Female genital mutilation: Difference between revisions
→Overview: rewording: "Uncircumcised women are seen as highly sexualized; philosopher Martha Nussbaum argues that the practice presupposes women to be 'whorish and childish'" to be a WP:ITA, since she is only one source for the former part |
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{{Short description|Ritual cutting or removal of some or all of the vulva}} |
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{{Distinguish|Vaginoplasty|Labiaplasty|Labia stretching|Vulvoplasty}} |
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|image1 = [[File:Campaign road sign against female genital mutilation (cropped).jpg|270px|alt=photograph]] |
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{{Use dmy dates|date=August 2018}} |
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|caption1 = Road sign near [[Kapchorwa]], [[Uganda]], where FGM is outlawed but still practised by the [[Pokot people|Pokot]], [[Sebei people|Sabiny]] and Tepeth people.<ref>Masinde, Andrew. [http://www.newvision.co.ug/news/639566-fgm-despite-the-ban-the-monster-still-rears-its-ugly-head-in-uganda.html "FGM: Despite the ban, the monster still rears its ugly head in Uganda"], ''New Vision'', Uganda, 5 February 2013.</ref> |
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{{Infobox |
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|image1 = [[File:Campaign road sign against female genital mutilation (cropped) 2.jpg|300px|alt=Billboard with surgical tools covered by a red X. Sign reads: STOP FEMALE CIRCUMCISION. IT IS DANGEROUS TO WOMEN'S HEALTH. FAMILY PLANNING ASSOCIATION OF UGANDA]] |
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|title = Female genital mutilation |
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|caption1 = Anti-FGM road sign near [[Kapchorwa]], Uganda, 2004 |
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|titlestyle = background-color:#99BADD;<!--color:white;--> |
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|label2 = Definition |
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|data2 = "Partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons" ([[World Health Organization|WHO]], [[UNICEF]], and [[United Nations Population Fund|UNFPA]], 1997).<ref name=WHO2014>[[#WHO2014|WHO 2014]].</ref> |
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|label3 = Areas |
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|data3 = Africa, Southeast Asia, Middle East, and within communities from these areas<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 5.</ref> |
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|data2 = Partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons<ref name=WHO1/> |
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|label3 = Areas practised |
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|data3 = Most common in 27 countries in [[Sub-Saharan Africa|sub-Saharan]] and [[Northeast Africa|north-east Africa]], as well as in [[Yemen]] and [[Iraqi Kurdistan]]<ref name=UNICEF2013p2>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf "Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A Statistical Overview and Exploration of the Dynamics of Change"], United Nations Children's Fund, July 2013 (hereafter UNICEF 2013), p. 2.</ref> |
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|label4 = Numbers |
|label4 = Numbers |
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|data4 = Over 230 million women and girls worldwide: 144 million in Africa, 80 million in Asia, 6 million in Middle East, and 1-2 million in other parts of the world (as of 2024)<ref name=UNICEF2023>{{cite web|url=https://data.unicef.org/topic/child-protection/female-genital-mutilation/ |title=Female genital mutilation (FGM)|work=[[UNICEF]]|access-date=July 5, 2023}}</ref><ref name=UNICEF2016>[[#UNICEF2016|UNICEF 2016]].</ref> |
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|data4 = 125 million in those countries<ref name=UNICEF2013p22/> |
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|label5 = Age |
|label5 = Age |
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|data5 = |
|data5 = Days after birth to puberty<ref name="UNICEF2013p50"/> |
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|label6 = Prevalence |
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|data6 = {{collapsed infobox section begin|Ages 15–49}} |
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|data7 = {{hlist|[[Somalia]] (98%)| [[Guinea]] (97%)| [[Djibouti]] (93%)| [[Sierra Leone]] (90%)| [[Mali]] (89%)| [[Egypt]] (87%)| [[Sudan]] (87%)| [[Eritrea]] (83%)| [[Burkina Faso]] (76%)|[[Gambia]] (75%)| [[Ethiopia]] (74%)| [[Mauritania]] (69%)| [[Liberia]] (50%)| [[Guinea-Bissau]] (45%)|[[Chad]] (44%)| [[Côte d'Ivoire]] (38%)| [[Nigeria]] (25%)| [[Senegal]] (25%)| [[Central African Republic]] (24%)| [[Kenya]] (21%)|[[Yemen]] (19%)| [[United Republic of Tanzania]] (10%)| [[Benin]] (9%)| |
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[[Iraq]] (8%)| [[Togo]] (5%)| [[Ghana]] (4%)| [[Niger]] (2%)| [[Uganda]] (1%) | [[Cameroon]] (1%)<ref name=UNICEF2016/>}} |
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{{collapsed infobox section begin| |
{{collapsed infobox section begin|Ages 0–14}} |
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|data8 = {{hlist|[[Gambia]] (56%)| [[Mauritania]] (54%)| [[Indonesia]] (49%, 0–11) | [[Guinea]] (46%) |[[Eritrea]] (33%)| [[Sudan]] (32%) | [[Guinea-Bissau]] (30%)| [[Ethiopia]] (24%) | [[Nigeria]] (17%)|[[Yemen]] (15%)| [[Egypt]] (14%)| [[Burkina Faso]] (13%)| [[Sierra Leone]] (13%)| [[Senegal]] (13%)| [[Côte d'Ivoire]] (10%)| [[Kenya]] (3%)| [[Uganda]] (1%)| [[Central African Republic]] (1%)| [[Ghana]] (1%)| [[Togo]] (0.3%) | [[Benin]] (0.2%)<ref name=UNICEF2016/>}} |
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|label7 = |
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|data7 = FGM is outlawed in the following practising countries, as of 2013: Benin (2003), Burkina Faso (1996), Central African Republic (1966, amended 1996), Chad (2003), Côte d’Ivoire (1998), Djibouti (1995, amended 2009), Egypt (2008), Eritrea (2007), Ethiopia (2004), Ghana (1965, amended 2007), Guinea (1965, amended 2000), Guinea-Bissau (2011), Iraqi Kurdistan (2011), Kenya (2001, amended 2011), Mauritania (2005), Niger (2003), Nigeria, some states (1999–2006), Senegal (1999), Somalia (2012), Sudan, some states (2008–2009), Togo (1998), Uganda (2010), United Republic of Tanzania (1998), and Yemen (2001).<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 9.</ref><p>It is also outlawed in 33 countries outside Africa and the Middle East,<ref name=UNICEF2013p8/> including across the European Union, North America, Scandinavia, Australia and New Zealand. |
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{{Sex and the law}} |
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'''Female genital mutilation''' ('''FGM'''), also known as '''female genital cutting''' and '''female circumcision''', is defined by the [[World Health Organization]] (WHO) as "all procedures that involve partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons."<ref name=WHO1>[http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/topics/fgm/overview/en/index.html "Classification of female genital mutilation"], World Health Organization, 2013 (hereafter WHO 2013).</ref> FGM is practised as a cultural ritual by [[Ethnic groups in Africa|ethnic groups]] in 27 countries in [[sub-Saharan Africa|sub-Saharan]] and [[Northeast Africa]], and to a lesser extent in Asia, the Middle East and within immigrant communities elsewhere.<ref name=where/> It is typically carried out, with or without anaesthesia, by a traditional circumciser using a knife or razor.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 43, p. 44, footnote: "In the majority of countries, FGM/C is usually performed by traditional practitioners and, more specifically, by traditional circumcisers. ... 'Traditional practitioners' include traditional circumcisers, traditional birth attendants, traditional midwives and other types of traditional practitioners. In Egypt, traditional practitioners also include ''dayas'', ''ghagarias'' and ''barbers''." |
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*[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 45: "In most cases, a blade or razor was used for cutting in Egypt, and one in four daughters underwent the procedure without an anaesthetic of any kind. It is plausible to expect this proportion to be much higher in countries where the practice is mostly performed by traditional circumcisers rather than medical personnel."</ref> The age of the girls varies from weeks after birth to puberty; in half the countries for which figures were available in 2013, most girls were cut before the age of five.<ref name=UNICEF2013p50>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 50.</ref> |
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'''Female genital mutilation''' ('''FGM''') (also known as '''female genital cutting''', '''female genital mutilation/cutting''' ('''FGM/C''') and '''female circumcision'''{{efn|[[Martha Nussbaum]] (''Sex and Social Justice'', 1999): "Although discussions sometimes use the terms 'female circumcision' and 'clitoridectomy', 'female genital mutilation' (FGM) is the standard generic term for all these procedures in the medical literature ... The term 'female circumcision' has been rejected by international medical practitioners because it suggests the fallacious analogy to male circumcision ..."{{sfn|Nussbaum|1999|loc=119}}}}) is the cutting or removal of some or all of the [[vulva]] for non-medical reasons. [[Prevalence of female genital mutilation|FGM prevalence]] varies worldwide, but is majorly present in some countries of Africa, Asia and Middle East, and within their diasporas. {{As of|2024}}, [[UNICEF]] estimates that worldwide 230 million girls and women (144 million in Africa, 80 million in Asia, 6 million in Middle East, and 1-2 million in other parts of the world) had been subjected to [[Female genital mutilation#Types|one or more types]] of FGM.<ref name=UNICEF2023/> |
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The practice involves one or more of several procedures, which vary according to the ethnic group. They include removal of all or part of the [[clitoris]] and [[clitoral hood]]; all or part of the clitoris and [[inner labia]]; and in its most severe form ([[infibulation]]) all or part of the inner and [[labia majora|outer labia]] and the closure of the vagina. In this last procedure, which the WHO calls [[#WHO Type III|Type III]] FGM, a small hole is left for the passage of urine and menstrual blood, and the vagina is opened up for intercourse and childbirth.<ref name=TypeIIIdef/> The health effects depend on the procedure but can include recurrent infections, chronic pain, cysts, an inability to get pregnant, complications during childbirth and fatal bleeding.<ref name=Abdulcadira>Abdulcadira, Jasmine; Margairaz, C.; Boulvain, M; Irion, O. [http://www.smw.ch/content/smw-2011-13137/ "Care of women with female genital mutilation/cutting"], ''Swiss Medical Weekly'', 6(14), January 2011 (review).</ref> |
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Typically carried out by a traditional cutter using a blade, FGM is conducted from days after birth to puberty and beyond. In half of the countries for which national statistics are available, most girls are cut before the age of five.<ref>For the circumcisers and blade: [[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 2, 44–46; for the ages: 50.</ref> Procedures differ according to the country or ethnic group. They include removal of the [[clitoral hood]] (type 1-a) and [[clitoral glans]] (1-b); removal of the [[Labia minora|inner labia]] (2-a); and removal of the inner and [[Labia majora|outer labia]] and closure of the vulva (type 3). In this last procedure, known as [[#Type III|infibulation]], a small hole is left for the passage of urine and [[Menstruation|menstrual fluid]], the [[vagina]] is opened for [[Sexual intercourse|intercourse]] and opened further for childbirth.{{sfn|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}} |
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Around 125 million women and girls in Africa and the Middle East have undergone FGM.<ref name=UNICEF2013p22>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 22 and footnote 62. This estimate uses data from 1997 to 2012 for the 29 countries in which FGM is concentrated.</ref> Over eight million have experienced Type III, which is most common in Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia and Sudan.<ref>Yoder, Stanley P. and Khan, Shane. [http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/WP39/WP39.pdf "Numbers of women circumcised in Africa"], United States Agency for International Development, March 2008 (hereafter Yoder and Khan (USAID) 2008), p. 14. This report was written at the request of the World Health Organization.</ref> The practice is an ethnic marker, rooted in gender inequality, ideas about purity, modesty and aesthetics, and attempts to control women's sexuality.<ref name=root>[[Stanlie M. James|James, Stanlie M.]] "Female Genital Mutilation," in Bonnie G. Smith (ed.). ''The Oxford Encyclopaedia of Women in World History'', Oxford University Press, 2008 (pp. 259–262), [http://books.google.com/books?id=EFI7tr9XK6EC&pg=PA261 p. 261]: "The most frequently mentioned rationale is the need to control women, especially their sexuality." |
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*[[Martha Nussbaum|Nussbaum, Martha]]. "Judging Other Cultures: The Case of Genital Mutilation," ''Sex and Social Justice'', Oxford University Press, 1999 (hereafter Nussbaum 1999), p. 124: "Female genital mutilation is unambiguously linked to customs of male domination." |
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*[http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241596442_eng.pdf WHO 2008], p. 5: "In every society in which it is practised, female genital mutilation is a manifestation of gender inequality that is deeply entrenched in social, economic and political structures," and [http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs241/en/ WHO 2013]: "FGM is recognized internationally as a violation of the human rights of girls and women. It reflects deep-rooted inequality between the sexes, and constitutes an extreme form of discrimination against women." |
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*[[Anika Rahman|Rahman, Anika]] and [[Nahid Toubia|Toubia, Nahid]]. ''Female Genital Mutilation: A Guide to Laws and Policies Worldwide'', Zed Books, 2000 (hereafter Rahman and Toubia 2000), [http://books.google.com/books?id=kEG6GaudxQEC&pg=PA5 pp. 5–6]: "A fundamental reason advanced for female circumcision is the need to control women's sexuality ... FC/FGM is intended to reduce women's sexual desire, thus promoting women's virginity and protecting marital fidelity, in the interest of male sexuality." |
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*[http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/FactSheet23en.pdf "Harmful Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children"], [[Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights]], Fact Sheet No. 23, section 1A: "It is believed that, by mutilating the female's genital organs, her sexuality will be controlled; but above all it is to ensure a woman's virginity before marriage and chastity thereafter." |
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*[[Gerry Mackie|Mackie, Gerry]]. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 "Ending Footbinding and Infibulation: A Convention Account"], ''American Sociological Review'', 61(6), December 1996, (pp. 999–1017), pp. 999–1000 (hereafter Mackie 1996): "Footbinding and infibulation correspond as follows. Both customs are nearly universal where practiced; they are persistent and are practiced even by those who oppose them. Both control sexual access to females and ensure female chastity and fidelity. Both are necessary for proper marriage and family honor. Both are believed to be sanctioned by tradition. Both are said to be ethnic markers, and distinct ethnic minorities may lack the practices. Both seem to have a past of contagious diffusion. Both are exaggerated over time and both increase with status. Both are supported and transmitted by women, are performed on girls about six to eight years old, and are generally not initiation rites. Both are believed to promote health and fertility. Both are defined as aesthetically pleasing compared with the natural alternative. Both are said to properly exaggerate the complementarity of the sexes, and both are claimed to make intercourse more pleasurable for the male."</ref> It is supported by both women and men in countries that practise it, particularly by the women, who see it as a source of honour and authority, and an essential part of raising a daughter well.<ref>[[Gerry Mackie|Mackie, Gerry]] and LeJeune, John. [http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/UNICEF.pdf "Social Dynamics of Abandonment of Harmful Practices: A New Look at the Theory"], Innocenti Working Paper, UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, 2008 (hereafter Mackie and LeJeune 2008), pp. 6–7: "In the majority of cases it is mothers or grandmothers who organize and support the cutting of their daughters, and in many places the practice is considered 'women's business'. ... The perpetuation of FGM/C and professed support of the practice by women represent one of the chief puzzles that researchers have sought to better understand." |
