot; they broke into shops and warehouses to seize food, as they were angry at ineffective state relief efforts, speculators, and merchants. As wives and widows of soldiers, they were hurt by the inadequate welfare system.[245][246][247]
Devastation by 1865
By the end of the war deterioration of the Southern infrastructure was widespread. The number of civilian deaths is unknown. Every Confederate state was affected, but most of the war was fought in Virginia and Tennessee, while Texas and Florida saw the least military action. Much of the damage was caused by direct military action, but most was caused by lack of repairs and upkeep, and by deliberately using up resources. Historians have recently estimated how much of the devastation was caused by military action. Paul Paskoff calculates that Union military operations were conducted in 56% of 645 counties in nine Confederate states (excluding Texas and Florida). These counties contained 63% of the 1860 white population and 64% of the slaves. By the time the fighting took place, undoubtedly some people had fled to safer areas, so the exact population exposed to war is unknown.[248]
-
Potters House, Atlanta GA
-
Downtown Charleston SC
-
Navy Yard, Norfolk VA
-
Rail bridge, Petersburg VA
The eleven Confederate States in the 1860 United States census had 297 towns and cities with 835,000 people; of these 162 with 681,000 people were at one point occupied by Union forces. Eleven were destroyed or severely damaged by war action, including Atlanta (with an 1860 population of 9,600), Charleston, Columbia, and Richmond (with prewar populations of 40,500, 8,100, and 37,900, respectively); the eleven contained 115,900 people in the 1860 census, or 14% of the urban South. Historians have not estimated what their actual population was when Union forces arrived. The number of people (as of 1860) who lived in the destroyed towns represented just over 1% of the Confederacy's 1860 population. In addition, 45 court houses were burned (out of 830). The South's agriculture was not highly mechanized. The value of farm implements and machinery in the 1860 Census was $81 million; by 1870, there was 40% less, worth just $48 million. Many old tools had broken through heavy use; new tools were rarely available; even repairs were difficult.[249]
The economic losses affected everyone. Banks and insurance companies were mostly bankrupt. Confederate currency and bonds were worthless. The billions of dollars invested in slaves vanished. Most debts were also left behind. Most farms were intact, but most had lost their horses, mules and cattle; fences and barns were in disrepair. Paskoff shows the loss of farm infrastructure was about the same whether or not fighting took place nearby. The loss of infrastructure and productive capacity meant that rural widows throughout the region faced not only the absence of able-bodied men, but a depleted stock of material resources that they could manage and operate themselves. During four years of warfare, disruption, and blockades, the South used up about half its capital stock. The North, by contrast, absorbed its material losses so effortlessly that it appeared richer at the end of the war than at the beginning.[249]
The rebuilding took years and was hindered by the low price of cotton after the war. Outside investment was essential, especially in railroads. One historian has summarized the collapse of the transportation infrastructure needed for economic recovery:[250]
One of the greatest calamities which confronted Southerners was the havoc wrought on the transportation system. Roads were impassable or nonexistent, and bridges were destroyed or washed away. The important river traffic was at a standstill: levees were broken, channels were blocked, the few steamboats which had not been captured or destroyed were in a state of disrepair, wharves had decayed or were missing, and trained personnel were dead or dispersed. Horses, mules, oxen, carriages, wagons, and carts had nearly all fallen prey at one time or another to the contending armies. The railroads were paralyzed, with most of the companies bankrupt. These lines had been the special target of the enemy. On one stretch of 114 miles in Alabama, every bridge and trestle was destroyed, cross-ties rotten, buildings burned, water-tanks gone, ditches filled up, and tracks grown up in weeds and bushes ... Communication centers like Columbia and Atlanta were in ruins; shops and foundries were wrecked or in disrepair. Even those areas bypassed by battle had been pirated for equipment needed on the battlefront, and the wear and tear of wartime usage without adequate repairs or replacements reduced all to a state of disintegration.
Effect on women and families
More than 250,000 Confederate soldiers died during the war. Some widows abandoned their family farms and merged into the households of relatives, or even became refugees living in camps with high rates of disease and death.[251] In the Old South, being an "old maid" was an embarrassment to the woman and her family, but after the war, it became almost a norm.[252] Some women welcomed the freedom of not having to marry. Divorce, while never fully accepted, became more common. The concept of the "New Woman" emerged – she was self-sufficient and independent, and stood in sharp contrast to the "Southern Belle" of antebellum lore.[253]
National flags
-
CSA Naval Jack
1863–65[citation needed] -
Battle Flag
"Southern Cross"[257]
The first official flag of the Confederate States of America—called the "Stars and Bars"—originally had seven stars, representing the first seven states that initially formed the Confederacy. As more states joined, more stars were added, until the total was 13 (two stars were added for the divided states of Kentucky and Missouri). During the First Battle of Bull Run, (First Manassas) it sometimes proved difficult to distinguish the Stars and Bars from the Union flag.[citation needed] To rectify the situation, a separate "Battle Flag" was designed for use by troops in the field. Also known as the "Southern Cross", many variations sprang from the original square configuration.
Although it was never officially adopted by the Confederate government, the popularity of the Southern Cross among both soldiers and the civilian population was a primary reason why it was made the main color feature when a new national flag was adopted in 1863.[257] This new standard—known as the "Stainless Banner"—consisted of a lengthened white field area with a Battle Flag canton. This flag too had its problems when used in military operations as, on a windless day, it could easily be mistaken for a flag of truce or surrender. Thus, in 1865, a modified version of the Stainless Banner was adopted. This final national flag of the Confederacy kept the Battle Flag canton, but shortened the white field and added a vertical red bar to the fly end.
Because of its depiction in the 20th-century and popular media, many people consider the rectangular battle flag with the dark blue bars as being synonymous with "the Confederate Flag", but this flag was never adopted as a Confederate national flag.[257]
The "Confederate Flag" has a color scheme similar to that of the most common Battle Flag design, but is rectangular, not square. The "Confederate Flag" is a highly recognizable symbol of the South in the United States today and continues to be a controversial icon.
Southern Unionism
Unionism—opposition to the Confederacy—was strong in certain areas within the Confederate States. Southern Unionists were widespread in the mountain regions of Appalachia and the Ozarks.[258] Unionists, led by Parson Brownlow and Senator Andrew Johnson, took control of East Tennessee in 1863.[259] Unionists also attempted control over western Virginia, but never effectively held more than half of the counties that formed the new state of West Virginia.[260][261][262] Union forces captured parts of coastal North Carolina, and at first were largely welcomed by local unionists. The occupiers became perceived as oppressive, callous, radical and favorable to Freedmen. Occupiers pillaged, freed slaves, and evicted those who refused to swear loyalty oaths to the Union.[263]
In Texas, local officials harassed and murdered Unionists. In Cooke County, Texas, 150 suspected Unionists were arrested; 25 were lynched without trial and 40 more were hanged after a summary trial. Draft resistance was widespread especially among Texans of German or Mexican descent, many of the latter leaving for Mexico. Confederate officials attempted to hunt down and kill potential draftees who had gone into hiding.[264] Over 4,000 suspected Unionists were imprisoned in the Confederate States without trial.[265]
Up to 100,000 men living in states under Confederate control served in the Union Army or pro-Union guerilla groups. Although Southern Unionists came from all classes, most differed socially, culturally, and economically from the region's dominant pre-war planter class.[267]
Geography
Region and climate
The Confederate States of America claimed a total of 2,919 miles (4,698 km) of coastline, thus a large part of its territory lay on the seacoast with level and often sandy or marshy ground. Most of the interior portion consisted of arable farmland, though much was also hilly and mountainous, and the far western territories were deserts. The southern reaches of the Mississippi River bisected the country, and the western half was often referred to as the Trans-Mississippi. The highest point (excluding Arizona and New Mexico) was Guadalupe Peak in Texas at 8,750 feet (2,670 m).
Much of the area had a humid subtropical climate with mild winters and long, hot, humid summers. The climate and terrain varied from vast swamps to semi-arid steppes and arid deserts. The subtropical climate made winters mild but allowed infectious diseases to flourish; on both sides more soldiers died from disease than were killed in combat.[268]
Demographics
Population
The 1860 United States census[269] gives a picture of the population for the areas that had joined the Confederacy. The population numbers exclude non-assimilated Indian tribes.