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*Also see [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], p. 1009 (available [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]). |
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*Interview with Sudanese surgeon [[Nahid Toubia]], [http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/health/1916917.stm "Changing attitudes to female circumcision"], BBC News, 8 April 2002: "By taking on this practice, which is a woman's domain, it actually empowers them. It is much more difficult to convince the women to give it up, than to convince the men." |
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*For recent figures showing support and opposition among women, see [http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], pp. 54–55.</ref> |
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The practice is rooted in [[gender inequality]], attempts to control [[human female sexuality|female sexuality]], [[Religious views on female genital mutilation|religious beliefs]] and ideas about purity, modesty, and beauty. It is usually initiated and carried out by women, who see it as a source of honour, and who fear that failing to have their daughters and granddaughters cut will expose the girls to [[social exclusion]].<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 15; {{harvnb|Toubia|Sharief|2003}}.</ref> Adverse health effects depend on the type of procedure; they can include recurrent infections, difficulty urinating and passing menstrual flow, [[chronic pain]], the development of [[cyst]]s, an inability to get pregnant, complications during childbirth, and fatal bleeding.{{sfn|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}} There are no known health benefits.<ref name="WHO2018health">[[#WHO2018|WHO 2018]].</ref> |
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FGM has been outlawed in most of the countries in which it occurs, but the laws are poorly enforced.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 8: "Twenty-six countries in Africa and the Middle East have prohibited FGM/C by law or constitutional decree. Two of them – South Africa and Zambia – are not among the 29 countries where the practice is concentrated. ... Legislation prohibiting FGM/C has also been adopted in 33 countries on other continents, mostly to protect children with origins in practising countries." |
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*For poor enforcement, see, for example, Rentas, Khadijah. [http://www.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/africa/07/08/uganda.circumcision/ "Uganda seeks to ban female circumcision"], CNN, 8 July 2009.</ref> There has been an international effort since the 1970s to eradicate the practice and in 2012 the [[United Nations General Assembly]] voted unanimously to take all necessary steps to end it.<ref name=UN/> The opposition is not without its critics, particularly among anthropologists; [[Eric Silverman]] writes that FGM is one of anthropology's central moral topics, raising questions about pluralism and multiculturalism within a debate framed by [[Colonialism|colonial]] and [[Postcolonialism|post-colonial]] history.<ref>[[Eric Silverman|Silverman, Eric K.]] [http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064860 "Anthropology and Circumcision"], ''Annual Review of Anthropology'', 33, 2004, pp. 419–445 (hereafter Silverman 2004), pp. 427–428. |
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There have been international efforts since the 1970s to persuade practitioners to abandon FGM, and it has been outlawed or restricted in most of the countries in which it occurs, although the laws are often poorly enforced. Since 2010, the United Nations has called upon healthcare providers to stop performing all forms of the procedure, including [[#reinfibulation|reinfibulation]] after childbirth and symbolic "nicking" of the clitoral hood.<ref name="UN2010Askew">[[#UN2010|UN 2010]]; {{harvnb|Askew|Chaiban|Kalasa|Sen|2016}}.</ref> The opposition to the practice is not without its critics, particularly among [[anthropologist]]s, who have raised questions about [[cultural relativism]] and the universality of human rights.<ref>{{harvnb|Shell-Duncan|2008|loc=225}}; {{harvnb|Silverman|2004|loc=420, 427}}.</ref> According to the UNICEF, international FGM rates have risen significantly in recent years, from an estimated 200 million in 2016 to 230 million in 2024, with progress towards its abandonment stalling or reversing in many affected countries.<ref name=":0">{{Cite news |last=Kimeu |first=Caroline |date=2024-03-08 |title=Dramatic rise in women and girls being cut, new FGM data reveals |url=https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2024/mar/08/dramatic-rise-in-women-and-girls-being-cut-new-fgm-data-reveals |access-date=2024-03-12 |work=The Guardian |language=en-GB |issn=0261-3077 |quote=Many African countries have experienced a steady decline in the practice over the past few decades, but overall progress has stalled or been reversed.}}</ref> |
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*Also see [[Richard Shweder|Shweder, Richard]]. "'What About Female Genital Mutilation?" And Why Understanding Culture Matters in the First Place" (hereafter Shweder 2002), in Richard A. Shweder, [[Martha Minow]] and [[Hazel Rose Markus]] (eds.), ''Engaging Cultural Differences: The Multicultural Challenge In Liberal Democracies'', Russell Sage Foundation, 2002, p. 212. Also in [http://www.class.uh.edu/faculty/tsommers/moral%20diversity/shweder%20circumcision.pdf ''Daedalus'', 129(4)], Fall 2000.</ref> |
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==Terminology== |
==Terminology== |
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[[File:Samburu female circumcision ceremony, Kenya.jpg|thumb| |
[[File:Samburu female circumcision ceremony, Kenya.jpg|thumb|upright=1.2|left|alt=photograph|[[Samburu people|Samburu]] FGM ceremony, [[Laikipia County|Laikipia]] plateau, Kenya, 2004]] |
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The practice was mostly known as female circumcision (FC) until the early 1980s.<ref>Rahman and Toubia 2000, [http://books.google.com/books?id=kEG6GaudxQEC&pg=PR10 p. x]; [http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], pp. 6–7.</ref> The [[National Council of Churches of Kenya|Kenya Missionary Council]] began calling it the ''sexual mutilation of women'' in 1929, following the lead of Marion Scott Stevenson (1871–1930), a [[Church of Scotland]] missionary.<ref>Karanja, James. ''The Missionary Movement in Colonial Kenya: The Foundation of Africa Inland Church'', Cuvillier Verlag, 2009, p. 93, footnote 631. |
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*Scott, I.G. ''A Saint in Kenya: A Life of Marion Scott Stevenson'', Hodder & Stoughton, 1932.</ref> The term ''female genital mutilation'' was coined in the 1970s by Austrian-American feminist [[Fran Hosken]] (1920–2006), author of ''The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females'' (1979).<ref>Boyle, Elizabeth Heger. ''Female Genital Cutting: Cultural Conflict in the Global Community'', Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002 (hereafter Boyle 2002), p. 25. |
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*Johnsdotter, Sara and Essén, Birgitta. [http://www.iscgmedia.com/uploads/6/0/9/7/6097060/johnsdotter_cvs.pdf "Genitals and ethnicity: the politics of genital modifications"], ''Reproductive Health Matters'', 18(35), 2010, pp. 29–37 (hereafter Johnsdotter and Essén 2010), p. 30.</ref> The [[Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children]] began using that term in 1990, and the following year the WHO recommended it to the [[United Nations]].<ref>[http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241596442_eng.pdf WHO 2008], p. 22.</ref> It has since become the dominant term within the medical literature to differentiate the severity of the procedures from [[male circumcision]], which involves removal of the foreskin.<ref>[[Martha Nussbaum|Nussbaum, Martha]]. "Judging Other Cultures: The Case of Genital Mutilation," ''Sex and Social Justice'', Oxford University Press, 1999 (hereafter Nussbaum 1999), [http://books.google.com/books?id=7zoaKIolT9oC&pg=PA119 p. 119]. |
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*Cappa, Claudia; Wardlaw, Tessa; and Shell-Duncan, Bettina. [http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_eng.pdf "Changing a harmful social convention: female genital cutting/mutilation"], ''Innocenti Digest'', UNICEF 2005 (hereafter UNICEF 2005).</ref> It is opposed by some commentators, including anthropologist [[Richard Shweder]], who has called it a gratuitous and invidious label.<ref>[[Richard Shweder|Shweder, Richard]]. "When Cultures Collide: Which Rights? Whose Tradition of Values? A Critique of the Global Anti-FGM Campaign," in Christopher L. Eisgruber and András Sajó (eds.), ''Global Justice And the Bulwarks of Localism'', Martinus Nijhoff, 2005, [https://humdev.sites.uchicago.edu/sites/humdev.uchicago.edu/files/uploads/shweder/When%20Cultures%20Collide.pdf pp. 181–199] (hereafter Shweder 2005), p. 183.</ref> |
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Until the 1980s, FGM was widely known in English as "female circumcision", implying an equivalence in severity with [[male circumcision]].{{sfn|Nussbaum|1999|loc=119}} From 1929 the [[National Council of Churches of Kenya|Kenya Missionary Council]] referred to it as the sexual mutilation of women, following the lead of [[Marion Stevenson|Marion Scott Stevenson]], a [[Church of Scotland]] missionary.{{sfn|Karanja|2009|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=F1ezIgyomGIC&pg=PA93 93], n. 631}} References to the practice as mutilation increased throughout the 1970s.<ref name=WHO2008pp4,22>[[#WHO2008|WHO 2008]], 4, 22.</ref> In 1975 [[Rose Oldfield Hayes]], an American anthropologist, used the term ''female genital mutilation'' in the title of a paper in ''[[American Ethnologist]]'',{{sfn|Hayes|1975}} and four years later [[Fran Hosken]] called it mutilation in her influential ''The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females''.{{sfn|Hosken|1994}} The [[Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children]] began referring to it as female genital mutilation in 1990, and the [[World Health Organization]] (WHO) followed suit in 1991.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 6–7.</ref> Other English terms include ''female genital cutting'' (FGC) and ''female genital mutilation/cutting'' (FGM/C), preferred by those who work with practitioners.<ref name=WHO2008pp4,22/> |
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Other English terms in use include ''female genital cutting'' (FGC) and ''female genital mutilation/cutting'' (FGM/C).<ref>For FGC and other lesser used terms, see [[Comfort Momoh|Momoh, Comfort]]. "Female genital mutilation" (hereafter Momoh 2005), in Comfort Momoh (ed.), ''Female Genital Mutilation'', Radcliffe Publishing, 2005, [http://books.google.com/books?id=dVjIP0RfVAMC&pg=PA6 p. 6]. |
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*For FGM/C, see for example [http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 7. |
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*[http://web.archive.org/web/20111123071434/http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/global_health/pop/techareas/fgc/annex.html "Annex to USAID Policy on Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C): Explanation of Terminology"], USAID, 2000.</ref> The term ''infibulation'' (Type III FGM) derives from the [[Ancient Rome|Roman]] practice of fastening a [[Fibula (brooch)|fibula]] or brooch across the outer labia of female slaves.<ref>Abdalla, Raqiya Haji Dualeh. ''Sisters in Affliction: Circumcision and Infibulation of Women in Africa'', Zed Books, 1982, p. 10.</ref> |
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In countries where FGM is common, the practice's many variants are reflected in dozens of terms, often alluding to purification.<ref name=UNICEF2013p48>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 48.</ref> In the [[Bambara language]], spoken mostly in Mali, it is known as ''bolokoli'' ("washing your hands"){{sfn|Zabus|2008|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=xZmWF3qxHo4C&pg=PA47 47]}} and in the [[Igbo language]] in eastern Nigeria as ''isa aru'' or ''iwu aru'' ("having your bath").{{efn|For example, "a young woman must 'have her bath' before she has a baby."{{sfn|Zabus|2013|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=NCJiAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA40 40]}}}} A common Arabic term for purification has the root ''t-h-r'', used for male and female circumcision (''tahur'' and ''tahara'').{{sfn|El Guindi|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=8VQxt634pfcC&pg=PA30 30]}} It is also known in Arabic as ''khafḍ'' or ''khifaḍ''.{{sfn|Asmani|Abdi|2008|loc=3–5}} Communities may refer to FGM as "pharaonic" for [[infibulation]] and "''[[Sunnah|sunna]]''" circumcision for everything else;{{sfn|Gruenbaum|2001|loc=2–3}} ''sunna'' means "path or way" in Arabic and refers to the tradition of [[Muhammad]], although none of the procedures are required within Islam.{{sfn|Asmani|Abdi|2008|loc=3–5}} The term ''infibulation'' derives from [[Fibula (brooch)|''fibula'']], Latin for clasp; the [[Ancient Rome|Ancient Romans]] reportedly fastened clasps through the foreskins or labia of slaves to prevent sexual intercourse. The surgical infibulation of women came to be known as pharaonic circumcision in [[Sudan]] and as Sudanese circumcision in [[Egypt]].{{sfn|Kouba|Muasher|1985|loc=96–97}} In [[Somalia]], it is known simply as ''qodob'' ("to sew up").{{sfn|Abdalla|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=JO_SBQAAQBAJ&pg=PA190 190]}} |
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''xalaalays'' or ''gudniin'' in Somalia.<ref name=Abdalla2007p190>Abdalla, Raqiya D. "'My Grandmother Called it the Three Feminine Sorrows: The Struggle of Women Against Female Circumcision in Somalia" (hereafter Abdalla 2007), in Rogaia Mustafa Abusharaf (ed.), ''Female Circumcision: Multicultural Perspectives'', University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007, p. 190.</ref> Another term for procedures other than Type III is ''nuss'' ("half"), and a procedure similar to Type III, but where the inner labia are sewn together instead of the outer labia, is called ''al juwaniya'' ("the inside type") in Sudan.<ref>Gruenbaum 2001, pp. 3, 148.</ref> Type III is known as ''pharaonic circumcision'' in Sudan (''tahur faraowniya'', or "pharaonic purification")<ref>[[Janice Boddy|Boddy, Janice]]. ''Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan'', Princeton University Press, 2007 (hereafter Boddy 2007), p. 1.</ref> – a reference to the practice in [[Ancient Egypt]] under the [[Pharaoh]]s – but as ''Sudanese circumcision'' in Egypt.<ref name=Elmusharaf2006>Elmusharaf, Susan; Elhadi, Nagla; and Almroth, Lars. [http://www.bmj.com/content/333/7559/124.full "Reliability of self reported form of female genital mutilation and WHO classification: cross sectional study"], ''British Medical Journal'', 332(7559), 27 June 2006.</ref> It is known simply as ''qodob'' (to "sew up") in Somalia.<ref name=Abdalla2007p190/> |
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==Methods== |
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==Procedures and health effects== |
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[[File:Clitoral anatomy updated.jpg|thumb|alt=diagram|upright=0.9|Anatomy of the [[clitoris]], showing the [[clitoral glans]], [[Crus of clitoris|clitoral crura]], [[Corpus cavernosum of clitoris|corpora cavernosa]], [[Bulb of vestibule|vestibular bulbs]], and [[Vagina#Vaginal opening and hymen|vagina]]l and [[Urinary meatus|urethral openings]]]] |
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The procedures are generally performed by a traditional cutter (''exciseuse'') in the girls' homes, with or without anaesthesia. The cutter is usually an older woman, but in communities where the male [[Barber#History|barber]] has assumed the role of health worker, he will also perform FGM.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 42–44 and table 5, 181 (for cutters), 46 (for home and anaesthesia).</ref>{{efn|UNICEF 2005: "The large majority of girls and women are cut by a traditional practitioner, a category which includes local specialists (cutters or ''exciseuses''), traditional birth attendants and, generally, older members of the community, usually women. This is true for over 80 percent of the girls who undergo the practice in Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Tanzania, and Yemen. In most countries, medical personnel, including doctors, nurses, and certified midwives, are not widely involved in the practice."<ref name=UNICEF2005>[[#UNICEF2005|UNICEF 2005]].</ref>}} When traditional cutters are involved, non-sterile devices are likely to be used, including knives, razors, scissors, glass, sharpened rocks, and fingernails.{{sfn|Kelly|Hillard|2005|loc=491}} According to a nurse in Uganda, quoted in 2007 in ''The Lancet'', a cutter would use one knife on up to 30 girls at a time.{{sfn|Wakabi|2007}} In several countries, health professionals are involved; in Egypt, 77 percent of FGM procedures, and in Indonesia over 50 percent, were performed by medical professionals as of 2008 and 2016.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 43–45.</ref><ref name=UNICEF2016/> |
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==Classification{{anchor|classification}}== |
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===Circumcisers, methods, age of girls=== |
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===Variation=== |
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[[File:Clitoris anatomy labeled-en.svg|right|thumb|200px|alt=diagram|Anatomy of the [[vulva]], showing the [[clitoral glans]], [[Crus of clitoris|clitoral crura]], [[Corpus cavernosum of clitoris|corpora cavernosa]], and [[Bulb of vestibule|vestibular bulbs]]]] |
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The WHO, UNICEF, and UNFPA issued a joint statement in 1997 defining FGM as "all procedures involving partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs whether for cultural or other non-therapeutic reasons".<ref name=WHO2008pp4,22/> The procedures vary according to the ethnicity and individual practitioners; during a 1998 survey in Niger, women responded with over 50 terms when asked what was done to them.<ref name=UNICEF2013p48/> Translation problems are compounded by the women's confusion over which type of FGM they experienced, or even whether they experienced it.{{sfn|Yoder|Wang|Johansen|2013|loc=190}} Studies have suggested that survey responses are unreliable. A 2003 study in Ghana found that in 1995 four percent said they had not undergone FGM, but in 2000 said they had, while 11 percent switched in the other direction.{{sfn|Jackson|Akweongo|Sakeah|Hodgson|2003}} In Tanzania in 2005, 66 percent reported FGM, but a medical exam found that 73 percent had undergone it.{{sfn|Klouman|Manongi|Klepp|2005}} In Sudan in 2006, a significant percentage of infibulated women and girls reported a less severe type.{{sfn|Elmusharaf|Elhadi|Almroth|2006}} |
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The procedures are generally performed, with or without anaesthesia, by a traditional circumciser (a cutter or ''exciseuse''), usually an older woman who also acts as the local midwife, or ''daya'' in Egypt.<ref name=UNICEF2005p7/> They are often conducted inside the girl's family home.<ref name=UNICEF2013p46>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 46.</ref> They may also be performed by the local male [[Barber#History|barber]], who assumes the role of health worker in some areas.<ref name=UNICEF2005p7>[http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_eng.pdf UNICEF 2005], p. 7: "The large majority of girls and women are cut by a traditional practitioner, a category which includes local specialists (cutters or exciseuses), traditional birth attendants and, generally, older members of the community, usually women. This is true for over 80 percent of the girls who undergo the practice in Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Tanzania and Yemen. In most countries, medical personnel, including doctors, nurses and certified midwives, are not widely involved in the practice. |
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*[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013] UNICEF 2013], pp. 42–44. |
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*El Hadi, Amal Abd. "Female Genital Mutilation in Egypt" in Meredeth Turshen (ed.), ''African Women's Health'', Africa World Press, 2000, p. 148: "In the main ''dayas'' (female traditional birth attendants) and barbers (male traditional health workers) perform the circumcision, particularly in rural areas and popular urban areas." |
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*[http://www.unicef.org/egypt/reallives_3121.html "How a local health barber gave up on FGM/C"], UNICEF, June 2006.</ref> Medical personnel are usually not involved, although a large percentage of FGM procedures in Egypt, Sudan and Kenya are carried out by health professionals, and in Egypt most are performed by physicians, often in people's homes.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], pp. 43, 45.</ref> |
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In 2017, during an international meeting of 98 FGM experts, which included physicians, social scientists, policymakers, and activists from 23 countries, a majority of the participants advocated for the revision of FGM/C classifications proposed by the WHO and other UN agencies.<ref name=Elsevier2020/> The experts agreed on legal prohibition of reinfibulation and ritual pricking. They also expressed worry over the harm presented by "the lawfulness of both female genital cosmetic surgeries and male circumcision" in the negation of FGM/C prevention campaigns. The participants, however, differed in their views on the ban of female genital cosmetic surgeries and regular vulvar checkups of female children.<ref name=Elsevier2020>{{Cite journal|last1=Abdulcadir|first1=Jasmine|last2=Bader|first2=Dina|last3=Dubuc|first3=Elise|last4=Alexander|first4=Sophie|date=February 2020|title=Hot topic survey: Discussing the results of experts' responses on controversial issues in FGM/C|url=https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1701216319311077|journal=[[Society of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists of Canada|Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology Canada]]|volume=42|issue=2|pages=e26 |doi=10.1016/j.jogc.2019.11.064|access-date=22 November 2024}}</ref><ref name=ReproductiveHealth2017>{{cite journal|last1=Abdulcadir|first1=Jasmine|last2=Alexander|first2=Sophie|last3=Dubuc|first3=Elise|last4=Pallitto|first4=Christina|last5=Petignat|first5=Patrick|last6=Say|first6=Lale|date=15 September 2017|title=Female genital mutilation/cutting: sharing data and experiences to accelerate eradication and improve care|url=https://reproductive-health-journal.biomedcentral.com/counter/pdf/10.1186/s12978-017-0361-y.pdf|journal=[[Reproductive Health (journal)|Reproductive Health]]|volume=14|issue=Suppl 1 |pages=4|doi=10.1186/s12978-017-0361-y|doi-access=free |pmid=28950894 |pmc=5607488 |access-date=22 November 2024}}</ref> |
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When traditional circumcisers are involved, non-sterile cutting devices are likely to be used, including knives, razors, scissors, cut glass, sharpened rocks and fingernails. [[Cauterization]] is used in parts of Ethiopia.<ref>Kelly, Elizabeth, and Hillard, Paula J. Adams. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16141763 "Female genital mutilation"], ''Current Opinion in Obstetrics & Gynecology'', 17(5), October 2005, pp. 490–494 (review), p. 491. |
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*[http://www.who.int/gender/other_health/teachersguide.pdf "Female Genital Mutilation: A Teachers' Guide"], World Health Organization, 2005, p. 31: "FGM is carried out using special knives, scissors, razors, or pieces of glass. On rare occasions sharp stones have been reported to be used (e.g. in eastern Sudan), and cauterization (burning) is practised in some parts of Ethiopia. Finger nails have been used to pluck out the clitoris of babies in some areas in the Gambia. The instruments may be re-used without cleaning."</ref> A nurse in Uganda, quoted in 2007 in ''The Lancet'', said a circumciser would use one knife to cut up to 30 girls at a time.<ref>Wakabi, Wairagala. [http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(07)60508-X/fulltext "Africa battles to make female genital mutilation history"], ''The Lancet'', 369 (9567), 31 March 2007, pp. 1069–1070.</ref> With Type III the wound may be [[Surgical suture|sutured]] with surgical thread, or held closed with [[agave]] or [[acacia]] thorns. Depending on the involvement of healthcare professionals, any of the procedures may be conducted with a [[Local anesthetic|local]] or [[general anaesthetic]], or with neither. The most recent data for Egypt, where medical personnel often carry out the procedure, showed that in 60 percent of cases a local anaesthetic was used, in 13 percent a general, and in 25 percent none (two percent were missing/don't know).<ref name=UNICEF2013p46/> |
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===Types=== |
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The age at which FGM is performed depends on the country; it ranges from shortly after birth to the teenage years.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 50. |
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[[File:FGC Types.svg|right|300px|alt=diagram]] |
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*Also see [[Nahid Toubia|Toubia, Nahid]]. [http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJM199409153311106 "Female Circumcision as a Public Health Issue"], ''The New England Journal of Medicine'', 331(11), 1994, pp. 712–716.</ref> The variation in ages signals that the practice is usually not regarded as a rite of passage between childhood and adulthood.<ref>[[Gerry Mackie|Mackie, Gerry]]. "Female Genital Cutting: The Beginning of the End" (hereafter Mackie 2000), in Bettina Shell-Duncan and Ylva Hernlund (eds.), ''Female "Circumcision" in Africa: Culture Controversy and Change'', Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000 (pp. 253–282), p. 275. also [http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/BeginningOfEndMackie2000.pdf here]).</ref> In half the countries for which there are data, most girls are cut before the age of five, including over 80 percent in Eritrea, Ghana, Mali, Mauritania and Nigeria. The percentage is reversed in Chad, Central African Republic, Egypt and Somalia, where over 80 percent are cut between the ages of five and 14.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], pp. 47, 50.</ref> A 1997 survey found that 76 percent of girls in Yemen were cut within two weeks of birth.<ref>[http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_eng.pdf UNICEF 2005], p. 6.</ref> |
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[[#Household surveys|Standard questionnaires]] from United Nations bodies ask women whether they or their daughters have undergone the following: (1) cut, no flesh removed (symbolic nicking); (2) cut, some flesh removed; (3) sewn closed; or (4) type not determined/unsure/doesn't know.{{efn|UNICEF 2013: "These categories do not fully match the WHO typology. ''Cut, no flesh removed'' describes a practice known as nicking or pricking, which currently is categorized as Type IV. ''Cut, some flesh removed'' corresponds to Type I (clitoridectomy) and Type II (excision) combined. And ''sewn closed'' corresponds to Type III, infibulation."<ref name=UNICEF2013p48/>}} The most common procedures fall within the "cut, some flesh removed" category and involve complete or partial removal of the clitoral glans.<ref>{{harvnb|Yoder|Wang|Johansen|2013|loc=189}}; [[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 47.</ref> The World Health Organization (a UN agency) created a more detailed typology in 1997: Types I–II vary in how much tissue is removed; Type III is equivalent to the UNICEF category "sewn closed"; and Type IV describes miscellaneous procedures, including symbolic nicking.<ref>[[#WHO2008|WHO 2008]], 4, 23–28; {{harvnb|Abdulcadir|Catania|Hindin|Say|2016}}.</ref> |
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{{anchor|classification}} |
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====Type I{{anchor|Type I}}==== |
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===Classification=== |
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''Type I'' is "partial or total removal of the [[clitoral glans]] (the external and visible part of the clitoris, which is a sensitive part of the female genitals), and/or the prepuce/[[clitoral hood]] (the fold of skin surrounding the clitoral glans)".<ref>{{Cite web|title=Female genital mutilation|url=https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/female-genital-mutilation|access-date=2021-04-29|website=www.who.int|language=en|archive-date=29 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210129023511/https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/female-genital-mutilation|url-status=live}}</ref> Type Ia{{efn|A diagram in [[#WHO2016|WHO 2016]], copied from {{harvnb|Abdulcadir|Catania|Hindin|Say|2016}}, refers to Type 1a as ''circumcision''.<ref name=WHO2016types>[[#WHO2016|WHO 2016]], [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK368486/box/ch1.box1 Box 1.1 "Types of FGM"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170908222703/https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK368486/box/ch1.box1 |date=8 September 2017 }}.</ref>}} involves removal of the [[clitoral hood]] only. This is rarely performed alone.{{efn|WHO (2018): Type 1 ... the partial or total removal of the clitoris ... and in very rare cases, only the prepuce (the fold of skin surrounding the clitoris)."<ref name=WHO2018health/>{{pb}} |
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WHO (2008): "[There is a] common tendency to describe Type I as removal of the prepuce, whereas this has not been documented as a traditional form of female genital mutilation. However, in some countries, medicalized female genital mutilation can include removal of the prepuce only (Type Ia) (Thabet and Thabet, 2003), but this form appears to be relatively rare (Satti et al., 2006). Almost all known forms of female genital mutilation that remove tissue from the clitoris also cut all or part of the clitoral glans itself."<ref>[[#WHO2008|WHO 2008]], 25. Also see {{harvnb|Toubia|1994}} and {{harvnb|Horowitz|Jackson|Teklemariam|1995}}.</ref>}} The more common procedure is Type Ib ([[clitoridectomy]]), the complete or partial removal of the [[clitoral glans]] (the visible tip of the clitoris) and clitoral hood.<ref name=WHO2014/><ref>[[#WHO2008|WHO 2008]], 4.</ref> The circumciser pulls the clitoral glans with her thumb and index finger and cuts it off.{{efn|Susan Izett and [[Nahid Toubia]] (WHO, 1998): "[T]he clitoris is held between the thumb and index finger, pulled out and amputated with one stroke of a sharp object."<ref name=WHO1998>[[#WHO1998|WHO 1998]].</ref>}} |
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====Type II{{anchor|Type II}}==== |
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''Type II'' (excision) is the complete or partial removal of the [[Labia minora|inner labia]], with or without removal of the clitoral glans and [[Labia majora|outer labia]]. Type IIa is removal of the inner labia; Type IIb, removal of the clitoral glans and inner labia; and Type IIc, removal of the clitoral glans, inner and outer labia. ''Excision'' in French can refer to any form of FGM.<ref name=WHO2014/> |
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[[File:FGC Types.svg|thumb|200px|alt=diagram|Normal female anatomy and how FGM Types I–III differ from it]] |
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The procedure used varies according to ethnicity.<ref name=UNICEF2013p46/> Information about the procedures comes from anthropologists, local health workers, and from a series of surveys conducted by aid agencies since the late 1980s.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], pp. 3–5.</ref><!--check page numbers--> The surveys are based on questionnaires completed by the women themselves, who have responded using 50 different terms for the procedures. Apart from the difficulty of |
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comparing and translating these terms across different cultures and languages, the women may not be able to describe what was done to them, procedures vary according to practitioners, and there is considerable overlap between categories. As a result no typology is entirely accurate.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 7. |
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*[[Carla Obermeyer|Obermeyer, Carla]]. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/649659 "Female Genital Surgeries: The Known, the Unknown and the Unknowable"], ''Medical Anthropology Quarterly'', 31(1), 1999, pp. 79–106 (hereafter Obermeyer 1999), p. 82; also available [http://csde.washington.edu/fogarty/casestudies/shellduncanmaterials/day%202/Obermeyer,%20C.%20%281999%29%20Female%20genital%20surgeries.pdf here]). |
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*For the language problems, see [http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 48, and [http://www.jstor.org/stable/649659 Obermeyer 1999], p. 84.</ref> |
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====Type III{{anchor|Type III}}==== |
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The WHO divides the main procedures into three categories, Types I–III ''(see image right)''. The organization maintains a fourth category, [[#Type IV|Type IV]], for piercing the clitoris or prepuce (symbolic circumcision) and for miscellaneous procedures not related to FGM as a ritual, such as cutting into the vagina ([[gishiri cutting]]).<ref name=WHOclassification2008>[http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/topics/fgm/overview/en/index.html "Classification of female genital mutilation"], World Health Organization, 2013. |