State | Total population |
Total number of slaves |
Total number of households |
Total free population |
Total number slaveholders |
% of Free population owning slaves[270] |
% of Free families owning slaves[271] |
Slaves as % of population |
Total free colored |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Alabama | 964,201 | 435,080 | 96,603 | 529,121 | 33,730 | 6% | 35% | 45% | 2,690 |
Arkansas | 435,450 | 111,115 | 57,244 | 324,335 | 11,481 | 4% | 20% | 26% | 144 |
Florida | 140,424 | 61,745 | 15,090 | 78,679 | 5,152 | 7% | 34% | 44% | 932 |
Georgia | 1,057,286 | 462,198 | 109,919 | 595,088 | 41,084 | 7% | 37% | 44% | 3,500 |
Louisiana | 708,002 | 331,726 | 74,725 | 376,276 | 22,033 | 6% | 29% | 47% | 18,647 |
Mississippi | 791,305 | 436,631 | 63,015 | 354,674 | 30,943 | 9% | 49% | 55% | 773 |
North Carolina | 992,622 | 331,059 | 125,090 | 661,563 | 34,658 | 5% | 28% | 33% | 30,463 |
South Carolina | 703,708 | 402,406 | 58,642 | 301,302 | 26,701 | 9% | 46% | 57% | 9,914 |
Tennessee | 1,109,801 | 275,719 | 149,335 | 834,082 | 36,844 | 4% | 25% | 25% | 7,300 |
Texas | 604,215 | 182,566 | 76,781 | 421,649 | 21,878 | 5% | 28% | 30% | 355 |
Virginia[272] | 1,596,318 | 490,865 | 201,523 | 1,105,453 | 52,128 | 5% | 26% | 31% | 58,042 |
Total | 9,103,332 | 3,521,110 | 1,027,967 | 5,582,222 | 316,632 | 6% | 31% | 39% | 132,760 |
Age structure | 0–14 years | 15–59 years | 60 years and over |
---|---|---|---|
White males | 43% | 52% | 4% |
White females | 44% | 52% | 4% |
Male slaves | 44% | 51% | 4% |
Female slaves | 45% | 51% | 3% |
Free black males | 45% | 50% | 5% |
Free black females | 40% | 54% | 6% |
Total population[273] | 44% | 52% | 4% |
In 1860, the areas that later formed the eleven Confederate states (and including the future West Virginia) had 132,760 (2%) free blacks. Males made up 49% of the total population and females 51%.[274]
Rural and urban population
The CSA was overwhelmingly rural. Few towns had populations of more than 1,000—the typical county seat had a population under 500. Of the twenty largest U.S. cities in the 1860 census, only New Orleans lay in Confederate territory.[275] Only 13 Confederate-controlled cities ranked among the top 100 U.S. cities in 1860, most of them ports whose economic activities vanished or suffered severely in the Union blockade. The population of Richmond swelled after it became the Confederate capital, reaching an estimated 128,000 in 1864.[276]
The cities of the Confederacy included (by size of population):
# | City | 1860 population | 1860 U.S. rank | Return to U.S. control | Notes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1. | New Orleans, Louisiana | 168,675 | 6 | 1862 | See New Orleans in the American Civil War |
2. | Charleston, South Carolina | 40,522 | 22 | 1865 | See Charleston in the American Civil War |
3. | Richmond, Virginia | 37,910 | 25 | 1865 | See Richmond in the American Civil War |
4. | Mobile, Alabama | 29,258 | 27 | 1865 | |
5. | Memphis, Tennessee | 22,623 | 38 | 1862 | |
6. | Savannah, Georgia | 22,619 | 41 | 1864 | |
7. | Petersburg, Virginia | 18,266 | 50 | 1865 | |
8. | Nashville, Tennessee | 16,988 | 54 | 1862 | See Nashville in the American Civil War |
9. | Norfolk, Virginia | 14,620 | 61 | 1862 | |
10. | Alexandria, Virginia | 12,652 | 75 | 1861 | |
11. | Augusta, Georgia | 12,493 | 77 | 1865 | |
12. | Columbus, Georgia | 9,621 | 97 | 1865 | |
13. | Atlanta, Georgia | 9,554 | 99 | 1864 | See Atlanta in the American Civil War |
14. | Wilmington, North Carolina | 9,553 | 100 | 1865 | See Wilmington, North Carolina in the American Civil War |
Religion
The CSA was overwhelmingly Protestant.[277] Both free and enslaved populations identified with evangelical Protestantism. Baptists and Methodists together formed majorities of both the white and the slave population, becoming the Black church. Freedom of religion and separation of church and state were fully ensured by Confederate laws. Church attendance was very high and chaplains played a major role in the Army.[278]
Most large denominations experienced a North–South split in the prewar era on the issue of slavery. The creation of a new country necessitated independent structures. For example, the Presbyterian Church in the United States split, with much of the new leadership provided by Joseph Ruggles Wilson.[279] Baptists and Methodists both broke off from their Northern coreligionists over the slavery issue, forming the Southern Baptist Convention and the Methodist Episcopal Church, South.[280][281] Elites in the southeast favored the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States of America, which had reluctantly split from the Episcopal Church in 1861.[282] Other elites were Presbyterians belonging to the 1861-founded Presbyterian Church in the United States. Catholics included an Irish working-class element in coastal cities and an old French element in southern Louisiana.[283][284]
The southern churches met the shortage of Army chaplains by sending missionaries. One result was wave after wave of revivals in the Army.[285]
Legacy and assessment
Amnesty and treason issue
When the war ended over 14,000 Confederates petitioned President Johnson for a pardon; he was generous in giving them out.[286] He issued a general amnesty to all Confederate participants in the "late Civil War" in 1868.[287] Congress passed additional Amnesty Acts in May 1866 with restrictions on office holding, and the Amnesty Act in May 1872 lifting those restrictions. There was a great deal of discussion in 1865 about bringing treason trials, especially against Jefferson Davis. There was no consensus in President Johnson's cabinet, and no one was charged with treason. An acquittal of Davis would have been humiliating for the government.[288]
Davis was indicted for treason but never tried; he was released from prison on bail in May 1867. The amnesty of December 25, 1868, by President Johnson eliminated any possibility of Jefferson Davis (or anyone else associated with the Confederacy) standing trial for treason.[289][290][291]
Henry Wirz, the commandant of a notorious prisoner-of-war camp near Andersonville, Georgia, was tried and convicted by a military court, and executed on November 10, 1865. The charges against him involved conspiracy and cruelty, not treason.
The U.S. government began a decade-long process known as Reconstruction which attempted to resolve the political and constitutional issues of the Civil War. The priorities were: to guarantee that Confederate nationalism and slavery were ended, to ratify and enforce the Thirteenth Amendment which outlawed slavery; the Fourteenth which guaranteed dual U.S. and state citizenship to all native-born residents, regardless of race; the Fifteenth, which made it illegal to deny the right to vote because of race; and repeal each state's ordinance of secession.[292]
By 1877, the Compromise of 1877 ended Reconstruction in the former Confederate states. Federal troops were withdrawn from the South, where conservative white Democrats had already regained political control of state governments, often through extreme violence and fraud to suppress black voting. The prewar South had many rich areas; the war left the entire region economically devastated by military action, ruined infrastructure, and exhausted resources. Still dependent on an agricultural economy and resisting investment in infrastructure, it remained dominated by the planter elite into the next century. Confederate veterans had been temporarily disenfranchised by Reconstruction policy, and Democrat-dominated legislatures passed new constitutions and amendments to now exclude most blacks and many poor whites. This exclusion and a weakened Republican Party remained the norm until the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The Solid South of the early 20th century did not achieve national levels of prosperity until long after World War II.[293]
Texas v. White (1869)
In Texas v. White, the United States Supreme Court ruled by a 5–3 majority that Texas had remained a state ever since it first joined the Union, despite claims that it joined the Confederate States of America. The Court held that the Constitution did not permit a state to unilaterally secede from the United States. It also held that the ordinances of secession, and all the acts of the legislatures within the eleven seceding states intended to give effect to such ordinances, were "absolutely null", under the Constitution.[294] This case settled the law that applied to all questions regarding state legislation during the war. Furthermore, it decided one of the "central constitutional questions" of the Civil War: The Union is perpetual and indestructible, as a matter of constitutional law. In declaring that no state could leave the Union, "except through revolution or through consent of the States", it was "explicitly repudiating the position of the Confederate states that the United States was a voluntary compact between sovereign states".[295]
Sprott v. United States (1874)
In Sprott v. United States, the Supreme Court ruled 8–1 to reaffirm its conclusion in White and held that the Confederate States of America was little more than a briefly existing breakaway state. Specifically, the opinion condemned the Confederacy as treasonous and as having totally perished upon being overthrown.[296][297] Associate Justice Samuel Freeman Miller wrote for the Court majority:
The government of the Confederate states ... had no existence except as a conspiracy to overthrow lawful authority. Its foundation was treason against the existing Federal government. Its single purpose, so long as it lasted, was to make that treason successful. So far from being necessary to the organization of civil government, or to its maintenance and support, it was inimical to social order, destructive to the best interests of society, and its primary object was to overthrow the government on which these so largely depended. Its existence and temporary power were an enormous evil which the whole force of the government and the people of the United States was engaged for years in destroying. When it was overthrown, it perished totally. It left no laws, no statutes, no decrees, no authority which can give support to any contract or any act done in its service, or in aid of its purpose or which contributed to protract its existence.
Theories regarding downfall
"Died of states' rights"
Historian Frank Lawrence Owsley argued that the Confederacy "died of states' rights".[298][299][300] The central government was denied requisitioned soldiers and money by governors and state legislatures because they feared that Richmond would encroach on the rights of the states. Georgia's governor Joseph Brown warned of a secret conspiracy by Jefferson Davis to destroy states' rights and individual liberty. The first conscription act in North America, authorizing Davis to draft soldiers, was said to be the "essence of military despotism".[301][302] Roger Lowenstein argued in Ways and Means: Lincoln and His Cabinet and the Financing of the Civil War (2022) that the Confederacy's failure to raise adequate revenue led to hyperinflation and being unable to win a war of attrition, despite the prowess of its military leadership such as Robert E. Lee.[303]
-
Joseph E. Brown, governor of Georgia
-
Pendleton Murrah, governor of Texas
Vice President Alexander H. Stephens feared losing the very form of republican government. Allowing President Davis to threaten "arbitrary arrests" to draft hundreds of governor-appointed "bomb-proof" bureaucrats conferred "more power than the English Parliament had ever bestowed on the king. History proved the dangers of such unchecked authority."[304] The abolishment of draft exemptions for newspaper editors was interpreted as an attempt by the Confederate government to muzzle presses, such as the Raleigh NC Standard, to control elections and to suppress the peace meetings there. As Rable concludes, "For Stephens, the essence of patriotism, the heart of the Confederate cause, rested on an unyielding commitment to traditional rights" without considerations of military necessity, pragmatism or compromise.[304]
In 1863, Governor Pendleton Murrah of Texas determined that state troops were required for defense against Plains Indians and Union forces that might attack from Kansas. He refused to send his soldiers to the East.[305] Governor Zebulon Vance of North Carolina showed intense opposition to conscription, limiting recruitment success. Vance's faith in states' rights drove him into repeated, stubborn opposition to the Davis administration.[306]
Though political differences were within the Confederacy, no national political parties were formed because they were seen as illegitimate. "Anti-partyism became an article of political faith."[307] Without a system of political parties building alternate sets of national leaders, electoral protests tended to be narrowly state-based, "negative, carping and petty". The 1863 mid-term elections became mere expressions of futile and frustrated dissatisfaction. According to historian David M. Potter, the lack of a functioning two-party system caused "real and direct damage" to the Confederate war effort since it prevented the formulation of any effective alternatives to the conduct of the war by the Davis administration.[308]
"Died of Davis"
The enemies of President Davis proposed that the Confederacy "died of Davis". He was unfavorably compared to George Washington by critics such as Edward Alfred Pollard, editor of the most influential newspaper in the Confederacy, the Daily Richmond Examiner. Beyond the early honeymoon period, Davis was never popular.[309]
Ellis Merton Coulter, viewed by historians as a Confederate apologist,[310][311][312][313] says Davis was heroic, but his "tenacity, determination, and will power" stirred up lasting opposition from enemies. He failed to overcome "petty leaders of the states" who made the term "Confederacy" into a label for tyranny and oppression, preventing the "Stars and Bars" from becoming a symbol of larger patriotic service and sacrifice. Instead of campaigning to develop nationalism and gain support for his administration, he rarely courted public opinion, assuming an aloofness, "almost like an Adams".[309]
Escott argues that Davis was unable to mobilize Confederate nationalism in support of his government effectively, and especially failed to appeal to the small farmers who made up the bulk of the population. Escott also emphasizes that the widespread opposition to any strong central government combined with the vast difference in wealth between the slave-owning class and the small farmers created insolvable dilemmas when the Confederate survival presupposed a strong central government backed by a united populace. The prewar claim that white solidarity was necessary to provide a unified Southern voice in Washington no longer held. Davis failed to build a network of supporters who would speak up when he came under criticism, and he repeatedly alienated governors and other state-based leaders by demanding centralized control of the war effort.[314]
According to Coulter, Davis was not an efficient administrator as he attended to too many details, protected his friends after their failures were obvious, and spent too much time on military affairs versus his civic responsibilities. Coulter concludes he was not the ideal leader for the Southern Revolution, but he showed "fewer weaknesses than any other" contemporary character available for the role.[315]
See also
- American Civil War prison camps
- Cabinet of the Confederate States of America
- Commemoration of the American Civil War
- Commemoration of the American Civil War on postage stamps
- Confederate colonies
- Confederate Patent Office
- Confederate war finance
- C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America
- History of the Southern United States
- Knights of the Golden Circle
- List of Confederate arms manufacturers
- List of Confederate arsenals and armories
- List of Confederate monuments and memorials
- List of treaties of the Confederate States of America
- List of historical separatist movements
- List of civil wars
- National Civil War Naval Museum
Notes
- ^ Slaves are included in the above population according to the 1860 census.[7]
- ^ Population values do not include Missouri, Kentucky, or the Arizona Territory.
- ^ The cash crops circling the Seal are wheat, corn, tobacco, cotton, rice and sugar cane. Like Washington's equestrian statue honoring him at Union Square NYC 1856, slaveholding Washington is pictured in his uniform of the Revolution securing American independence. Though armed, he does not have his sword drawn as he is depicted in the equestrian statue at the Virginia Capitol, Richmond, Virginia. The plates for the Seal were engraved in England but never received due to the Union Blockade.
References
- ^ a b c "Preventing Diplomatic Recognition of the Confederacy, 1861–65". U.S. Department of State. Archived from the original on August 28, 2013.
- ^ "Reaction to the Fall of Richmond". American Battlefield Trust. December 9, 2008. Retrieved July 12, 2021.
- ^ "History". Danville Museum of Fine Arts & History. Retrieved July 12, 2021.
- ^ a b W. W. Gaunt (1864). The Statutes at Large of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America: From the Institution of the Government, February 8, 1861 to Its Termination, February 18, 1862, Inclusive. Arranged in Chronological Order, Together with the Constitution for the Provisional Government and the Permanent Constitution of the Confederate States, and the Treaties Concluded by the Confederate States with Indian Tribes. D & S Publishers, Indian Rocks Beach. p. 1,2.
- ^ Cooper (2000) p. 462. Rable (1994) pp. 2–3. Rable wrote, "But despite heated arguments and no little friction between the competing political cultures of unity and liberty, antiparty and broader fears about politics in general shaped civic life. These beliefs could obviously not eliminate partisanship or prevent Confederates from holding on to and exploiting old political prejudices. Indeed, some states, notably Georgia and North Carolina, remained political tinderboxes throughout the war. Even the most bitter foes of the Confederate government, however, refused to form an opposition party, and the Georgia dissidents, to cite the most prominent example, avoided many traditional political activities. Only in North Carolina did there develop anything resembling a party system, and there the central values of the Confederacy's two political cultures had a far more powerful influence on political debate than did organizational maneuvering."
- ^ David Herbert Donald, ed. Why the North Won the Civil War. (1996) pp. 112–113. Potter wrote in his contribution to this book, "Where parties do not exist, criticism of the administration is likely to remain purely an individual matter; therefore the tone of the criticism is likely to be negative, carping, and petty, as it certainly was in the Confederacy. But where there are parties, the opposition group is strongly impelled to formulate real alternative policies and to press for the adoption of these policies on a constructive basis. ... But the absence of a two-party system meant the absence of any available alternative leadership, and the protest votes which were cast in the 1863 Confederate mid-term election became more expressions of futile and frustrated dissatisfaction rather than implements of a decision to adopt new and different policies for the Confederacy."
- ^ "1860 Census Results". Archived from the original on June 4, 2004.
- ^ a b Tikkanen, Amy (June 17, 2020). "American Civil War". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved June 28, 2020.
...between the United States and 11 Southern states that seceded from the Union and formed the Confederate States of America.
- ^ a b Hubbard, Charles (2000). The Burden of Confederate Diplomacy. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. p. 55. ISBN 1-57233-092-9. OCLC 745911382.
- ^ Thomas, Emory M. (1979). The Confederate Nation: 1861–1865. Harper Collins. pp. 256–257. ISBN 978-0-06-206946-7.
- ^ McPherson, James M. (2007). This mighty scourge: perspectives on the Civil War. Oxford University Press US. p. 65. ISBN 978-0198042761.
- ^ a b "Confederate States of America". Encyclopædia Britannica. July 20, 1998. Retrieved June 25, 2019.
- ^ Smith, Mark M. (2008). "The Plantation Economy". In Boles, John B. (ed.). A Companion to the American South. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-4051-3830-7.
Antebellum southern society was defined in no small part by the shaping and working of large tracts of land whose soil was tilled and staples tended by enslaved African-American laborers. This was, in short, a society dependent on what historians have variously referred to as the plantation system, the southern slave economy or, more commonly, the plantation economy... Slaveholders' demand for labor increased apace. The number of southern slaves jumped from under one million in 1790 to roughly four million by 1860. By the middle decades of the antebellum period, the Old South had matured into a slave society whose plantation economy affected virtually every social and economic relation within the South.
- ^ McMurtry-Chubb, Teri A. (2021). Race Unequals: Overseer Contracts, White Masculinities, and the Formation of Managerial Identity in the Plantation Economy. Lexington Books. p. 31. ISBN 978-1-4985-9907-8.
The plantation as the vehicle to wealth was tied to the primacy of cotton in the growth of global capitalism. The large-scale cultivation and harvest of cot ton required new forms of labor organization, as well as labor management, Enter the overseer. By 1860, there were approximately 38,000 overseers working as plantation managers throughout the antebellum south. They were employed by the wealthiest of planters, planters who held multiple plantations and owned hundreds of enslaved Africans. By 1860, 85 percent of all cotton grown in the South was on plantations of 100 acres or more. On these plantations resided 91.2 percent of enslaved Africans. Planters came to own these Africans through the internal slave trade in the United States that moved to its cotton fields approximately one million enslaved laborers.
- ^ Robert S. Rush; William W. Epley (2007). Multinational Operations, Alliances, and International Military Cooperation. U.S. Government Printing Office. p. 21,27.
- ^ John T. Ishiyama (2011). Comparative Politics: Principles of Democracy and Democratization. John Wiley & Sons. p. 214.
- ^ a b Dunbar Rowland (1925). History of Mississippi, the Heart of the South, volume 1. S. J. Clarke publishing Company. p. 784.
- ^ Charles Daniel Drake (1864). Union and Anti-Slavery speeches, delivered during the Rebellion, etc. p. 219,220,222,241.
- ^ "Learn – Civil War Trust" (PDF). civilwar.org. October 29, 2013. Archived (PDF) from the original on April 1, 2010. Retrieved August 27, 2017.
- ^ Hacker, J. David (September 20, 2011). "Recounting the Dead". Opinionator. Retrieved May 19, 2018.
- ^ Arrington, Benjamin P. "Industry and Economy during the Civil War". National Park Service. Retrieved February 5, 2022.
- ^ Davis, Jefferson (1890). Short History of the Confederate States of America. Belford co. p. 503. Retrieved February 10, 2015.