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*For more details, see [http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241596442_eng.pdf "Eliminating Female Genital Mutilation"], World Health Organization, 2008 (hereafter WHO 2008), pp. 4, 22–28. |
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:*See p. 4, and Annex 2, p. 24, for the classification into Types I–IV; Annex 2, pp. 23–28, for a more detailed discussion.</ref> A 2006 study, in which 255 girls and 282 women in Sudan were asked to describe their cutting and were then examined, suggested that there was significant under-reporting of the severity of the procedures because the subjects were confusing the WHO's Types II and III.<ref name=Elmusharaf2006/> UNICEF instead uses the following categories: (1) cut, no flesh removed (pricking); (2) cut, some flesh removed; (3) sewn closed; and (4) type not determined/unsure/doesn't know.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 48: "In the most recent MICS and DHS, types of FGM/C are classified into four main categories: 1) cut, no flesh removed, 2) cut, some flesh removed, 3) sewn closed, and 4) type not determined/not sure/doesn't know. These categories do not fully match the WHO typology. Cut, no flesh removed describes a practice known as nicking or pricking, which currently is categorized as Type IV. Cut, some flesh removed corresponds to Type I (clitoridectomy) and Type II (excision) combined. And sewn closed corresponds to Type III, infibulation."</ref> |
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* [https://web.archive.org/web/20180207062846/https://smw.ch/resource/jf/jimg/780/780/ratio/journal/file/view/article/smw/en/smw.2011.13137/smw_2011_13137_fig_01_conv.jpg/ Type IIIb (virgin)] |
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* [https://web.archive.org/web/20180207010148/https://smw.ch/resource/jf/jimg/780/780/ratio/journal/file/view/article/smw/en/smw.2011.13137/smw_2011_13137_fig_02_conv.jpg/ Type IIIb (sexually active)] |
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|source= — ''[[Swiss Medical Weekly]]''{{sfn|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}}}} |
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''Type III'' ([[infibulation]] or pharaonic circumcision), the "sewn closed" category, is the removal of the external genitalia and fusion of the wound. The inner and/or outer labia are cut away, with or without removal of the clitoral glans.{{efn|WHO 2014: "Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal by cutting and appositioning the labia minora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris (infibulation).{{pb}}"Type IIIa, removal and apposition of the labia minora; Type IIIb, removal and apposition of the labia majora."<ref name=WHO2014/>}} Type III is found largely in northeast Africa, particularly Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan (although not in South Sudan). According to one 2008 estimate, over eight million women in Africa are living with Type III FGM.{{efn|USAID 2008: "Infibulation is practiced largely in countries located in northeastern Africa: Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan. ... Sudan alone accounts for about 3.5 million of the women. ... [T]he estimate of the total number of women infibulated in [Djibouti, Somalia, Eritrea, northern Sudan, Ethiopia, Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Chad, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Tanzania, for women 15–49 years old] comes to 8,245,449, or just over eight million women."{{sfn|Yoder|Khan|2008|loc=13–14}}}} According to UNFPA in 2010, 20 percent of women with FGM have been infibulated.<ref name=UNFPATypeIIIestimate>[http://www.unfpa.org/resources/promoting-gender-equality "Frequently Asked Questions on Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150104112106/http://www.unfpa.org/resources/promoting-gender-equality |date=4 January 2015 }}, United Nations Population Fund, April 2010.</ref> In Somalia, according to [[Edna Adan Ismail]], the child squats on a stool or mat while adults pull her legs open; a local anaesthetic is applied if available: |
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====WHO Types I and II==== |
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The WHO's Type I is subdivided into two. Type Ia is the removal of the [[clitoral hood]], which is rarely, if ever, performed alone.<ref>[http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/topics/fgm/overview/en/index.html WHO 2013]; [http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241596442_eng.pdf WHO 2008], p. 24. |
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*[http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJM199409153311106 Toubia 1994]: "In my extensive clinical experience as a physician in Sudan, and after a careful review of the literature of the past 15 years, I have not found a single case of female circumcision in which only the skin surrounding the clitoris is removed, without damage to the clitoris itself."</ref> More common is Type Ib ([[clitoridectomy]]), the partial or total removal of the clitoris, along with the prepuce.<ref>[http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/topics/fgm/overview/en/index.html WHO 2013]; [http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241596442_eng.pdf WHO 2008], p. 4; [http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJM199409153311106 Toubia 1994], pp. 712–716.</ref> Susan Izett and [[Nahid Toubia]] of [[RAINBO]], in a 1998 report for the WHO, wrote: "the clitoris is held between the thumb and index finger, pulled out and amputated with one stroke of a sharp object. Bleeding is usually stopped by packing the wound with gauzes or other substances and applying a pressure bandage. Modern trained practitioners may insert one or two stitches around the clitoral artery to stop the bleeding."<ref>Izett and Toubia, [https://apps.who.int/dsa/cat98/fgmbook.htm "Female Genital Mutilation: An Overview"], World Health Organization, 1998.</ref> |
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{{blockquote|The element of speed and surprise is vital and the circumciser immediately grabs the clitoris by pinching it between her nails aiming to amputate it with a slash. The organ is then shown to the senior female relatives of the child who will decide whether the amount that has been removed is satisfactory or whether more is to be cut off. |
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Type II is partial or total removal of the clitoris and [[labia minora|inner labia]], with or without removal of the [[labia majora|outer labia]].<ref>[http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/topics/fgm/overview/en/index.html WHO 2013]; [http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241596442_eng.pdf WHO 2008], p. 4: "Partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora, with or without excision of the labia majora (excision)," and p. 24: "When it is important to distinguish between the major variations that have been documented, the following subdivisions are proposed: Type IIa, removal of the labia minora only; Type IIb, partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora; Type IIc, partial or total removal of the clitoris, the labia minora and the labia majora. Note also that, in French, the term "excision" is often used as a general term covering all types of female genital mutilation."</ref> Type II is known as excision in English, but in French ''excision'' refers to all forms of FGM.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 7.</ref> |
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After the clitoris has been satisfactorily amputated ... the circumciser can proceed with the total removal of the labia minora and the paring of the inner walls of the labia majora. Since the entire skin on the inner walls of the labia majora has to be removed all the way down to the perineum, this becomes a messy business. By now, the child is screaming, struggling, and bleeding profusely, which makes it difficult for the circumciser to hold with bare fingers and nails the slippery skin and parts that are to be cut or sutured together. ... |
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====WHO Type III==== |
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Type III ([[infibulation]]) is the removal of all external genitalia and the fusing of the wound, leaving a small hole (2–3 mm)<ref name=Abdulcadira/> for the passage of urine and menstrual blood. The inner and outer labia are cut away, with or without excision of the clitoris.<ref name=TypeIIIdef>[http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/topics/fgm/overview/en/index.html WHO 2013]; [http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241596442_eng.pdf WHO 2008], p. 4: "Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal by cutting and appositioning the labia minora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris (infibulation)." |
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*For the wound being opened for intercourse and childbirth, see Elchalal, Uriel et al. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/9326757 "Ritualistic Female Genital Mutilation: Current Status and Future Outlook"], ''Obstetrical & Gynecological Survey'', 52(10), October 1997, pp. 643–651 (hereafter Elchalal et al 1997).</ref> A pinhole is created by inserting something into the wound before it closes, such as a twig or rock salt. The wound may be sutured with surgical thread, or [[agave]] or [[acacia]] thorns may be used to hold the sides together; according to a 1982 study in Sudan, eggs or sugar might be used as an adhesive. The girl's legs are then tied from hip to ankle for 2–6 weeks until the tissue has bonded.<ref>[http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/9326757 Elchalal et al 1997]. |
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*For the eggs and sugar, see El Dareer, Asma. [http://ije.oxfordjournals.org/content/12/2/138.abstract "Attitudes of Sudanese People to the Practice of Female Circumcision"], ''International Journal of Epidemiology'', 1983, 12(2) (pp. 138–144, hereafter El Dareer 1983), p. 138. |
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*Momoh 2005, [http://books.google.com/books?id=dVjIP0RfVAMC&pg=PA6 pp. 6–7], also describes an infibulation: |
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:*"[E]lderly women, relatives and friends secure the girl in the [[lithotomy position]]. A deep incision is made rapidly on either side from the root of the clitoris to the [[Frenulum of labia minora|fourchette]], and a single cut of the razor excises the clitoris and both the labia majora and labia minora.<p> "Bleeding is profuse, but is usually controlled by the application of various [[poultice]]s, the threading of the edges of the skin with thorns, or clasping them between the edges of a split cane. A piece of twig is inserted between the edges of the skin to ensure a patent [[foramen]] for urinary and menstrual flow. The lower limbs are then bound together for 2–6 weeks to promote [[Hemostasis|haemostatis]] and encourage union of the two sides ... Healing takes place by [[primary intention]], and, as a result, the [[introitus]] is obliterated by a drum of skin extending across the orifice except for a small hole. Circumstances at the time may vary; the girl may struggle ferociously, in which case the incisions may become uncontrolled and haphazard. The girl may be pinned down so firmly that bones may fracture." |
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*For a 1977 study and description of Type III, see Pieters, Guy and Lowenfels, Albert B. [http://www.cirp.org/pages/female/pieters1 "Infibulation in the Horn of Africa"], ''New York State Journal of Medicine'', 77(6), April 1977, pp. 729–731. |
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*For another description of Type III from the 1970s, see [http://www.middle-east-info.org/league/somalia/hosken.pdf this extract] from Hosken, Fran. ''The Hosken Report'', quoting physician Jacques Lantier, ''La Cité Magique et Magie En Afrique Noire'', Libraire Fayard, 1972.</ref> Anthropologist [[Janice Boddy]] witnessed the infibulation in 1976 of two sisters in northern Sudan by a traditional circumciser using an anaesthetic: |
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Having ensured that sufficient tissue has been removed to allow the desired fusion of the skin, the circumciser pulls together the opposite sides of the labia majora, ensuring that the raw edges where the skin has been removed are well approximated. The wound is now ready to be stitched or for thorns to be applied. If a needle and thread are being used, close tight sutures will be placed to ensure that a flap of skin covers the vulva and extends from the mons veneris to the perineum, and which, after the wound heals, will form a bridge of scar tissue that will totally occlude the vaginal introitus.<ref name=Ismail2016p12>{{harvnb|Ismail|2016|loc=12}}.</ref>}} |
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A crowd of ''habobat'' (grandmothers) have gathered in the yard – not a man in sight. ... The girl lies docile on an ''angarib'', beneath which smoulders incence in a cracked clay pot. Her hands and feet are stained with [[henna]] applied the night before. Several kinswomen support her torso; two others hold her legs apart. Miriam [the midwife] thrice injects her genitals with local anesthetic, then, in the silence of the next few moments, takes a small pair of scissors and quickly cuts away her clitoris and labia minora; the rejected tissue is caught in a bowl below the bed. ... I am surprised there is so little blood. ... Miriam staunches the flow with a white cotton cloth. She removes a surgical needle from her midwife's kit ... and threads it with suture. She sews together the girl's outer labia leaving a small opening at the vulva. After a liberal application of antiseptic the operation is over. |
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The amputated parts might be placed in a pouch for the girl to wear.{{sfn|El Guindi|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=8VQxt634pfcC&pg=PA43 43]}} A single hole of 2–3 mm is left for the passage of urine and menstrual fluid.{{efn|Jasmine Abdulcadir (''Swiss Medical Weekly'', 2011): "In the case of infibulation, the urethral opening and part of the vaginal opening are covered by the scar. In a virgin infibulated woman the small opening left for the menstrual fluid and the urine is not wider than 2–3 mm; in sexually active women and after the delivery the vaginal opening is wider but the urethral orifice is often still covered by the scar."{{sfn|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}}}} The vulva is closed with surgical thread, or [[agave]] or [[acacia]] thorns, and might be covered with a poultice of raw egg, herbs, and sugar. To help the tissue bond, the girl's legs are tied together, often from hip to ankle; the bindings are usually loosened after a week and removed after two to six weeks.{{sfn|Ismail|2016|loc=14}}{{sfn|Kelly|Hillard|2005|loc=491}} If the remaining hole is too large in the view of the girl's family, the procedure is repeated.{{sfn|Abdalla|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=8VQxt634pfcC&pg=PA190 190]}} |
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Women gently lift the sisters as their ''angaribs'' are spread with multicolored ''birish''s, "red" bridal mats. The girls seem to be experiencing more shock than pain ... Amid trills of joyous ululations we adjourn to the courtyard for tea; the girls are also brought outside. There they are invested with the ''jirtig'': ritual jewelry, perfumes, and cosmetic pastes worn to protect those whose reproductive ability is vulnerable to attack from malign spirits and the evil eye. The sisters wear bright new dresses, bridal shawls called ''garmosis'' (singular), and their family's gold. Relatives sprinkle guests with cologne, much as they would at a wedding ... Newly circumcised girls are referred to as little brides (''arus''); much that is done for a bride is done for them, but in a minor key. Importantly, they have now been rendered marriageable.<ref name=Boddy1989p50>[[Janice Boddy|Boddy, Janice]]. ''Wombs and Alien Spirits: Women, Men, and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan'', University of Wisconsin Press, 1989 (hereafter Boddy 1989), [http://books.google.com/books?id=TK6NIp5uVwsC&pg=PA50 p. 50].</ref> |