- ^ The constitutionality of the Confederacy's dissolution is open to interpretation at least to the extent that, like the United States Constitution, the Confederate States Constitution did not grant anyone (including the President) the power to dissolve the country. However, May 5, 1865, was the last day anyone holding a Confederate office recognized by the secessionist governments attempted to exercise executive, legislative, or judicial power under the C.S. Constitution. For this reason, that date is generally recognized to be the day the Confederate States of America formally dissolved.
- ^ David W. Blight (2009). Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory. Harvard University Press. p. 259. ISBN 978-0-674-02209-6.
- ^ Strother, Logan; Piston, Spencer; Ogorzalek, Thomas. "Pride or Prejudice? Racial Prejudice, Southern Heritage, and White Support for the Confederate Battle Flag". academia.edu: 7. Retrieved September 13, 2019.
- ^ Ogorzalek, Thomas; Piston, Spencer; Strother, Logan (2017). "Pride or Prejudice?: Racial Prejudice, Southern Heritage, and White Support for the Confederate Battle Flag". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race. 14 (1): 295–323. doi:10.1017/S1742058X17000017. hdl:2144/31476. ISSN 1742-058X.
- ^ Woods, M. E. (August 20, 2012). "What Twenty-First-Century Historians Have Said about the Causes of Disunion: A Civil War Sesquicentennial Review of the Recent Literature". Journal of American History. 99 (2): 415–439. doi:10.1093/jahist/jas272. ISSN 0021-8723.
- ^ Aaron Sheehan-Dean, "A Book for Every Perspective: Current Civil War and Reconstruction Textbooks", Civil War History (2005) 51#3 pp. 317–324
- ^ Loewen, James W. (2011). "Using Confederate Documents to Teach About Secession, Slavery, and the Origins of the Civil War". OAH Magazine of History. 25 (2): 35–44. doi:10.1093/oahmag/oar002. ISSN 0882-228X. JSTOR 23210244. Archived from the original on April 7, 2023. Retrieved April 7, 2023.
Confederate leaders themselves made it plain that slavery was the key issue sparking secession.
- ^ Patrick Karl O'Brien (2002). Atlas of World History. Oxford University Press. p. 184. ISBN 978-0-19-521921-0. Archived from the original on September 5, 2015. Retrieved October 25, 2015.
- ^ John McCardell, The Idea of a Southern Nation: Southern Nationalists and Southern Nationalism, 1830–1860 (1981)
- ^ Susan-Mary Grant, North Over South: Northern Nationalism and American Identity in the Antebellum Era (2000)
- ^ Elizabeth R. Varon, Bruce Levine, Marc Egnal, and Michael Holt at a plenary session of the organization of American Historians, March 17, 2011, reported by David A. Walsh "Highlights from the 2011 Annual Meeting of the Organization of American Historians in Houston, Texas" HNN online Archived December 4, 2011, at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Potter, David M., The Impending Crisis, pp. 44–45.
- ^ a b c d Freehling, p. 503
- ^ John D. Wright (2013). The Routledge Encyclopedia of Civil War Era Biographies. Routledge. p. 150. ISBN 978-0415878036.
- ^ David M. Potter, The Impending Crisis, 1848–1861 (1976) pp. 484–514.
- ^ Potter, pp. 448–484.
- ^ "Thomas1979" pp. 3–4
- ^ "Thomas1979" pp. 4–5
- ^ Coski, John M. (2005). The Confederate Battle Flag: America's Most Embattled Emblem. Harvard University Press. pp. 23–27. ISBN 978-0674029866.
- ^ "1860 Presidential General Election Results". Retrieved September 30, 2014.
- ^ "Reluctant Confederates". Personal.tcu.edu. Retrieved April 19, 2014.
- ^ Coulter, E. Merton (1950). The Confederate States of America 1861–1865. p. 61.
- ^ Craven, Avery O. The Growth of Southern Nationalism 1848–1861. p. 390.
- ^ "Thomas1979" pp. 59, 81
- ^ a b James W. Loewen (July 1, 2015). "Why do people believe myths about the Confederacy? Because our textbooks and monuments are wrong". The Washington Post.
- ^ Journal and Proceedings of the Missouri State Convention Held at Jefferson City and St. Louis, March 1861, George Knapp & Co., 1861, p. 47
- ^ Eugene Morrow Violette, A History of Missouri (1918), pp. 393–395
- ^ "Secession Acts of the Thirteen Confederate States". Archived from the original on March 8, 2017. Retrieved September 30, 2014.
- ^ Weigley (2000) p. 43 See also, Missouri's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ A. C. Greene (1998). Sketches from the Five States of Texas. Texas A&M UP. pp. 27–28. ISBN 978-0890968536.
- ^ Wilfred Buck Yearns (2010). The Confederate Congress. University of Georgia Press. pp. 42–43. ISBN 978-0820334769.
- ^ McPherson p. 278
- ^ Crofts p. 336
- ^ Crofts pp. 337–338, quoting the North Carolina politician Jonathan Worth (1802–1869).
- ^ The text of South Carolina's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine. Also, "South Carolina documents including signatories". Docsouth.unc.edu. Retrieved August 29, 2010.
- ^ The text of Mississippi's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Florida's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Alabama's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Georgia's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Louisiana's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Texas' Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Lincoln's calling-up of the militia of the several States
- ^ The text of Virginia's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine. Virginia took two steps toward secession, first by secession convention vote on April 17, 1861, and then by ratification of this by a popular vote conducted on May 23, 1861. A Unionist Restored government of Virginia also operated. Virginia did not turn over its military to the Confederate States until June 8, 1861. The Commonwealth of Virginia ratified the Constitution of the Confederate States on June 19, 1861.
- ^ The text of Arkansas' Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ The text of Tennessee's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine. The Tennessee legislature ratified an agreement to enter a military league with the Confederate States on May 7, 1861. Tennessee voters approved the agreement on June 8, 1861.
- ^ The text of North Carolina's Ordinance of Secession Archived October 12, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Curry, Richard Orr, A House Divided, A Study of Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia, Univ. of Pittsburgh Press, 1964, p. 49
- ^ Rice, Otis K. and Stephen W. Brown, West Virginia, A History, Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1993, second edition, p. 112. Another way of looking at the results would note the pro-union candidates winning 56% with Bell 20,997, Douglas 5,742, and Lincoln 1,402 versus Breckenridge 21,908. But the "deeply divided sentiment" point remains.
- ^ The Civil War in West Virginia Archived October 15, 2004, at the Wayback Machine "No other state serves as a better example of this than West Virginia, where there was relatively equal support for the northern and southern causes."
- ^ Snell, Mark A., West Virginia and the Civil War, Mountaineers Are Always Free, History Press, Charleston, South Carolina, 2011, p. 28
- ^ Leonard, Cynthia Miller, The General Assembly of Virginia, July 30, 1619 – January 11, 1978: A Bicentennial Register of Members, Virginia State Library, Richmond, Virginia, 1978, pp. 478–493
- ^ "Marx and Engels on the American Civil War". Army of the Cumberland and George H. Thomas. and "Background of the Confederate States Constitution". Civilwarhome.com.
- ^ Glatthaar, Joseph T., General Lee's Army: from victory to collapse, 2008. ISBN 978-0-684-82787-2
- ^ Freedmen & Southern Society Project, Chronology of Emancipation during the Civil War Archived October 11, 2007, at the Wayback Machine, University of Maryland. Retrieved January 4, 2012.
- ^ Bowman, p. 48.
- ^ Farish, Thomas Edwin (1915). History of Arizona. Vol. 2.
- ^ Troy Smith. "The Civil War Comes to Indian Territory", Civil War History (2013) 59#3 pp. 279–319.
- ^ Laurence M. Between Hauptman, Two Fires: American Indians in the Civil War (1996).
- ^ The Texas delegation was seated with full voting rights after its statewide referendum of secession on March 2, 1861. It is generally counted as an "original state" of the Confederacy. Four upper south states declared secession following Lincoln's call for volunteers: Virginia, Arkansas, Tennessee and North Carolina. "The founders of the Confederacy desired and ideally envisioned a peaceful creation of a new union of all slave-holding states, including the border states of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri." Kentucky and Missouri were seated in December 1861. Kenneth C. Martis, The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America 1861–1865 (1994) p. 8
- ^ The sessions of the Provisional Congress were in Montgomery, Alabama, (1) First Session February 4 – March 10, and (2) Second Session April 29 – May 21, 1861. The Capital was moved to Richmond May 30. The (3) Third Session was held July 20 – August 31. The (4) Fourth Session called for September 3 was never held. The (5) Fifth Session was held November 18, 1861 – February 17, 1862.
- ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, pp. 7–8.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 100
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 101. Virginia was practically promised as a condition of secession by Vice President Stephens. It had rail connections south along the east coast and into the interior, and laterally west into Tennessee, parallel the U.S. border, a navigable river to the Hampton Roads to menace ocean approaches to Washington DC, trade via the Atlantic Ocean, an interior canal to North Carolina sounds. It was a great storehouse of supplies, food, feed, raw materials, and infrastructure of ports, drydocks, armories and the established Tredegar Iron Works. Nevertheless, Virginia never permanently ceded land for the capital district. A local homeowner donated his home to the City of Richmond for use as the Confederate White House, which was in turn rented to the Confederate government for the Jefferson Davis presidential home and administration offices.
- ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, p. 2.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 102.
- ^ Carl Sandburg (1940). Abraham Lincoln: The Prairie Years and the War Years. Sterling Publishing Company. p. 151. ISBN 978-1402742880.
- ^ Abraham Lincoln (1920). Abraham Lincoln; Complete Works, Comprising His Speeches, State Papers, and Miscellaneous Writings. Century. p. 542.
- ^ Violations of the rules of law were precipitated on both sides and can be found in historical accounts of guerrilla war, units in cross-racial combat and captives held in prisoner of war camps, brutal, tragic accounts against both soldiers and civilian populations.
- ^ Francis M. Carroll, "The American Civil War and British Intervention: The Threat of Anglo-American Conflict." Canadian Journal of History (2012) 47#1 pp. 94–95.
- ^ Blumenthal (1966) p. 151; Jones (2009) p. 321; Owsley (1959)
- ^ Young, Robert W. (1998). James Murray Mason : defender of the old South. Knoxville, Tennessee: University of Tennessee Press. p. 166. ISBN 978-0870499982.
- ^ Flanders, Ralph Betts (1933). Plantation slavery in Georgia. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press. p. 289.
- ^ Allen, Wm. G. (July 22, 1853). "Letter from Professor Wm. G. Allen [dated June 20, 1853]". The Liberator. p. 4 – via newspapers.com. Reprinted in Frederick Douglass' Paper, August 5, 1853.
- ^ "British Support During the U.S. Civil War · Liverpool's Abercromby Square and the Confederacy During the U.S. Civil War · Lowcountry Digital History Initiative". ldhi.library.cofc.edu. Retrieved April 21, 2024.
- ^ Richard Shannon (2008). Gladstone: God and Politics. A&C Black. p. 144. ISBN 978-1847252036.
- ^ Thomas Paterson, et al. American foreign relations: A history, to 1920: Volume 1 (2009) pp. 149–155.
- ^ Howard Jones, Abraham Lincoln and a New Birth of Freedom: The Union and Slavery in the Diplomacy of the Civil War (2002), p. 48
- ^ Gentry, Judith Fenner (1970). "A Confederate Success in Europe: The Erlanger Loan". The Journal of Southern History. 36 (2): 157–188. doi:10.2307/2205869. JSTOR 2205869.
- ^ Lebergott, Stanley (1981). "Through the Blockade: The Profitability and Extent of Cotton Smuggling, 1861–1865". The Journal of Economic History. 41 (4): 867–888. doi:10.1017/S0022050700044946. JSTOR 2120650. S2CID 154654909.
- ^ Alexander DeConde, ed. Encyclopedia of American foreign policy (2001) vol. 1 p. 202 and Stephen R. Wise, Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running During the Civil War, (1991), p. 86.
- ^ Wise, Stephen R. Lifeline of the Confederacy: Blockade Running During the Civil War. University of South Carolina Press, 1991 ISBN 978-0-87249-799-3, p. 86. An example of agents working openly occurred in Hamilton in Bermuda, where a Confederate agent openly worked to help blockade runners.
- ^ The American Catholic Historical Researches. 1901. pp. 27–28.
- ^ Don H. Doyle, The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War (2014) pp. 257–270.
- ^ "Thomas1979" pp. 219–221
- ^ Scholars such as Emory M. Thomas have characterized Girard's book as "more propaganda than anything else, but Girard caught one essential truth", the quote referenced. "Thomas1979" p. 220
- ^ Fremantle, Arthur (1864). Three Months in the Southern States. University of Nebraska Press. p. 124. ISBN 978-1429016667.
- ^ "Thomas1979" p. 243
- ^ Richardson, James D., ed. (1905). A compilation of the messages and papers of the Confederacy: including the diplomatic correspondence, 1861–1865. Volume II. Nashville: United States Publishing Company. p. 697. Retrieved March 18, 2013.
- ^ Levine, Bruce (2013). The Fall of the House of Dixie. Random House. p. 248.
- ^ a b "Spain and the Confederate States". Charleston Mercury (Charleston, South Carolina). September 12, 1861. p. 1 – via accessiblearchives.com.
- ^ Mason, Virginia (1906). The public life and diplomatic correspondence of James M. Mason. New York and Washington, The Neale publishing company. p. 203.
- ^ Robert E. May, "The irony of confederate diplomacy: visions of empire, the Monroe doctrine, and the quest for nationhood." Journal of Southern History 83.1 (2017): 69–106 excerpt
- ^ Michael Perman; Amy Murrell Taylor, eds. (2010). Major Problems in the Civil War and Reconstruction. Cengage. p. 178. ISBN 978-0618875207.
- ^ James McPherson, For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War (1998)
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 342–343
- ^ James M. McPherson Professor of American History Princeton University (1996). Drawn with the Sword: Reflections on the American Civil War: Reflections on the American Civil War. Oxford U.P. p. 152. ISBN 978-0199727834.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 348. "The enemy could not hold territory, a hostile people would close in behind. The Confederacy still existed wherever there was an army under her unfurled banners."
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 343
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 346
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 333–338.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 286. After capture by Federals, Memphis, TN became a major source of supply for Confederate armies, comparable to Nassau and its blockade runners.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 306. Confederate units harassed them throughout the war years by laying torpedo mines and loosing barrages from shoreline batteries.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 287–288. The principal ports on the Atlantic were Wilmington, North Carolina, Charleston, South Carolina, and Savannah, Georgia for supplies from Europe via Bermuda and Nassau. On the Gulf were Galveston, Texas and New Orleans, Louisiana for those from Havana, Cuba and Mexican ports of Tampico and Vera Cruz.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 296, 304. Two days later Lincoln proclaimed a blockade, declaring them pirates. Davis responded with letters of marque to protect privateers from outlaw status. Some of the early raiders were converted merchantmen seized in Southern ports at the outbreak of the war
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 299–302. The Torpedo Bureau seeded defensive water-borne mines in principal harbors and rivers to compromise the Union naval superiority. These "torpedoes" were said to have caused more loss in U.S. naval ships and transports than by any other cause. Despite a rage for Congressional appropriations and public "subscription ironclads", armored platforms constructed in blockaded ports lacked the requisite marine engines to become ironclad warships. The armored platforms intended to become ironclads were employed instead as floating batteries for port city defense.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 321
- ^ Albert Burton Moore, Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy (1924)
- ^ "1862blackCSN". navyandmarine.org. Retrieved May 3, 2023.
- ^ Joseph T. Glatthaar, Soldiering in the Army of Northern Virginia: A Statistical Portrait of the Troops Who Served under Robert E. Lee (2011) p. 3, ch. 9
- ^ Coulter, E. Merton, The Confederate States of America: 1861–1865, op. cit., pp. 313–315, 318.
- ^ Alfred L. Brophy, "'Necessity Knows No Law': Vested Rights and the Styles of Reasoning in the Confederate Conscription Cases", Mississippi Law Journal (2000) 69: 1123–1180.
- ^ Stephen V. Ash (2010). The Black Experience in the Civil War South. ABC-CLIO. p. 43. ISBN 978-0275985240.
- ^ Rubin p. 104.
- ^ Levine pp. 146–147.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 308–311. The patchwork recruitment was (a) with and without state militia enrolment, (b) state Governor sponsorship and direct service under Davis, (c) for under six months, one year, three years and the duration of the war. Davis proposed recruitment for some period of years or the duration. Congress and the states equivocated. Governor Brown of Georgia became "the first and most persistent critic" of Confederate centralized military and civil power.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 310–311
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 328, 330–332. About 90% of West Pointers in the U.S. Army resigned to join the Confederacy. Notably, of Virginia's West Pointers, not 90% but 70% resigned for the Confederacy. Exemplary officers without military training included John B. Gordon, Nathan B. Forrest, James J. Pettigrew, John H. Morgan, Turner Ashby and John S. Mosby. Most preliminary officer training was had from Hardee's "Tactics", and thereafter by observation and experience in battle. The Confederacy had no officers training camps or military academies, although early on, cadets of the Virginia Military Institute and other military schools drilled enlisted troops in battlefield evolutions.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 310–311. Early 1862 "dried up the enthusiasm to volunteer" due to the impact of victory's battle casualties, the humiliation of defeats and the dislike of camp life with its monotony, confinement and mortal diseases. Immediately following the great victory at the Battle of Manassas, many believed the war was won and there was no need for more troops. Then the new year brought defeat over February 6–23: Fort Henry, Roanoke Island, Fort Donelson, Nashville—the first capital to fall. Among some not yet in uniform, the less victorious "Cause" seemed less glorious.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 312. The government funded parades and newspaper ad campaigns, $2,000,000 for recruitment in Kentucky alone. With a state-enacted draft, Governor Brown with a quota of 12,000 raised 22,000 Georgia militia.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 313, 332. Officially dropping 425 officers by board review in October was followed immediately by 1,300 "resignations". Some officers who resigned then served honorably as enlisted for the duration or until they were made casualties, others resigned and returned home until conscription.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 313
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 313–314. Military officers including Joseph E. Johnston and Robert E. Lee, advocated conscription. In the circumstances they persuaded Congressmen and newspaper editors. Some editors advocating conscription in early 1862 later became "savage critics of conscription and of Davis for his enforcement of it: Yancey of Alabama, Rhett of the Charleston 'Mercury', Pollard of the Richmond 'Examiner', and Senator Wigfall of Texas".
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 313–314, 319.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 315–317.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 320. One such exemption was allowed for every 20 slaves on a plantation, the May 1863 reform required previous occupation and that the plantation of 20 slaves (or group of plantations within a five-mile area) had not been subdivided after the first exemption of April 1862.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 317–318.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederates States of America, p. 324.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 322–324, 326.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 323–325, 327.
- ^ Rable (1994) p. 265.
- ^ Margaret Leech, Reveille in Washington (1942)
- ^ Stephens, Alexander H. (1870). A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (PDF). Vol. 2. Philadelphia: National Pub. Co.; Chicago: Zeigler, McCurdy. p. 36.