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The vagina is opened for sexual intercourse, for the first time either by a midwife with a knife or by the woman's husband with his penis.{{sfn|Abdalla|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=8VQxt634pfcC&pg=PA190 190–191], [https://books.google.com/books?id=8VQxt634pfcC&pg=PA198 198]}} In some areas, including Somaliland, female relatives of the bride and groom might watch the opening of the vagina to check that the girl is a virgin.{{sfn|Ismail|2016|loc=14}}{{anchor|defibulation|deinfibulation|reinfibulation}} The woman is opened further for childbirth (''defibulation'' or ''deinfibulation''), and closed again afterwards (''reinfibulation''). Reinfibulation can involve cutting the vagina again to restore the pinhole size of the first infibulation. This might be performed before marriage, and after childbirth, divorce and widowhood.{{efn|Elizabeth Kelly, Paula J. Adams Hillard (''Current Opinion in Obstetrics and Gynecology'', 2005): "Women commonly undergo reinfibulation after a vaginal delivery. In addition to reinfibulation, many women in Sudan undergo a second type of re-suturing called El-Adel, which is performed to recreate the size of the vaginal orifice to be similar to the size created at the time of primary infibulation. Two small cuts are made around the vaginal orifice to expose new tissues to suture, and then sutures are placed to tighten the vaginal orifice and perineum. This procedure, also called re-circumcision, is primarily performed after vaginal delivery, but can also be performed before marriage, after cesarean section, after divorce, and sometimes even in elderly women as a preparation before death."{{sfn|Kelly|Hillard|2005|loc=491}}}}{{sfn|El Dareer|1982|loc=56–64}} Hanny Lightfoot-Klein interviewed hundreds of women and men in Sudan in the 1980s about sexual intercourse with Type III: |
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Boddy wrote that older women in Sudan recalled a procedure in which the circumciser would scrape away the external genitals with a straight razor, and with no anaesthetic.<ref>Boddy 1989, [http://books.google.com/books?id=TK6NIp5uVwsC&pg=PA51 p. 51].</ref> The infibulated woman's vulva is opened for sexual intercourse, by a penis or knife, and for childbirth. Hanny Lightfoot-Klein, a social psychologist, interviewed 300 Sudanese women and 100 Sudanese men in the 1980s and described the penetration by the men of their wives' infibulation: |
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{{blockquote|The penetration of the bride's infibulation takes anywhere from 3 or 4 days to several months. Some men are unable to penetrate their wives at all (in my study over 15%), and the task is often accomplished by a midwife under conditions of great secrecy, since this reflects negatively on the man's potency. Some who are unable to penetrate their wives manage to get them pregnant in spite of the infibulation, and the woman's vaginal passage is then cut open to allow birth to take place. ... Those men who do manage to penetrate their wives do so often, or perhaps always, with the help of the "little knife". This creates a tear which they gradually rip more and more until the opening is sufficient to admit the penis.<ref>{{harvnb|Lightfoot-Klein|1989|loc=380}}; also see {{harvnb|El Dareer|1982|loc=42–49}}.</ref>}} |
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The penetration of the bride's infibulation takes anywhere from 3 or 4 days to several months. Some men are unable to penetrate their wives at all (in my study over 15%), and the task is often accomplished by a midwife under conditions of great secrecy, since this reflects negatively on the man's potency. Some who are unable to penetrate their wives manage to get them pregnant in spite of the infibulation, and the woman's vaginal passage is then cut open to allow birth to take place. ... Those men who do manage to penetrate their wives do so often, or perhaps always, with the help of the "little knife." This creates a tear which they gradually rip more and more until the opening is sufficient to admit the penis. In some women, the scar tissue is so hardened and overgrown with keloidal formations that it can only be cut with very strong surgical scissors, as is reported by doctors who relate cases where they broke scalpels in the attempt.<ref name=Lightfoot>Lightfoot-Klein, Hanny. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3812643 "The Sexual Experience and Marital Adjustment of Genitally Circumcised and Infibulated Females in The Sudan"], ''The Journal of Sex Research'', 26(3), 1989, pp. 375–392 (also available [http://www.fgmnetwork.org/authors/Lightfoot-klein/sexualexperience.htm here]). |
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*Also see Lightfoot-Klein, Hanny. ''Prisoners of Ritual: An Odyssey Into Female Genital Circumcision in Africa'', Routledge, 1989.</ref> |
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====Type IV{{anchor|Type IV}}==== |
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Defibulation, or deinfibulation, reverses the closure of the vagina; this is performed before childbirth, or at the request of a woman seeking to have her genitals repaired.<ref>[http://www.smw.ch/content/smw-2011-13137/ Abdulcadira et al 2011]. |
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''Type IV'' is "[a]ll other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes", including pricking, piercing, incising, scraping and cauterization.<ref name=WHO2014/> It includes nicking of the clitoris (symbolic circumcision), burning or scarring the genitals, and introducing substances into the vagina to tighten it.<ref>[[#WHO2008|WHO 2008]], 24.</ref><ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 7.</ref> [[Labia stretching]] is also categorized as Type IV.<ref name="WHO 2008, 27">[[#WHO2008|WHO 2008]], 27.</ref> Common in southern and eastern Africa, the practice is supposed to enhance sexual pleasure for the man and add to the sense of a woman as a closed space. From the age of eight, girls are encouraged to stretch their inner labia using sticks and massage. Girls in Uganda are told they may have difficulty giving birth without stretched labia.{{efn|WHO 2005: "In some areas (e.g. parts of Congo and mainland Tanzania), FGM entails the pulling of the labia minora and/or clitoris over a period of about 2 to 3 weeks. The procedure is initiated by an old woman designated for this task, who puts sticks of a special type in place to hold the stretched genital parts so that they do not revert back to their original size. The girl is instructed to pull her genitalia every day, to stretch them further, and to put additional sticks in to hold the stretched parts from time to time. This pulling procedure is repeated daily for a period of about two weeks, and usually, no more than four sticks are used to hold the stretched parts, as further pulling and stretching would make the genital parts unacceptably long."<ref>[[#WHO2005|WHO 2005]], 31.</ref>}}<ref>For the countries in which labia stretching is found (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe), see {{harvnb|Nzegwu|2011|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=xSqIrrswbG0C&pg=PA262 262]}}; for the rest, {{harvnb|Bagnol|Mariano|2011|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=xSqIrrswbG0C&pg=PA272 272–276] (272 for Uganda)}}.</ref> |
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*Also see Nour, N.M.; Michaels, K.B.; and Bryant, A.E. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/2016816056 "Defibulation to Treat Female Genital Cutting: Effect on Symptoms and Sexual Function"], ''Obstetrics & Gynecology'', 108(1), July 2006, pp. 55–60. |
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*Conant, Eve. [http://www.newsweek.com/id/218692 "The Kindest Cut"], ''Newsweek'', 27 October 2009. |
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*Foldes, Pierre. [http://www.wasvisual.com/Video_by_Pierre_Foldes_on_Surgical_Repair_Of_The_Clitoris_After_Ritual_Genital_Mutilation_Results_On_453_Cases.html "Surgical Repair of the Clitoris after Ritual Genital Mutilation: Results of 453 Cases"], WAS Visual, accessed 17 September 2011.</ref> After giving birth, women may ask that the infibulation be restored.<ref name=Abdulcadira/> Reinfibulation may also be carried out if a woman's husband is travelling away from home for a protracted period, after divorce or to prepare elderly women for death.<!--check source--><ref name=Bergrren>Bergrren, Vanja et al. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/17217115 "Being Victims or Beneficiaries? Perspectives on Female Genital Cutting and Reinfibulation in Sudan"], ''African Journal of Reproductive Health'', 10(2), August 2006. |
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*Serour G.I. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/20138274 "The issue of reinfibulation"], ''International Journal of Gynaecology and Obstretrics'', 109(2), May 2010, pp. 93–96.</ref> |
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A definition of FGM from the WHO in 1995 included [[gishiri cutting]] and angurya cutting, found in Nigeria and Niger. These were removed from the WHO's 2008 definition because of insufficient information about prevalence and consequences.<ref name="WHO 2008, 27"/> Angurya cutting is excision of the [[hymen]], usually performed seven days after birth. Gishiri cutting involves cutting the vagina's front or back wall with a blade or penknife, performed in response to infertility, obstructed labour, and other conditions. In a study by Nigerian physician Mairo Usman Mandara, over 30 percent of women with gishiri cuts were found to have [[vesicovaginal fistula]]e (holes that allow urine to seep into the vagina).<ref>{{harvnb|Mandara|2000|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=rhhRXiJIGEcC&pg=PA98 98], 100; for fistulae, 102}}; also see {{harvnb|Mandara|2004}}</ref> |
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====WHO Type IV==== |
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A variety of procedures are known as Type IV, which the WHO defines as "all other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes, for example, pricking, piercing, incising, scraping and cauterization." These range from ritual nicking of the clitoris (ritual circumcision) to [[gishiri cutting]], angurya cutting, burning or scarring the genitals, and introducing substances into the vagina to tighten it.<ref name=WHO2008p24>[http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241596442_eng.pdf WHO 2008], p. 24.</ref> [[Labia stretching]] is also categorized as Type IV FGM; in Tanzania and the Congo girls are told to stretch the clitoris and labia minora every day for 2–3 weeks; an older woman uses sticks to hold the stretched parts in place.<ref>[http://www.who.int/gender/other_health/teachersguide.pdf "Female Genital Mutilation: A Teachers' Guide"], World Health Organization, 2005, p. 31.</ref> Gishiri cutting involves cutting the vagina's anterior (front) wall to enlarge it, and angurya cuts involve scraping tissue away from around the vagina. Another procedure is [[hymenotomy]], the removal of a [[hymen]] regarded as too thick, which is practised by the [[Hausa people|Hausa]] in West Africa.<ref>Mandara, Mairo Usman. "Female genital cutting in Nigeria: View of Nigerian Doctors on the Medicalization Debate," in Shell-Duncan and Hernlund, 2000, p. 95ff. |
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*Also see James, Stanlie M. "Female Genital Mutilation," in Bonnie G. Smith (ed.). ''The Oxford Encyclopaedia of Women in World History'', Oxford University Press, 2008 (pp. 259–262), [http://books.google.com/books?id=EFI7tr9XK6EC&pg=PA259 p. 259]. |
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*[https://apps.who.int/dsa/cat98/fgmbook.htm Izett and Toubia (WHO), 1998].</ref> The WHO does not include cosmetic procedures such as [[labiaplasty]] or procedures used in [[sex reassignment surgery]] within its FGM categories (see [[#comparison|below]]).<ref name=WHOelective/> |
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==Complications== |
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===Short term=== |
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FGM has no known health benefits.<ref name=Berg2013>Berg, Rigmor C. and Denisona Eva. [http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/07399332.2012.721417#tabModule "A Tradition in Transition: Factors Perpetuating and Hindering the Continuance of Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C) Summarized in a Systematic Review"], ''Health Care for Women International'', 34(10), 2013 (review): "According to leading health organizations, there are no known health benefits to FGM/C ..."</ref> It has immediate and late [[complication (medicine)|complication]]s, which depend on several factors: the type of FGM; the conditions in which the procedure took place and whether the practitioner had medical training; whether unsterilized or surgical single-use instruments were used; whether surgical thread was used instead of agave or acacia thorns; the availability of antibiotics; how small a hole was left for the passage of urine and menstrual blood; and whether the procedure was performed more than once (for example, to close an opening regarded as too wide or re-open one too small).<ref name=Abdulcadira/> |
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[[File:Anti-FGM campaign, Walala Biyotey, 25 January 2014.jpg|thumb|left|upright=1.5|alt=photograph|FGM awareness session run by the [[African Union Mission to Somalia]] at the Walalah Biylooley refugee camp, [[Mogadishu]], 2014]] |
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FGM harms women's physical and emotional health throughout their lives.{{sfn|Berg|Underland|Odgaard-Jensen|Fretheim|2014}}{{sfn|Reisel|Creighton|2015|loc=49}} It has no known health benefits.<ref name=WHO2018health/> The short-term and late [[complication (medicine)|complications]] depend on the type of FGM, whether the practitioner has had medical training, and whether they used antibiotics and sterilized or single-use surgical instruments. In the case of Type III, other factors include how small a hole was left for the passage of urine and menstrual blood, whether surgical thread was used instead of agave or acacia thorns, and whether the procedure was performed more than once (for example, to close an opening regarded as too wide or re-open one too small).{{sfn|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}} |
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Common short-term complications include swelling, excessive bleeding, pain, [[Urinary retention|urine retention]], and healing problems/[[wound infection]]. A 2014 systematic review of 56 studies suggested that over one in ten girls and women undergoing any form of FGM, including symbolic nicking of the clitoris (Type IV), experience immediate complications, although the risks increased with Type III. The review also suggested that there was under-reporting.{{efn|Berg and Underland (Norwegian Knowledge Centre for the Health Services, 2014): "There was evidence of under-reporting of complications. However, the findings show that the FGM/C procedure unequivocally causes immediate, and typically several, health complications during the FGM/C procedure and the short-term period. Each of the most common complications occurred in more than one of every ten girls and women who undergo FGM/C. The participants in these studies had FGM/C types I through IV, thus immediate complications such as bleeding and swelling occur in setting with all forms of FGM/C. Even FGM/C type I and type IV 'nick', the forms of FGM/C with least anatomical extent, presented immediate complications. The results document that multiple immediate and quite serious complications can result from FGM/C. These results should be viewed in light of long-term complications, such as obstetric and gynecological problems, and protection of human rights."{{sfn|Berg|Underland|2014|loc=2}}}} Other short-term complications include fatal bleeding, [[anaemia]], [[urinary infection]], [[septicaemia]], [[tetanus]], [[gangrene]], [[necrotizing fasciitis]] (flesh-eating disease), and [[endometritis]].<ref>{{harvnb|Reisel|Creighton|2015|loc=49}}; {{harvnb|Iavazzo|Sardi|Gkegkes|2013}}; {{harvnb|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}}.</ref> It is not known how many girls and women die as a result of the practice, because complications may not be recognized or reported. The practitioners' use of shared instruments is thought to aid the transmission of [[hepatitis B]], [[hepatitis C]] and [[HIV]], although no epidemiological studies have shown this.{{sfn|Reisel|Creighton|2015|loc=50}} |
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Immediate complications include fatal [[bleeding]], acute [[urinary retention]], [[urinary infection]], [[wound infection]], [[septicemia]], [[tetanus]] and transmission of [[hepatitis]] or [[HIV]] if instruments are non-sterile or reused.<ref name=Abdulcadira/> It is not known how many girls and women die from the procedure; few records are kept, complications may not be recognized, and fatalities are rarely reported.<ref>[http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_eng.pdf UNICEF 2005], p. 16.</ref> |
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===Long term=== |
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Late complications vary depending on the type of FGM performed.<ref name=Abdulcadira/> The formation of scars and [[keloid]]s can lead to strictures, obstruction or fistula formation of the urinary and genital tracts. Urinary tract sequelae include damage to urethra and bladder with infections and [[Fecal incontinence|incontinence]]. Genital tract sequelae include vaginal and pelvic infections, [[dysmenorrhea|painful periods]], [[dyspareunia|pain during sexual intercourse]] and [[infertility]]. |