I maintain that it was inaugurated and begun, though no blow had been struck, when the hostile fleet, styled the 'Relief Squadron', with eleven ships, carrying two hundred and eighty-five guns and two thousand four hundred men, was sent out from New York and Norfolk, with orders from the authorities at Washington, to reinforce Fort Sumter peaceably, if permitted 'but forcibly if they must' ...
After the war, Confederate Vice President Alexander H. Stephens maintained that Lincoln's attempt to resupply Sumter was a disguised reinforcement and had provoked the war. - ^ Lincoln's proclamation calling for troops from the remaining states (bottom of page); Department of War details to States (top).
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 352–353.
- ^ The War of the Rebellion: a Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies; Series 1. Vol. 5. p. 56.4
- ^ Rice, Otis K. and Stephen W. Brown, West Virginia, A History, University of Kentucky Press, 1993, 2nd ed., p. 130
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 353.
- ^ Glatthaar, Joseph T., General Lee's Army: From Victory to Collapse, Free Press 2008. ISBN 978-0-684-82787-2, p. xiv. Inflicting intolerable casualties on invading Federal armies was a Confederate strategy to make the northern Unionists relent in their pursuit of restoring the Union.
- ^ Ambler, Charles, Francis H. Pierpont: Union War Governor of Virginia and Father of West Virginia, Univ. of North Carolina, 1937, p. 419, note 36. Letter of Adjutant General Henry L. Samuels, August 22, 1862, to Gov. Francis Pierpont listing 22 of 48 counties under sufficient control for soldier recruitment.
Congressional Globe, 37th Congress, 3rd Session, Senate Bill S.531, February 14, 1863 "A bill supplemental to the act entitled 'An act for the Admission of the State of 'West Virginia' into the Union, and for other purposes' which would include the counties of "Boone, Logan, Wyoming, Mercer, McDowell, Pocahontas, Raleigh, Greenbrier, Monroe, Pendleton, Fayette, Nicholas, and Clay, now in the possession of the so-called confederate government". - ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, p. 27. In the Mississippi River Valley, during the first half of February, central Tennessee's Fort Henry was lost and Fort Donelson fell with a small army. By the end of the month, Nashville, Tennessee was the first conquered Confederate state capital. On April 6–7, Federals turned back the Confederate offensive at the Battle of Shiloh, and three days later Island Number 10, controlling the upper Mississippi River, fell to a combined Army and Naval gunboat siege of three weeks. Federal occupation of Confederate territory expanded to include northwestern Arkansas, south down the Mississippi River and east up the Tennessee River. The Confederate River Defense fleet sank two Union ships at Plum Point Bend (naval Fort Pillow), but they withdrew and Fort Pillow was captured downriver.
- ^ a b c d Martis, Historical Atlas, p. 28.
- ^ a b Martis, Historical Atlas, p. 27. Federal occupation expanded into northern Virginia, and their control of the Mississippi extended south to Nashville, Tennessee.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 354. Federal sea-based amphibious forces captured Roanoke Island, North Carolina along with a large garrison in February. In March, Confederates abandoned forts at Fernandia and St. Augustine Florida, and lost New Berne, North Carolina. In April, New Orleans fell and Savannah, Georgia was closed by the Battle of Fort Pulaski. In May retreating Confederates burned their two pre-war Navy yards at Norfolk and Pensacola. See Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 287, 306, 302
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 294, 296–297. Europeans refused to allow captured U.S. shipping to be sold for the privateers 95% share, so through 1862, Confederate privateering disappeared. The CSA Congress authorized a Volunteer Navy to man cruisers the following year.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 288–291. As many as half the Confederate blockade runners had British nationals serving as officers and crew. Confederate regulations required one-third, then one-half of the cargoes to be munitions, food and medicine.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 287, 306, 302, 306 and CSS Atlanta, USS Atlanta. Navy Heritage Archived April 7, 2010, at the Library of Congress Web Archives. In both events, as with the CSS Virginia, the Navy's bravery and fighting skill was compromised in combat by mechanical failure in the engines or steering. The joint combined Army-Navy defense by General Robert E. Lee, and his successor and Commodore Josiah Tattnall III, repelled amphibious assault of Savannah for the duration of the war. Union General Tecumseh Sherman captured Savannah from the land side in December 1864. The British blockade runner Fingal was purchased and converted to the ironclad CSS Atlanta. It made two sorties, was captured by Union forces, repaired, and returned to service as the ironclad USS Atlanta supporting Grant's Siege of Petersburg.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 303. French shipyards built four corvettes, and two ironclad rams for the Confederacy, but the American minister prevented their delivery. British firms contracted to build two additional ironclad rams, but under threat from the U.S., the British government bought them for their own navy. Two of the converted blockade runners effectively raided up and down the Atlantic coast until the end of the war.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 354–356. McClellan's Peninsula Campaign caused the surprised Confederates to destroy their winter camp to mobilize against the threat to their Capital. They burned "a vast amount of supplies" to keep them from falling into enemy hands.
- ^ Nevin's analysis of the strategic highpoint of Confederate military scope and effectiveness is in contra-distinction to the conventional "last chance" battlefield imagery of the High-water mark of the Confederacy found at "The Angle" of the Battle of Gettysburg.
- ^ Allan Nevins, War for the Union (1960) pp. 289–290. Weak national leadership led to disorganized overall direction in contrast to improved organization in Washington. With another 10,000 men Lee and Bragg might have prevailed in the border states, but the local populations did not respond to their pleas to recruit additional soldiers.
- ^ Rice, Otis K.; Brown, Stephen W. (1993). West Virginia, A History (2nd ed.). Univ. of Kentucky Press. pp. 134–135. ISBN 0-8131-1854-9.
- ^ "The Civil War Comes to Charleston". Retrieved May 3, 2023.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 357
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 356
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 297–298. They were required to supply their own ships and equipment, but they received 90% of their captures at auction, 25% of any U.S. warships or transports captured or destroyed. Confederate cruisers raided merchant ship commerce but for one exception in 1864.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 305–306. The most successful Confederate merchant raider 1863–1864, CSS Alabama had ranged the Atlantic for two years, sinking 58 vessels worth $6,54,000 [sic?], but she was trapped and sunk in June by the chain-clad USS Kearsarge off Cherbourg, France.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, in 1862, CSS Atlanta, USS Atlanta. Navy Heritage Archived April 7, 2010, at the Library of Congress Web Archives, in 1863 the ironclad CSS Savannah
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 305
- ^ Mary Elizabeth Massey, Refugee Life in the Confederacy (1964)
- ^ Foote, Shelby (1974). The Civil War, a narrative: Vol III. Knopf Doubleday Publishing. p. 967. ISBN 0-394-74622-8.
Sherman was closing in on Raleigh, whose occupation tomorrow would make it the ninth of the eleven seceded state capitals to feel the tread of the invader. All, that is, but Austin and Tallahassee, whose survival was less the result of their ability to resist than it was of Federal oversight or disinterest.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 323–325, 327.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 287
- ^ The French-built ironclad CSS Stonewall had been purchased from Denmark and set sail from Spain in March. The crew of the CSS Shenandoah hauled down the last Confederate flag at Liverpool in the UK on November 5, 1865. John Baldwin; Ron Powers (May 2008). Last Flag Down: The Epic Journey of the Last Confederate Warship. Three Rivers Press. p. 368. ISBN 978-0-307-23656-2.
- ^ United States Government Printing Office, Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion, United States Naval War Records Office, United States Office of Naval Records and Library, 1894 This article incorporates text from the public domain Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships.
- ^ Gallagher p. 157
- ^ Davis, Jefferson. A Short History of the Confederate States of America, 1890, 2010. ISBN 978-1-175-82358-8. Available free online as an ebook. Chapter LXXXVIII, "Re-establishment of the Union by force", p. 503. Retrieved March 14, 2012.
- ^ Davis p. 248.
- ^ Dal Lago, Enrico (2018). Civil War and Agrarian Unrest: The Confederate South and Southern Italy. Cambridge University Press. p. 79. ISBN 978-1108340625.
[T]he slaveholding elites' project of Confederate nation building—very likely believing the idea that the Confederacy was a 'herrenvolk democracy' or 'democracy of the white race'....
- ^ M. McPherson, James (1997). For Cause and Comrades: Why Men Fought in the Civil War. New York City: Oxford University Press. pp. 106, 109. ISBN 978-0195124996.
Confederate soldiers from slaveholding families expressed no feelings of embarrassment or inconsistency in fighting for their own liberty while holding other people in slavery. Indeed, white supremacy and the right of property in slaves were at the core of the ideology for which Confederate soldiers fought.... Herrenvolk democracy—the equality of all who belonged to the master race—was a powerful motivator for many Confederate soldiers.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 22. The Texas delegation had four in the U.S. Congress, seven in the Montgomery Convention.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, p. 23. While the Texas delegation was seated, and is counted in the "original seven" states of the Confederacy, its referendum to ratify secession had not taken place, so its delegates did not yet vote on instructions from their state legislature.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 23–26.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 25, 27
- ^ a b Martis, Kenneth C. (1994). The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America: 1861–1865. Simon & Schuster. p. 1. ISBN 0-13-389115-1.
- ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, pp. 72–73
- ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, p. 3
- ^ Martis, Historical Atlas, pp. 90–91
- ^ ""Legal Materials on the Confederate States of America in the Schaffer Law Library", Albany Law School". Albanylaw.edu. Archived from the original on November 3, 2007. Retrieved August 29, 2010.