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Late complications vary depending on the type of FGM.{{sfn|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}} They include the formation of scars and [[keloid]]s that lead to [[Stenosis|strictures]] and obstruction, [[epidermoid cyst]]s that may become infected, and [[neuroma]] formation (growth of nerve tissue) involving nerves that supplied the clitoris.{{sfn|Kelly|Hillard|2005|loc=491–492}}{{sfn|Dave|Sethi|Morrone|2011}} An infibulated girl may be left with an opening as small as 2–3 mm, which can cause prolonged, drop-by-drop [[urination]], [[dysuria|pain while urinating]], and a feeling of needing to urinate all the time. Urine may collect underneath the scar, leaving the area under the skin constantly wet, which can lead to infection and the formation of small stones. The opening is larger in women who are sexually active or have given birth by vaginal delivery, but the [[urethra]] opening may still be obstructed by scar tissue. [[Vesicovaginal fistula|Vesicovaginal]] or [[rectovaginal fistula]]e can develop (holes that allow urine or faeces to seep into the vagina).{{sfn|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}}{{sfn|Rushwan|2013|loc=132}} This and other damage to the urethra and bladder can lead to infections and incontinence, [[dyspareunia|pain during sexual intercourse]] and [[infertility]].{{sfn|Kelly|Hillard|2005|loc=491–492}} |
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<ref name=Kelly2005pp491-2>[http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16141763 Kelly and Hillard 2005], pp. 491–492.</ref> Complete obstruction of the vagina results in [[hematocolpos]] and [[hematometra]].<ref name=Abdulcadira/> Other complications include [[epidermoid cyst]]s that may become infected, neuroma formation, typically involving nerves that supplied the clitoris, and pelvic pain.<ref name=Dave>Dave, Amish J.; Sethi, Aisha; and Morrone, Aldo. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/21095534 "Female Genital Mutilation: What Every American Dermatologist Needs to Know"], ''Dermatologic Clinics'', 29(1), January 2011, pp. 103–109 (review).</ref> |
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[[Dysmenorrhea|Painful periods]] are common because of the obstruction to the [[Menstruation|menstrual flow]], and blood can stagnate in the vagina and uterus. Complete obstruction of the vagina can result in [[hematocolpos]] and [[hematometra]] (where the vagina and uterus fill with menstrual blood).{{sfn|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}} The swelling of the abdomen and lack of menstruation can resemble pregnancy.{{sfn|Rushwan|2013|loc=132}} [[Asma El Dareer]], a Sudanese physician, reported in 1979 that a girl in Sudan with this condition was killed by her family.{{sfn|El Dareer|1982|loc=37}} |
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FGM may complicate pregnancy and place women at higher risk for obstetrical problems, which are more common with the more extensive FGM procedures.<ref name=Abdulcadira/> Thus, in women with Type III who have developed [[Vesicovaginal fistula|vesicovaginal]] or [[rectovaginal fistula]]e – holes that allow urine and faeces to seep into the vagina – it is difficult to obtain clear urine samples as part of prenatal care, making the diagnosis of conditions such as [[preeclampsia]] harder.<ref name=Kelly2005pp491-2/> Cervical evaluation during labour may be impeded and labour prolonged. Third-degree laceration, anal sphincter damage and emergency caesarean section are more common in women who have experienced FGM.<ref name=Abdulcadira/> [[Neonatal mortality]] is also increased. The WHO estimated that an additional 10–20 babies die per 1,000 deliveries as a result of FGM; the estimate was based on a 2006 study conducted on 28,393 women attending delivery wards at 28 obstetric centers in Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal and Sudan. In those settings all types of FGM were found to pose an increased risk of death to the baby: 15 percent higher for Type I, 32 percent for Type II and 55 percent for Type III.<ref name=Banks2006>Banks, E. et al. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16753486 "Female genital mutilation and obstetric outcome: WHO collaborative prospective study in six African countries"], ''The Lancet'', 367(9525), 3 June 2006, pp. 1835–1841. |
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*For the WHO press release about the study, see [http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/releases/2006/pr30/en/index.html "New study shows female genital mutilation exposes women and babies to significant risk at childbirth"], World Health Organization, 2 June 2006.</ref> |
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===Pregnancy, childbirth=== |
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Psychological complications include depression and [[post-traumatic stress disorder]].<ref>[http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16141763 Kelly and Hillard 2005], p. 491.</ref> In addition, feelings of shame and betrayal can develop when the women move outside their traditional circles and learn that their condition is not the norm.<ref name=Abdulcadira/> They are more likely to report painful sexual intercourse and reduced sexual feelings,<ref name=Berg2013/> but FGM does not necessarily destroy sexual desire in women. According to several studies in the 1980s and 1990s, women said they were able to enjoy sex, though the risk of sexual dysfunction was higher with Type III.<ref>Boyle, Elizabeth Heger. ''Female Genital Cutting: Cultural Conflict in the Global Community'', Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002 (hereafter Boyle 2002), pp. 34–35.</ref> |
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[[File:Teaching_communities_about_FGM-C_(12345176104).jpg|thumb|Materials used to teach communities in [[Burkina Faso]] about FGM]] |
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FGM may place women at higher risk of problems during pregnancy and childbirth, which are more common with the more extensive FGM procedures.{{sfn|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}} Infibulated women may try to make childbirth easier by eating less during pregnancy to reduce the baby's size.<ref name=RashidRashid2007/>{{rp|99}} In women with vesicovaginal or rectovaginal fistulae, it is difficult to obtain clear urine samples as part of prenatal care, making the diagnosis of conditions such as [[pre-eclampsia]] harder.{{sfn|Kelly|Hillard|2005|loc=491–492}} Cervical evaluation during labour may be impeded and labour prolonged or obstructed. Third-degree [[laceration]] (tears), [[Human anus|anal-sphincter]] damage and emergency [[caesarean section]] are more common in infibulated women.{{sfn|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}}<ref name=RashidRashid2007>{{harvnb|Rashid|Rashid|2007|loc=97}}.</ref> |
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[[Perinatal mortality#Neonatal mortality|Neonatal mortality]] is increased. The WHO estimated in 2006 that an additional 10–20 babies die per 1,000 deliveries as a result of FGM. The estimate was based on a study conducted on 28,393 women attending delivery wards at 28 obstetric centres in Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, and Sudan. In those settings all types of FGM were found to pose an increased risk of death to the baby: 15 percent higher for Type I, 32 percent for Type II, and 55 percent for Type III. The reasons for this were unclear, but may be connected to genital and [[urinary tract infection]]s and the presence of scar tissue. According to the study, FGM was associated with an increased risk to the mother of damage to the [[perineum]] and [[postpartum bleeding|excessive blood loss]], as well as a need to [[Cardiopulmonary resuscitation|resuscitate]] the baby, and [[stillbirth]], perhaps because of a long [[Childbirth#Second stage: fetal expulsion|second stage of labour]].{{sfn|Banks|Meirik|Farley|Akande|2006}}<ref>[http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/releases/2006/pr30/en/index.html "New study shows female genital mutilation exposes women and babies to significant risk at childbirth"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190502223749/https://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/publications/fgm/fgm-obstetric-study-en.pdf?ua=1 |date=2 May 2019 }}, World Health Organization, 2 June 2006.</ref> |
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==Prevalence== |
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{{further|Prevalence of female genital mutilation by country}} |
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[[File:FGM in Africa.svg|thumb|alt=map|220px|Prevalence of FGM in Africa. For more detailed maps, see [http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/images/PrevalenceMap.jpg Mackie] and [http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 26.]] |
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===Psychological effects, sexual function=== |
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Information about the prevalence of FGM has been collected since 1989 in a series of [[Demographic and Health Survey]]s and [[Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey]]s funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). In 2013 UNICEF published a report based on 70 of these surveys, indicating that FGM is concentrated in 27 African countries, as well as in Yemen and Iraqi Kurdistan, and that 125 million women and girls in those countries have been affected.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], pp. 3–5, 22 (see, in particular, the table on p. 5 for information about how recent the data is). |
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According to a 2015 [[systematic review]] there is little high-quality information available on the psychological effects of FGM. Several small studies have concluded that women with FGM develop anxiety, depression, and [[post-traumatic stress disorder]].{{sfn|Reisel|Creighton|2015|loc=50}} Feelings of shame and betrayal can develop when women leave the culture that practices FGM and learn that their condition is not the norm, but within the practicing culture, they may view their FGM with pride because for them it signifies beauty, respect for tradition, chastity and hygiene.{{sfn|Abdulcadir|Margairaz|Boulvain|Irion|2011}} Studies on sexual function have also been small.{{sfn|Reisel|Creighton|2015|loc=50}} A 2013 [[meta-analysis]] of 15 studies involving 12,671 women from seven countries concluded that women with FGM were twice as likely to report no sexual desire and 52 percent more likely to report [[dyspareunia]] (painful sexual intercourse). One-third reported reduced sexual feelings.<ref>{{harvnb|Berg|Denison|2013}}; {{harvnb|Reisel|Creighton|2015|loc=51}}; {{harvnb|Sibiani|Rouzi|2008}}</ref> |
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*For Iraqi Kurdistan, also see Yasin, Berivan A. et al. [http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2458/13/809/abstract# "Female genital mutilation among Iraqi Kurdish women: a cross-sectional study from Erbil city"], ''BMC Public Health'', 13, September 2013. |
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*For more information on UNICEF's data collection, see [http://www.unicef.org/statistics/index_24302.html "Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS)"], UNICEF, 25 May 2012.</ref> |
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== Distribution == |
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The practice is mostly found in what political scientist [[Gerry Mackie]] describes as an "intriguingly contiguous zone" in Africa, from Senegal in the west to Somalia in the east, and from Egypt in the north to Tanzania in the south, intersecting in Sudan.<ref>[http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/UNICEF.pdf Mackie and LeJeune 2008], p. 5.</ref> According to UNICEF, the top rates are in Somalia (with 98 percent of women affected), Guinea (96 percent), Djibouti (93 percent), Egypt (91 percent), Eritrea (89 percent), Mali (89 percent), Sierra Leone (88 percent), Sudan (88 percent), Gambia (76 percent), Burkina Faso (76 percent), Ethiopia (74 percent), Mauritania (69 percent), Liberia (66 percent), and Guinea-Bissau (50 percent).<ref name=where>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 2. The countries where it is concentrated and the percentage of women affected: |
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According to the [[UNICEF]], international FGM rates have risen significantly in recent years, rising from an estimated 200 million in 2016 to 230 million in 2024, with progress towards its abandonment stalling or reversing in many effected countries.<ref name=":0" /> |
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*Somalia (98 percent), Guinea (96 percent), Djibouti (93 percent), Egypt (91 percent), Eritrea (89 percent), Mali (89 percent), Sierra Leone (88 percent), Sudan (88 percent), Gambia (76 percent), Burkina Faso (76 percent), Ethiopia (74 percent), Mauritania (69 percent), Liberia (66 percent), Guinea-Bissau (50 percent), Chad (44 percent), Côte d'Ivoire (38 percent), Kenya (27 percent), Nigeria (27 percent), Senegal (26 percent), Central African Republic (24 percent), Yemen (23 percent), United Republic of Tanzania (15 percent), Benin (13 percent), Iraq (8 percent), Ghana (4 percent), Togo (4 percent), Niger (2 percent), Cameroon (1 percent), and Uganda (1 percent). |
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*Because FGM is practised by different ethnic groups within these countries, a country's overall rate can be affected by a high or low rate within any of these groups. See Gruenbaum 2001, p. 8; [http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 28. |
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*That it is practised as a cultural ritual, see, for example, Julie Cwikel, ''Social Epidemiology: Strategies for Public Health Activism'', Columbia University Press, 2006, p. 423.</ref> |
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===Household surveys=== |
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Around one in five cases is in Egypt.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 22.</ref> Forty-five million women over the age of 15 who had experienced FGM were living in Egypt, Ethiopia and northern Sudan as of 2008, and nine million were in Nigeria.<ref>Yoder and Khan (USAID) 2008, p. 7. |
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[[File:2020 Global Response report FGM world map.svg|thumb|400px|Map showing the % of women and girls aged 15–49 years (unless otherwise stated) who have undergone FGM/C according to the March 2020 Global Response report.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.endfgm.eu/editor/files/2020/04/FGM_Global_-_ONLINE_PDF_VERSION_-_07.pdf |title=Female genital mutilation/cutting: a call for a global response |publisher=End FGM European Network, U.S. End FGM/C Network and Equality Now |date=March 2020 |accessdate=6 May 2020}}</ref> Grey countries' data are not covered.]] |
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*For Nigeria, also see Okeke, T.C.; Anyaehie, U.S.B.; and Ezenyeaku, C.C.K. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3507121/ "An Overview of Female Genital Mutilation in Nigeria"], ''Annals of Medical Health Sciences Research'', 2(1), Jan–June 2012, pp. 70–73. Okeke writes that FGM is practised in Nigeria by the [[Yoruba people|Yoruba]], [[Hausa people|Hausa]], [[Igbo people|Igbo]], [[Ijaw people|Ijaw]] and [[Kanuri people|Kanuri]] ethnic groups, but not by the [[Fula people|Fulani]].</ref> Most of the women experience Types I and II. Type III is predominant in Djibouti, Somalia and Sudan, and in areas of Eritrea and Ethiopia near those countries. USAID estimated in 2008 that around eight million women in Africa over the age of 15 were living with Type III.<ref>[http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/WP39/WP39.pdf Yoder and Khan (USAID) 2008], pp. 13–14; that the areas of Eritrea and Ethiopia that practise FGM are those closest to Djibouti, Somalia and Sudan, see Gruenbaum 2001, p. 9.</ref> |
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Aid agencies define the prevalence of FGM as the percentage of the 15–49 age group that has experienced it.{{sfn|Yoder|Wang|Johansen|2013|loc=193}} These figures are based on nationally representative household surveys known as [[Demographic and Health Surveys]] (DHS), developed by [[ICF International|Macro International]] and funded mainly by the [[United States Agency for International Development]] (USAID); and [[Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys]] (MICS) conducted with financial and technical help from UNICEF.{{sfn|Yoder|Wang|Johansen|2013|loc=190}} These surveys have been carried out in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere roughly every five years since 1984 and 1995 respectively.<ref name=DHS>[http://www.dhsprogram.com/What-We-Do/Survey-Types/DHS.cfm "DHS overview"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141016202457/http://www.dhsprogram.com/What-We-Do/Survey-Types/DHS.cfm |date=16 October 2014 }}, Demographic and Health Surveys; [http://www.childinfo.org/mics5_questionnaire.html "Questionnaires and Indicator List"], Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys, UNICEF.</ref> The first to ask about FGM was the 1989–1990 DHS in northern Sudan. The first publication to estimate FGM prevalence based on DHS data (in seven countries) was written by Dara Carr of Macro International in 1997.{{sfn|Yoder|Wang|Johansen|2013}} |