- ^ Constitution of the Confederate States of America – Wikisource, the free online library. Retrieved July 6, 2018.
- ^ a b [Moise, E. Warren, Rebellion in the Temple of Justice (iUniverse 2003)]
- ^ "Records of District Courts of the United States, National Archives". Archives.gov. Retrieved August 29, 2010.
- ^ Walter Flavius McCaleb, "The Organization of the Post-Office Department of the Confederacy." American Historical Review 12#1 (1906), pp. 66–74 online
- ^ "U.S. Postal Issue Used in the Confederacy (1893)". Smithsonian National Postal Museum. Archived from the original on March 29, 2012. Retrieved January 29, 2011.
- ^ McCaleb, Walter Flavius (1906). "The Organization of the Post-Office Department of the Confederacy". The American Historical Review. 12 (1): 66–74. doi:10.2307/1832885. JSTOR 1832885.
- ^
- Garrison, L. R. (1915). "Administrative Problems of the Confederate Post Office Department, I". The Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 19 (2): 111–141. JSTOR 30234666.
- Garrison, L. R. (1916). "Administrative Problems of the Confederate Post Office Department, II". The Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 19 (3): 232–250. JSTOR 30237275.
- ^ "Confederate States Post Office". Smithsonian National Postal Museum. Archived from the original on July 20, 2011. Retrieved November 17, 2010.
- ^ Neely (1999) p. 1
- ^ Neely (1999) p. 172. Neely notes that. "Most surprising of all, the Confederacy at a greater rate than the North arrested persons who held opposition political views at least in part because they held them, despite the Confederacy's vaunted lack of political parties. Such arrests were more common before 1863 while memories of the votes on secession remained fresh."
- ^ Neely (1993) pp. 11, 16.
- ^ Wiley, Bell Irvin (1938). Southern Negroes, 1861–1865. pp. 21, 66–69.
- ^ Martha S. Putney (2003). Blacks in the United States Army: Portraits Through History. McFarland. p. 13. ISBN 978-0786415939.
- ^ "African Americans In The Civil War". History Net: Where History Comes Alive – World & US History Online.
- ^ Litwack, Leon F. (1979). Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery. New York: Knopf. pp. 30–36, 105–166. ISBN 0-394-50099-7.
- ^ Vorenberg, Michael, ed. (2010). The Emancipation Proclamation: A Brief History with Documents.
- ^ Kolchin, Peter (2015). "Reexamining Southern Emancipation in Comparative Perspective". Journal of Southern History. 81 (1): 7–40.
- ^ "Thomas1979" pp. 13–14
- ^ R. Douglas Hurt, Agriculture and the Confederacy: Policy, Productivity, and Power in the Civil War South (2015)
- ^ William L. Barney (2011). The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Civil War. Oxford Up. p. 291. ISBN 978-0199878147.
- ^ Leslie Alexander (2010). Encyclopedia of African American History. ABC-CLIO. p. 351. ISBN 978-1851097746.
- ^ "Thomas1979" pp. 12–15
- ^ Thomas The Confederate Nation pp. 15–16
- ^ "Thomas1979" p. 16
- ^ Thomas Conn Bryan (2009). Confederate Georgia. U. of Georgia Press. pp. 105–109. ISBN 978-0820334998.
- ^ Tariff of the Confederate States of America, May 21, 1861.
- ^ Ian Drury, ed. American Civil War: Naval & Economic Warfare (2003) p. 138. ISBN 0-00-716458-0. "The Confederacy underwent a government-led industrial revolution during the war, but its economy was slowly strangled."
- ^ Hankey, John P. (2011). "The Railroad War". Trains. 71 (3). Kalmbach Publishing Company: 24–35.
- ^ Ramsdell, Charles W. (1917). "The Confederate Government and the Railroads". The American Historical Review. 22 (4): 794–810. doi:10.2307/1836241. JSTOR 1836241.
- ^ Mary Elizabeth Massey. Ersatz in the Confederacy (1952) p. 128.
- ^ Ramsdell, "The Confederate Government and the Railroads", pp. 809–810.
- ^ Spencer Jones, "The Influence of Horse Supply Upon Field Artillery in the American Civil War", Journal of Military History, (April 2010), 74#2 pp. 357–377
- ^ Sharrer, G. Terry (1995). "The Great Glanders Epizootic, 1861–1866: A Civil War Legacy". Agricultural History. 69 (1): 79–97. JSTOR 3744026. PMID 11639801.
- ^ Keith Miller, "Southern Horse", Civil War Times, (February 2006) 45#1 pp. 30–36 online
- ^ Cooper, William J. (2010). Jefferson Davis, American. Knopf Doubleday. p. 378. ISBN 978-0307772640.
- ^ Burdekin, Richard; Langdana, Farrokh (1993). "War Finance in the Southern Confederacy, 1861–1865". Explorations in Economic History. 30 (3): 352–376. doi:10.1006/exeh.1993.1015.
- ^ Wright, John D. (2001). The Language of the Civil War. Bloomsbury Academic. p. 41. ISBN 978-1573561358.
- ^ "1861 O 50C MS Seated Liberty Half Dollars | NGC". www.ngccoin.com.
- ^ "Confederate Coinage: A Short-lived Dream". PCGS.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 127, 151–153
- ^ Kidd, Jessica Fordham (2006). "Privation and Pride: Life in Blockaded Alabama". Alabama Heritage Magazine. 82: 8–15.
- ^ Massey, Mary Elizabeth (1952). Ersatz in the Confederacy: Shortages and Substitutes on the Southern Homefront. pp. 71–73.
- ^ Coulter, E. Merton (1927). "The Movement for Agricultural Reorganization in the Cotton South during the Civil War". Agricultural History. 1 (1): 3–17. JSTOR 3739261.
- ^ Thompson, C. Mildred (1915). Reconstruction In Georgia: Economic, Social, Political 1865–1872. pp. 14–17, 22.
- ^ McCurry, Stephanie (2011). "Bread or Blood!". Civil War Times. 50 (3): 36–41.
- ^ Williams, Teresa Crisp; Williams, David (2002). "'The Women Rising': Cotton, Class, and Confederate Georgia's Rioting Women". Georgia Historical Quarterly. 86 (1): 49–83. JSTOR 40584640.
- ^ Chesson, Michael B. (1984). "Harlots or Heroines? A New Look at the Richmond Bread Riot". Virginia Magazine of History and Biography. 92 (2): 131–175. JSTOR 4248710.
- ^ Paskoff, Paul F. (2008). "Measures of War: A Quantitative Examination of the Civil War's Destructiveness in the Confederacy". Civil War History. 54 (1): 35–62. doi:10.1353/cwh.2008.0007. S2CID 144929048.
- ^ a b Paskoff, "Measures of War"
- ^ Ezell, John Samuel (1963). The South since 1865. pp. 27–28.
- ^ Frank, Lisa Tendrich, ed. (2008). Women in the American Civil War.
- ^ Faust, Drew Gilpin (1996). Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press. pp. 139–152. ISBN 0-8078-2255-8.
- ^ Jabour, Anya (2007). Scarlett's Sisters: Young Women in the Old South. U of North Carolina Press. pp. 273–280. ISBN 978-0-8078-3101-4.
- ^ Coulter, Ellis Merton. The Confederate States of America, 1861–1865 Retrieved 2012-06-13, published in LSU's History of the South series, on p. 118 notes that beginning in March 1861, the Stars-and-Bars was used "all over the Confederacy".
- ^ Sansing, David. Brief History of the Confederate Flags Archived February 24, 2021, at the Wayback Machine at "Mississippi History Now" online Mississippi Historical Society. Second National Flag, "the stainless banner" references, Devereaux D. Cannon, Jr., The Flags of the Confederacy, An Illustrated History (St. Lukes Press, 1988), 22–24. Section Heading "Second and Third National Flags". Retrieved October 4, 2012.
- ^ Sansing, David, Brief History of the Confederate Flags Archived February 24, 2021, at the Wayback Machine at "Mississippi History Now" online Mississippi Historical Socie ty. Third National Flag, "the bloodstained banner" references 19. Southern Historical Society Papers (cited hereafter as SHSP, volume number, date for the first entry, and page number), 24, 118. Section Heading "Second and Third National Flags". Retrieved October 4, 2012.
- ^ a b c Erin Blakemore (January 12, 2021). "How the Confederate battle flag became an enduring symbol of racism". National Geographic. Archived from the original on February 17, 2021. Retrieved July 21, 2022.
- ^ Noe, Kenneth W.; Wilson, Shannon H., eds. (1997). Civil War in Appalachia.
- ^ McKenzie, Robert Tracy (2002). "Contesting Secession: Parson Brownlow and the Rhetoric of Proslavery Unionism, 1860–1861". Civil War History. 48 (4): 294–312. doi:10.1353/cwh.2002.0060. S2CID 143199643.
- ^ Curry, Richard O. (1964). A House Divided, Statehood Politics and the Copperhead Movement in West Virginia. Univ. of Pittsburgh. p. 8. ISBN 978-0822977513.
- ^ McGregor, James C. (1922). The Disruption of Virginia. New York, The Macmillan company.
- ^ Zimring, David R. (2009). "'Secession in Favor of the Constitution': How West Virginia Justified Separate Statehood during the Civil War". West Virginia History. 3 (2): 23–51. doi:10.1353/wvh.0.0060. S2CID 159561246.
- ^ Browning, Judkin (2005). "Removing the Mask of Nationality: Unionism, Racism, and Federal Military Occupation in North Carolina, 1862–1865". Journal of Southern History. 71 (3): 589–620. doi:10.2307/27648821. JSTOR 27648821.