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===Type of FGM=== |
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Outside Africa FGM occurs in Yemen (23 percent prevalence), among the [[Kurdish people|Kurds]] in Iraq (giving the country an overall prevalence rate of eight percent), Indonesia and Malaysia.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 27. |
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Questions the women are asked during the surveys include: "Was the genital area just nicked/cut without removing any flesh? Was any flesh (or something) removed from the genital area? Was your genital area sewn?"<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 134–135.</ref> Most women report "cut, some flesh removed" (Types I and II).<ref name=Yoder2013p189TypeI>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 47, table 5.2; {{harvnb|Yoder|Wang|Johansen|2013|loc=189}}.</ref> |
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*In Iraq the practice is concentrated in [[Erbil]], [[Sulaymaniyah]] and [[Kirkuk]] in Iraqi Kurdistan.</ref> It has been documented in India, among the [[Negev Bedouin|Bedouin]] in Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and by anecdote in Colombia, Oman, Peru and Sri Lanka.<ref>[http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241596442_eng.pdf WHO 2008], pp. 29–30. |
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*For more about the Bedouin, see Zukerman, Wendy. [http://www.newscientist.com/article/dn20808-female-genital-mutilation-becomes-less-common-in-egypt.html#.UkdcoFMingo "Female genital mutilation becomes less common in Egypt"], ''New Scientist'', 18 August 2011.</ref> There are indications that it is performed in Jordan and Saudi Arabia, although no nationally representative information is available for those countries.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 23.</ref> There are also immigrant communities that practise it in Australia and New Zealand, Europe, Scandinavia, the United States and Canada.<ref name=Abdulcadira/> |
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Type I is the most common form in Egypt,{{sfn|Rasheed|Abd-Ellah|Yousef|2011}} and in the southern parts of Nigeria.{{sfn|Okeke|Anyaehie|Ezenyeaku|2012|loc=70–73}} Type III (infibulation) is concentrated in northeastern Africa, particularly Djibouti, Eritrea, Somalia, and Sudan.{{sfn|Yoder|Khan|2008|loc=13–14}} In surveys in 2002–2006, 30 percent of cut girls in Djibouti, 38 percent in Eritrea, and 63 percent in Somalia had experienced Type III.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 47. For the years and country profiles: [[#UNICEFDjibouti|Djibouti]], UNICEF, December 2013; [[#UNICEFEritrea|Eritrea]], UNICEF, July 2013; [[#UNICEFSomalia|Somalia]], UNICEF, December 2013.</ref> There is also a high prevalence of infibulation among girls in Niger and Senegal,<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 114.</ref> and in 2013 it was estimated that in Nigeria three percent of the 0–14 age group had been infibulated.<ref>[[#UNICEFNigeria|Nigeria]], UNICEF, July 2014.</ref> The type of procedure is often linked to ethnicity. In Eritrea, for example, a survey in 2002 found that all [[Hedareb people|Hedareb]] girls had been infibulated, compared with two percent of the [[Tigrinya people|Tigrinya]], most of whom fell into the "cut, no flesh removed" category.<ref name=UNICEF2013p48/> |
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In 2013 UNICEF reported a downward trend in some countries. In Kenya and Tanzania women aged 45–49 years were three times more likely to have been cut than girls aged 15–19, and the rate among adolescents in Benin, Central African Republic, Iraq, Liberia and Nigeria had dropped by almost half.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 99. |
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*[http://www.unicef.org/media/media_69883.html "Overwhelming opposition to female genital mutilation/cutting, yet millions of girls still at risk"], UNICEF press release, 22 July 2013.</ref> In 2005 the organization reported that the median age at which FGM was performed had fallen in Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, Kenya and Mali. Possible explanations include that, in countries clamping down on the practice, it is easier to cut a younger child without being discovered, and that the younger the girls are, the less they can resist.<ref name=UNICEF2005p7>[http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_eng.pdf UNICEF 2005], p. 7.</ref> An increase in immigration from countries which practice FGM has led to the introduction of FGM to European and North American societies.<ref name=Leye2006>{{cite journal|last=Leye|first=Els|coauthors=Richard Powell, Gerda Nienhuis, Patricia Claeys, and Marleen Temmerman|title=Health Care in Europe for Women with Genital Mutilation.|journal=Health Care for Women International|year=2006|issue=27.4|pages=362–378}}</ref> The number of women who have undergone FGM and migrated is difficult to estimate and includes traditional immigrants, refugees, asylum seekers, and illegal immigrant.<ref name=Leye2006 /> |
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== |
===Prevalence=== |
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{{Further|Prevalence of female genital mutilation}} |
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{{multiple image |
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| align = right |
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| direction = vertical |
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| width = 200 |
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| header = Downward trend |
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| image1 = FGM prevalence 15–49 (2016).jpg |
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| alt1 = graph |
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| caption1 = Percentage of 15–49 group who have undergone FGM in 29 countries for which figures were available in 2016<ref name=UNICEF2016/> |
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| image2 = FGM prevalence 0–14 (2016).jpg |
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| alt2 = graph |
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| caption2 = Percentage of 0–14 group who have undergone FGM in 21 countries for which figures were available in 2016<ref name=UNICEF2016/> |
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}} |
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FGM is mostly found in what [[Gerry Mackie]] called an "intriguingly contiguous" zone in Africa—east to west from Somalia to Senegal, and north to south from Egypt to Tanzania.<ref>[[#MackieLeJeune2008|Mackie and LeJeune (UNICEF) 2008]], 5.</ref> Nationally representative figures are available for 27 countries in Africa, as well as Indonesia, Iraqi Kurdistan and Yemen. Over 200 million women and girls are thought to be living with FGM in those 30 countries.<ref name=UNICEF2023/><ref name=UNICEF2016/><ref name=UNICEFIndonesia2016>[[#UNICEFIndonesia2016|UNICEF Indonesia]], February 2016.</ref> |
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The highest concentrations among the 15–49 age group are in Somalia (98 percent), Guinea (97 percent), Djibouti (93 percent), Egypt (91 percent), and Sierra Leone (90 percent).<ref name=UNICEF2014pp89-90>[[#UNICEF2014|UNICEF 2014]], 89–90.</ref> As of 2013, 27.2 million women had undergone FGM in Egypt, 23.8 million in Ethiopia, and 19.9 million in Nigeria.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 2.</ref> There is a high concentration in Indonesia, where according to UNICEF Type I (clitoridectomy) and Type IV (symbolic nicking) are practised; the [[Ministry of Health (Indonesia)|Indonesian Ministry of Health]] and [[Indonesian Ulema Council]] both say the clitoris should not be cut. The prevalence rate for the 0–11 group in Indonesia is 49 percent (13.4 million).<ref name=UNICEFIndonesia2016/>{{rp|2}} Smaller studies or anecdotal reports suggest that various types of FGM are also practised in various circumstances in [[Colombia]], [[Jordan]], [[Oman]], [[State of Palestine|Palestine]],<ref name="auto1">{{Cite web|url=https://www.hrw.org/news/2010/06/16/qa-female-genital-mutilation#:~:text=FGM%20is%20also%20believed%20to,by%20Falasha%20Jews%20in%20Ethiopia.|title=Q&A on what Female Genital Mutilation is|date=16 June 2010 |access-date=15 August 2024}}</ref> [[Saudi Arabia]],<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Milaat |first1=Waleed Abdullah |last2=Ibrahim |first2=Nahla Khamis |last3=Albar |first3=Hussain Mohammed |date=2018-03-01 |title=Reproductive health profile and circumcision of females in the Hali semi-urban region, Saudi Arabia: A community-based cross-sectional survey |journal=Annals of Saudi Medicine |language=en |volume=38 |issue=2 |pages=81–89 |doi=10.5144/0256-4947.2018.81 |issn=0256-4947 |pmc=6074365 |pmid=29620540}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Rouzi |first1=Abdulrahim A |last2=Berg |first2=Rigmor C |last3=Alamoudi |first3=Rana |last4=Alzaban |first4=Faten |last5=Sehlo |first5=Mohammad |date=2019-06-01 |title=Survey on female genital mutilation/cutting in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia |journal=BMJ Open |volume=9 |issue=5 |pages=e024684 |doi=10.1136/bmjopen-2018-024684 |issn=2044-6055 |pmc=6549616 |pmid=31154295}}</ref> [[Malaysia]],<ref name="UNICEF 2013, 23">[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 23.</ref> the [[United Arab Emirates]],<ref name=UNICEF2016/> India,<ref>{{cite web|title='I was crying with unbearable pain': study reveals extent of FGM in India |url=https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2018/mar/06/study-reveals-fgm-india-female-genital-mutilation |last=Cantera |first=Angel L Martínez |date=6 March 2018 |work=The Guardian |access-date=9 November 2018}}</ref> and among [[Kurds|Kurdish]] communities in [[Iran]]<ref name="auto1"/> but there are no representative data on the prevalence in these countries.<ref name=UNICEF2016/> {{As of|2023}}, UNICEF reported that "The highest levels of support for FGM can be found in Mali, Sierra Leone, Guinea, the Gambia, Somalia, and Egypt, where more than half of the female population thinks the practice should continue".<ref name=UNICEF2023/> |
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===Overview=== |
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[[File:Dogon Circumsion Cave Painting (brightened).jpg|thumb|250px|alt=photograph|A [[Dogon people|Dogon]] circumcision cave painting in Mali. The Dogon believe that [[clitoridectomy]] and [[male circumcision]] establish [[gender]].<ref>[[Kathy Dettwyler|Dettwyler, Katherine A]]. ''Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death in West Africa'', Waveland Press, 1994, p. 27.</ref>]] |
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Practitioners see the circumcision rituals as joyful occasions that reinforce community values and ethnic boundaries, and the procedure as an essential element in raising a girl.<ref>Abusharaf, Rogaia Mustafa. "Introduction: The Custom in Question," in Rogaia Mustafa Abusharaf (ed.), ''Female Circumcision: Multicultural Perspectives'', University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007, p. 8. |
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*[http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs241/en/index.html WHO 2013]: "FGM is often considered a necessary part of raising a girl properly, and a way to prepare her for adulthood and marriage."</ref> Mackie compares FGM to [[footbinding]], which was outlawed in China in 1911; he writes that, like FGM, footbinding was an ethnic marker carried out on young girls, was nearly universal where practised, controlled sexual access to women, was tied to ideas about honour, appropriate marriage, health, fertility and aesthetics, was supposed to enhance male sexual pleasure, and was supported by the women themselves.<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], pp. 999–1000 (also [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]). |
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*Also see Mackie 2000; also [http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/BeginningOfEndMackie2000.pdf here]). See p. 256 for footbinding having been outlawed in 1911.</ref> |
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Prevalence figures for the 15–19 age group and younger show a downward trend.{{efn|UNICEF 2013: "The percentage of girls and women of reproductive age (15 to 49) who have experienced any form of FGM/C is the first indicator used to show how widespread the practice is in a particular country ... A second indicator of national prevalence measures the extent of cutting among daughters aged 0 to 14, as reported by their mothers. Prevalence data for girls reflect their current – not final – FGM/C status, since many of them may not have reached the customary age for cutting at the time of the survey. They are reported as being uncut but are still at risk of undergoing the procedure. Statistics for girls under age 15 therefore need to be interpreted with a high degree of caution ..."<ref name="UNICEF 2013, 23"/> |
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Among the reasons practitioners cite as benefits of FGM, according to UNICEF in 2013, are hygiene, social acceptance, marriageability, preservation of virginity/reduction of female sexual desire, male sexual pleasure, and religious requirement.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], pp. 63, 65–68; also see footnote on p. 67. |
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{{pb}} An additional complication in judging prevalence among girls is that, in countries running campaigns against FGM, women might not report that their daughters have been cut.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 25, 100; {{harvnb|Yoder|Wang|Johansen|2013|loc=196}}.</ref>}} For example, Burkina Faso fell from 89 percent (1980) to 58 percent (2010); Egypt from 97 percent (1985) to 70 percent (2015); and Kenya from 41 percent (1984) to 11 percent (2014).<ref>[[#UNICEF2016|UNICEF 2016]], 1.</ref> Beginning in 2010, household surveys asked women about the FGM status of all their living daughters.<ref>{{harvnb|Yoder|Wang|Johansen|2013|loc=194}}; [[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 25.</ref> The highest concentrations among girls aged 0–14 were in Gambia (56 percent), Mauritania (54 percent), Indonesia (49 percent for 0–11) and Guinea (46 percent).<ref name=UNICEF2016/> The figures suggest that a girl was one third less likely in 2014 to undergo FGM than she was 30 years ago.<ref>[[#UNICEF2014|UNICEF 2014]], 2.</ref> According to a 2018 study published in ''BMJ Global Health'', the prevalence within the 0–14 year old group fell in East Africa from 71.4 percent in 1995 to 8 percent in 2016; in North Africa from 57.7 percent in 1990 to 14.1 percent in 2015; and in West Africa from 73.6 percent in 1996 to 25.4 percent in 2017.<ref>{{harvnb|Kandala|Ezejimofor|Uthman|Komba|2018}}; {{cite news |last1=Ratcliffe |first1=Rebecca |title=FGM rates in east Africa drop from 71% to 8% in 20 years, study shows |url=https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2018/nov/07/fgm-rates-in-east-africa-drop-20-years-study-shows |work=The Guardian |date=7 November 2018 |access-date=7 November 2018 |archive-date=15 August 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200815062044/https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2018/nov/07/fgm-rates-in-east-africa-drop-20-years-study-shows |url-status=live }}</ref> If the current rate of decline continues, the number of girls cut will nevertheless continue to rise because of population growth, according to UNICEF in 2014; they estimate that the figure will increase from 3.6 million a year in 2013 to 4.1 million in 2050.{{efn|UNICEF 2014: "If there is no reduction in the practice between now and 2050, the number of girls cut each year will grow from 3.6 million in 2013 to 6.6 million in 2050. But if the rate of progress achieved over the last 30 years is maintained, the number of girls affected annually will go from 3.6 million today to 4.1 million in 2050.{{pb}}"In either scenario, the total number of girls and women cut will continue to increase due to population growth. If nothing is done, the number of girls and women affected will grow from 133 million today to 325 million in 2050. However, if the progress made so far is sustained, the number will grow from 133 million to 196 million in 2050, and almost 130 million girls will be spared this grave assault to their human rights."<ref>[[#UNICEF2014|UNICEF 2014]], 3.</ref>}} |
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*[http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/UNICEF.pdf Mackie and LeJeune 2008], pp. 9–11.</ref> Infibulation is said by several sources to enhance male sexual pleasure; Gruenbaum reports that men seem to enjoy the effort of penetrating their wife's infibulation.<ref>Boddy 1989, p. 52; Gruenbaum 2001, p. 140.</ref> |
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===Rural areas, wealth, education=== |