- ^ Elliott, Claude (1947). "Union Sentiment in Texas 1861–1865". Southwestern Historical Quarterly. 50 (4): 449–477. JSTOR 30237490.
- ^ Neely, Mark E. Jr. (1999). Southern Rights: Political Prisoners and the Myth of Confederate Constitutionalism. University Press of Virginia. ISBN 0-8139-1894-4.
- ^ Evans, David (March 22, 1999). Sherman's Horsemen: Union Cavalry Operations in the Atlanta Campaign. Indiana University Press. p. 28. ISBN 978-0-253-21319-8.
- ^ Scott, E. Carele. Southerner vs. Southerner: Union Supporters Below the Mason-Dixon Line. Warfare History Network. Retrieved December 27, 2022.
- ^ Two-thirds of soldiers' deaths occurred due to disease. Nofi, Al (June 13, 2001). "Statistics on the War's Costs". Louisiana State University. Archived from the original on July 11, 2007. Retrieved September 8, 2008.
- ^ "1860 Census of Population and Housing". Census.gov. January 7, 2009. Retrieved August 29, 2010.
- ^ Calculated by dividing the number of owners (obtained via the census) by the number of free persons.
- ^ "Selected Statistics on Slavery in the United States". faculty.weber.edu. Retrieved May 3, 2023.
- ^ Figures for Virginia include the future West Virginia
- ^ Rows may not add to 100% due to rounding
- ^ All data for this section taken from the University of Virginia Library, Historical Census Browser, Census Data for Year 1860 Archived October 11, 2014, at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ "U.S. Bureau of the Census, Population of the 100 Largest Urban Places: 1860, Internet Release date: June 15, 1998". Retrieved August 29, 2010.
- ^ Dabney 1990 p. 182
- ^ Randall M. Miller, Harry S. Stout, and Charles Reagan, eds. Religion and the American Civil War (1998) excerpt and text search.
- ^ Pamela Robinson-Durso, "Chaplains in the Confederate Army." Journal of Church and State 33 (1991): 747+.
- ^ W. Harrison Daniel, "Southern Presbyterians in the Confederacy." North Carolina Historical Review 44.3 (1967): 231–255. online
- ^ W. Harrison Daniel, "The Southern Baptists in the Confederacy." Civil War History 6.4 (1960): 389–401.
- ^ G. Clinton Prim. "Southern Methodism in the Confederacy". Methodist history 23.4 (1985): 240–249.
- ^ Edgar Legare Pennington, "The Confederate Episcopal Church and the Southern Soldiers." Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church 17.4 (1948): 356–383. online
- ^ David T. Gleeson, The Green and the Gray: The Irish in the Confederate States of America (2013).
- ^ Sidney J. Romero, "Louisiana Clergy and the Confederate Army". Louisiana History 2.3 (1961): 277–300. JSTOR 4230621.
- ^ W. Harrison Daniel, "Southern Protestantism and Army Missions in the Confederacy". Mississippi Quarterly 17.4 (1964): 179+.
- ^ Dorris, J. T. (1928). "Pardoning the Leaders of the Confederacy". Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 15 (1): 3–21. doi:10.2307/1891664. JSTOR 1891664.
- ^ Johnson, Andrew. "Proclamation 179 – Granting full pardon and amnesty for the offense of treason against the United States during the late Civil War" Archived November 22, 2017, at the Wayback Machine, December 25, 1868. Accessed July 18, 2014.
- ^ Nichols, Roy Franklin (1926). "United States vs. Jefferson Davis, 1865–1869". American Historical Review. 31 (2): 266–284. doi:10.2307/1838262. JSTOR 1838262.
- ^ Jefferson Davis (2008). The Papers of Jefferson Davis: June 1865 – December 1870. Louisiana State UP. p. 96. ISBN 978-0807133415.
- ^ Nichols, "United States vs. Jefferson Davis, 1865–1869".
- ^
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- ^ John David Smith, ed. Interpreting American History: Reconstruction (Kent State University Press, 2016).
- ^ Cooper, William J.; Terrill, Tom E. (2009). The American South: a history. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. p. xix. ISBN 978-0-7425-6095-6.
- ^ Murray, Robert Bruce (2003). Legal Cases of the Civil War. Stackpole Books. pp. 155–159. ISBN 0-8117-0059-3.
- ^ Zuczek, Richard (2006). "Texas v. White (1869)". Encyclopedia of the Reconstruction Era. Bloomsbury. p. 649. ISBN 0-313-33073-5.
- ^ "SPROTT v. UNITED STATES". LII / Legal Information Institute. Retrieved June 4, 2024.
- ^ "Treason Clause: Doctrine and Practice". LII / Legal Information Institute. Retrieved June 18, 2024.
- ^ Owsley, Frank L. (1925). State Rights in the Confederacy. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
- ^ "Thomas1979" p. 155
- ^ Owsley (1925). "Local Defense and the Overthrow of the Confederacy". Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 11 (4): 492–525. doi:10.2307/1895910. JSTOR 1895910.
- ^ Rable (1994) 257. For a detailed criticism of Owsley's argument see Beringer, Richard E.; Still, William N. Jr.; Jones, Archer; Hattaway, Herman (1986). Why the South Lost the Civil War. University of Georgia Press. pp. 443–457. Brown declaimed against Davis Administration policies: "Almost every act of usurpation of power, or of bad faith, has been conceived, brought forth and nurtured in secret session."
- ^ See also Beringer, Richard; et al. (1986). Why the South Lost the Civil War. University of Georgia Press. pp. 64–83, 424–457.
- ^ Foner, Eric (March 8, 2022). "The Hidden Story of the North's Victory in the Civil War". The New York Times. Retrieved March 8, 2022.
- ^ a b Rable (1994). The Confederate Republic: A Revolution Against Politics. Univ of North Carolina Press. pp. 258, 259. ISBN 978-0807821442.
- ^ Moretta, John (1999). "Pendleton Murrah and States Rights in Civil War Texas". Civil War History. 45 (2): 126–146. doi:10.1353/cwh.1999.0101. S2CID 143584568.
- ^ Moore, Albert Burton (1924). Conscription and Conflict in the Confederacy. p. 295.
- ^ Cooper (2000) p. 462. Rable (1994) pp. 2–3. Rable wrote, "But despite heated arguments and no little friction between the competing political cultures of unity and liberty, antiparty and broader fears about politics in general shaped civic life. These beliefs could obviously not eliminate partisanship or prevent Confederates from holding on to and exploiting old political prejudices ... Even the most bitter foes of the Confederate government, however, refused to form an opposition party, and the Georgia dissidents, to cite the most prominent example, avoided many traditional political activities. Only in North Carolina did there develop anything resembling a party system, and there the central values of the Confederacy's two political cultures had a far more powerful influence on political debate than did organizational maneuvering."
- ^ Donald, David Herbert, ed. (1996). Why the North Won the Civil War. pp. 112–113. Potter wrote in his contribution to this book, "Where parties do not exist, criticism of the administration is likely to remain purely an individual matter; therefore the tone of the criticism is likely to be negative, carping, and petty, as it certainly was in the Confederacy. But where there are parties, the opposition group is strongly impelled to formulate real alternative policies and to press for the adoption of these policies on a constructive basis. ... But the absence of a two-party system meant the absence of any available alternative leadership, and the protest votes which were cast in the [1863 Confederate mid-term] election became more expressions of futile and frustrated dissatisfaction rather than implements of a decision to adopt new and different policies for the Confederacy."
- ^ a b Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 105–106
- ^ Fred A. Bailey, "E. Merton Coulter", in Reading Southern History: Essays on Interpreters and Interpretations, ed. Glenn Feldman (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2001, p. 46).
- ^ Eric Foner, Freedom's Lawmakers: A Directory Of Black Officeholders During Reconstruction, New York: Oxford University Press, 1993; Revised, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996, p. xii
- ^ Foner, Freedom's Lawmakers, p. xii
- ^ Eric Foner, Black Legislators, pp. 119–20, 180
- ^ Escott, Paul (1992). After Secession: Jefferson Davis and the Failure of Confederate Nationalism. Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 0-8071-1807-9.
- ^ Coulter, The Confederate States of America, pp. 108, 113, 103
Sources
- Bowman, John S. (ed), The Civil War Almanac, New York: Bison Books, 1983
- Eicher, John H., & Eicher, David J., Civil War High Commands, Stanford University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-8047-3641-3
- Martis, Kenneth C. The Historical Atlas of the Congresses of the Confederate States of America 1861–1865 (1994) ISBN 0-13-389115-1
Further reading
External links
- Civil War Research & Discussion Group – Confederate States of Am. Army and Navy Uniforms, 1861
- The Countryman, 1862–1866, published weekly by Turnwold, Ga., edited by J.A. Turner
- The Federal and the Confederate Constitution Compared
- Photographs of the original Confederate Constitution Archived March 3, 2012, at the Wayback Machine and other Civil War documents owned by the Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library Archived April 29, 2012, at the Wayback Machine at the University of Georgia Libraries.
- Photographic History of the Civil War, 10 vols., 1912.
- DocSouth: Documenting the American South – numerous online text, image, and audio collections.
- The Boston Athenæum has over 4000 Confederate imprints, including rare books, pamphlets, government documents, manuscripts, serials, broadsides, maps, and sheet music that have been conserved and digitized.
- Oklahoma Digital Maps: Digital Collections of Oklahoma and Indian Territory
- Confederate States of America Collection at the Library of Congress
- Religion in the CSA: Confederate Veteran Magazine, May, 1922
- Works by or about Confederate States of America at the Internet Archive
- Confederate States of America
- 1861 establishments in North America
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