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Most often cited is the promotion of female virginity and fidelity.<ref>James 2008, p. 261: "The most frequently mentioned rationale is the need to control women, especially their sexuality." |
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Surveys have found FGM to be more common in rural areas, less common in most countries among girls from the wealthiest homes, and (except in Sudan and Somalia) less common in girls whose mothers had access to primary or secondary/higher education. In Somalia and Sudan the situation was reversed: in Somalia, the mothers' access to secondary/higher education was accompanied by a rise in prevalence of FGM in their daughters, and in Sudan, access to any education was accompanied by a rise.<ref>For rural areas, [[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 28; for wealth, 40; for education, 41.</ref> |
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*Rahman and Toubia 2000, pp. 5–6: "A fundamental reason advanced for female circumcision is the need to control women's sexuality ... FC/FGM is intended to reduce women's sexual desire, thus promoting women's virginity and protecting marital fidelity, in the interest of male sexuality."</ref> Infibulation almost guarantees monogamy because of the pain associated with sex and the difficulty of opening an infibulation without being discovered.<ref>[http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs241/en/index.html WHO 2013]: "When a vaginal opening is covered or narrowed (type 3 above), the fear of the pain of opening it, and the fear that this will be found out, is expected to further discourage 'illicit' sexual intercourse among women with this type of FGM." |
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*A woman whose husband travels may be reinfibulated for the period of his absence; see Mackie 1996], p. 1004 (also [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]).</ref> According to philosopher [[Martha Nussbaum]], uncircumcised women are seen as highly sexualized, in that the practice presupposes women to be "whorish and childish."<ref>Nussbaum 1999, p. 125.</ref> The primary sexual concerns vary between communities. [[Anika Rahman|Rahman]] and Toubia write that the focus in Egypt, Sudan and Somalia is on curbing premarital sex, whereas in Kenya and Uganda the purpose is to reduce a woman's sexual desire so that her husband can more easily take several wives. In both cases, they argue, the aim is to serve the interests of male sexuality.<ref>Rahman and Toubia 2000, pp. 5–6.</ref> |
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===Age, ethnicity=== |
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Female genitals are regarded within communities that practise FGM as dirty and ugly; physicians Miriam Martinelli and [[:es:Jaume Enric Ollé|Jaume Enric Ollé-Goig]] write that the preference is for women's genitalia to be "flat, rigid and dry."<ref name=Martinelli>Martinelli, M. and Ollé-Goig, J.E. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3598278/ "Female genital mutilation in Djibouti"], ''African Health Sciences'', 12(4), December 2012.</ref> The [[Animism|animist]] [[Dogon people]] of Mali believe that the clitoris confers masculinity on a girl and the foreskin of a boy makes him feminine, and perform FGM to differentiate more clearly between the genders.<ref>Dettwyler 1994, p. 27.</ref> There are also various myths about the clitoris: that it will keep on growing, will harm a baby if it comes into contact with the baby's head, and can make men impotent. A more practical reason for FGM's continuance is that the circumcisers rely to some extent on the practice for their living.<ref>Windle, Sarah et al. "Harmful Traditional Practices and Women's Health: Female Genital Mutilation" in John Erihi (ed.), ''Maternal and Child Health: Global Challenges, Programs, and Policies'', Springer 2009, p. 180. |
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FGM is not invariably a [[rite of passage]] between childhood and adulthood but is often performed on much younger children.{{sfn|Mackie|2000|loc=275}} Girls are most commonly cut shortly after birth to age 15. In half the countries for which national figures were available in 2000–2010, most girls had been cut by age five.<ref name=UNICEF2013p50>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 50.</ref> Over 80 percent (of those cut) are cut before the age of five in Nigeria, Mali, Eritrea, Ghana and Mauritania.<ref name=UNICEF2013pp47,183>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 47, 183.</ref> The 1997 Demographic and Health Survey in Yemen found that 76 percent of girls had been cut within two weeks of birth.<ref>[http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_eng.pdf UNICEF 2005] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180928122738/http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_eng.pdf |date=28 September 2018 }}, 6.</ref> The percentage is reversed in Somalia, Egypt, Chad, and the Central African Republic, where over 80 percent (of those cut) are cut between five and 14.<ref name=UNICEF2013pp47,183/> Just as the type of FGM is often linked to ethnicity, so is the mean age. In Kenya, for example, the [[Kisi people|Kisi]] cut around age 10 and the [[Kamba people|Kamba]] at 16.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 51.</ref> |
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*[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], p. 1005 (also [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]), but see [http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/BeginningOfEndMackie2000.pdf Mackie 2000], p. 272ff, argue against compensation for cutters. |
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*Van Zeller, Mariana. "Female Genital Cutting," [[Vanguard (TV series)|Vanguard]], Current TV, 31 January 2007, from 5:25 mins, discusses how anti-FGM groups are retraining the cutters in farming and other occupations.</ref> |
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A country's national prevalence often reflects a high sub-national prevalence among certain ethnicities, rather than a widespread practice.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 28–37.</ref> In Iraq, for example, FGM is found mostly among the [[Kurdish people|Kurds]] in [[Erbil]] (58 percent prevalence within age group 15–49, as of 2011), [[Sulaymaniyah]] (54 percent) and [[Kirkuk]] (20 percent), giving the country a national prevalence of eight percent.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150405083031/http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf |date=5 April 2015 }}. For eight percent in Iraq, 27, box 4.4, group 5; for the regions in Iraq, 31, map 4.6). Also see {{harvnb|Yasin|Al-Tawil|Shabila|Al-Hadithi|2013}}.</ref> The practice is sometimes an ethnic marker, but it may differ along national lines. For example, in the northeastern regions of Ethiopia and Kenya, which share a border with Somalia, the [[Somali people]] practise FGM at around the same rate as they do in Somalia.{{sfn|Yoder|Wang|Johansen|2013|loc=196, 198}} But in Guinea all [[Fula people|Fulani]] women responding to a survey in 2012 said they had experienced FGM,<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20141220043131/http://data.unicef.org/corecode/uploads/document6/uploaded_country_profiles/corecode/30/Countries/FGMC_GIN.pdf "Guinea"] (2012), UNICEF statistical profile, July 2014, 2/4.</ref> against 12 percent of the Fulani in Chad, while in Nigeria the Fulani are the only large ethnic group in the country not to practise it.<ref>Chad: [[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 35–36; Nigeria: {{harvnb|Okeke|Anyaehie|Ezenyeaku|2012|loc=70–73}}. FGM is practised in Nigeria by the Yoruba, Hausa, Ibo, Ijaw, and Kanuri people.</ref> In Sierra Leone, the predominantly Christian [[Sierra Leone Creole|Creole]] people are the only ethnicity not known to practice FGM or participate in [[Sande society|Bondo society]] rituals.<ref name="Bassir, Olumbe 1954">[Bassir, Olumbe (July 1954). "Marriage Rites among the Aku (Yoruba) of Freetown". Africa: Journal of the International African Institute. 24 (3): 251–256]</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.28toomany.org/enwiki/static/media/uploads/Country%20Images/PDF/sierra_leone_country_profile_v2_(october_2018).pdf|title=FMG in Sierra Leone|publisher=28TooMany, Registered Charity: No. 1150379|access-date=2021-12-22|archive-date=2021-12-22|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211222125403/https://www.28toomany.org/enwiki/static/media/uploads/Country%20Images/PDF/sierra_leone_country_profile_v2_(october_2018).pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.refworld.org/docid/4b20f02bc.html |title=Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Sierra Leone: The practice of female genital mutilation (FGM); the government's position with respect to the practice; consequences of refusing to become an FGM practitioner in Bondo Society, specifically, if a daughter of a practitioner refuses to succeed her mother, 27 March 2009, SLE103015.E|publisher=Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada}}</ref> |
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==Reasons== |
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===Support from women=== |
===Support from women=== |
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|title=1996 Pulitzer Prize for Feature Photography |
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In the rural Egyptian hamlet where we have conducted fieldwork some women were not familiar with groups that did not circumcise their girls. When they learned that the female researcher was not circumcised their response was disgust mixed with joking laughter. They wondered how she could have thus gotten married and questioned how her mother could have neglected such an important part of her preparation for womanhood. |
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|quote=[https://web.archive.org/web/20151007101527/http://www.pulitzer.org/works/1996-Feature-Photography Kenyan FGM ceremony]|qalign=center |
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|salign=right|source= — Sandra D. Lane and [[Robert A. Rubinstein]], 1996<ref>Lane, Sandra D. and Rubinstein, Robert A. [http://faculty.maxwell.syr.edu/rar/Papers/1996%20Judging%20the%20other--Responding.pdf "Judging the Other: Responding to Traditional Female Genital Surgeries"], ''Hastings Center Report'', 26(3), May–June 1996 (pp. 31–40), p. 35.</ref> |
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|source= — Stephanie Welsh, Newhouse News Service<ref>{{cite web |title=Stephanie Welsh. The 1996 Pulitzer Prize Winners: Feature Photography |url=http://www.pulitzer.org/works/1996-Feature-Photography |publisher=The Pulitzer Prizes|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151007101527/http://www.pulitzer.org/works/1996-Feature-Photography |archive-date=7 October 2015 |date=1996|url-status=live}}</ref>}} |
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Dahabo Musa, a Somali woman, described infibulation in a 1988 poem as the "three feminine sorrows": the procedure itself, the wedding night when the woman is cut open, then childbirth when she is cut again.{{sfn|Abdalla|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=8VQxt634pfcC&pg=PA187 187]}} Despite the evident suffering, it is women who organize all forms of FGM.{{sfn|El Guindi|2007|loc=35, 42, 46}}{{efn|[[Gerry Mackie]] (1996): "Virtually every ethnography and report states that FGM is defended and transmitted by the women."{{sfn|Mackie|1996|loc=1003}}{{pb}} |
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[[Fadwa El Guindi]] (2007): "Female circumcision belongs to the women's world, and ordinarily men know little about it or how it is performed—a fact that is widely confirmed in ethnographic studies."{{sfn|El Guindi|2007|loc=35}}{{pb}} |
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*Also see Izett and Toubia, [https://apps.who.int/dsa/cat98/fgmbook.htm "Female Genital Mutilation: An Overview"], World Health Organization, 1998.</ref> |
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Bettina Shell-Duncan (2008): "[T]he fact that the decision to perform FGC is often firmly in the control of women weakens the claim of gender discrimination."{{sfn|Shell-Duncan|2008|loc=228}}{{pb}} |
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Bettina Shell-Duncan (2015): "[W]hen you talk to people on the ground, you also hear people talking about the idea that it's women's business. As in, it's for women to decide this. If we look at the data across Africa, the support for the practice is stronger among women than among men."{{sfn|Khazan|2015}}}} Anthropologist [[Rose Oldfield Hayes]] wrote in 1975 that educated Sudanese men who did not want their daughters to be infibulated (preferring clitoridectomy) would find the girls had been sewn up after the grandmothers arranged a visit to relatives.{{sfn|Hayes|1975|loc=620, 624}} [[Gerry Mackie]] has compared the practice to [[footbinding]]. Like FGM, footbinding was carried out on young girls, nearly universal where practised, tied to ideas about honour, chastity, and appropriate marriage, and "supported and transmitted" by women.{{efn|[[Gerry Mackie]], 1996: "Footbinding and infibulation correspond as follows. Both customs are nearly universal where practised; they are persistent and are practised even by those who oppose them. Both control sexual access to females and ensure female chastity and fidelity. Both are necessary for proper marriage and family honor. Both are believed to be sanctioned by tradition. Both are said to be ethnic markers, and distinct ethnic minorities may lack the practices. Both seem to have a past of contagious diffusion. Both are exaggerated over time and both increase with status. Both are supported and transmitted by women, are performed on girls about six to eight years old, and are generally not initiation rites. Both are believed to promote health and fertility. Both are defined as aesthetically pleasing compared with the natural alternative. Both are said to properly exaggerate the complementarity of the sexes, and both are claimed to make intercourse more pleasurable for the male."{{sfn|Mackie|1996|loc=999–1000}}}} |
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[[File:Fuambai Sia Ahmadu (1).jpg|left|thumb|upright|alt=photograph|[[Fuambai Ahmadu]] chose to undergo clitoridectomy as an adult.<ref name=Ahmadu2000/>]] |
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FGM practitioners see the procedures as marking not only ethnic boundaries but also gender differences. According to this view, male circumcision defeminizes men while FGM demasculinizes women.<ref>{{harvnb|Abusharaf|2007|loc=8}}; {{harvnb|El Guindi|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=8VQxt634pfcC&pg=PA36 36–37]}}.</ref> [[Fuambai Ahmadu]], an anthropologist and member of the [[Kono people]] of [[Sierra Leone]], who in 1992 underwent clitoridectomy as an adult during a [[Sande society]] initiation, argued in 2000 that it is a male-centred assumption that the clitoris is important to female sexuality. African female symbolism revolves instead around the concept of the womb.<ref name="Ahmadu2000">{{harvnb|Ahmadu|2000|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=rhhRXiJIGEcC&pg=PA284 284–285]}}.</ref> Infibulation draws on that idea of enclosure and fertility. "[G]enital cutting completes the social definition of a child's sex by eliminating external traces of androgyny," [[Janice Boddy]] wrote in 2007. "The female body is then covered, closed, and its productive blood bound within; the male body is unveiled, opened, and exposed."<ref>{{harvnb|Boddy|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=T77ui7IPNwkC&pg=PA112 112]}}; also see {{harvnb|Boddy|1989|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=TK6NIp5uVwsC&pg=PA52 52–61]}}.</ref> |
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In communities where infibulation is common, there is a preference for women's genitals to be smooth, dry and without odour, and both women and men may find the natural vulva repulsive.{{sfn|Gruenbaum|2005|loc=435–436}} Some men seem to enjoy the effort of penetrating an infibulation.<ref>{{harvnb|Gruenbaum|2005|loc=437}}; {{harvnb|Gruenbaum|2001|loc=140}}.</ref> The local preference for [[dry sex]] causes women to introduce substances into the vagina to reduce lubrication, including leaves, tree bark, toothpaste and [[Vicks VapoRub|Vicks menthol rub]].{{sfn|Bagnol|Mariano|2011|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=xSqIrrswbG0C&pg=PA277 277–281]}} The WHO includes this practice within Type IV FGM, because the added friction during intercourse can cause lacerations and increase the risk of infection.<ref>[[#WHO2008|WHO 2008]], 27–28.</ref> Because of the smooth appearance of an infibulated vulva, there is also a belief that infibulation increases hygiene.{{sfn|Gruenbaum|2005|loc=437}} |
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Common reasons for FGM cited by women in surveys are social acceptance, religion, hygiene, preservation of virginity, marriageability and enhancement of male sexual pleasure.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 67.</ref> In a study in northern Sudan, published in 1983, only 17.4 percent of women opposed FGM (558 out of 3,210), and most preferred excision and infibulation over clitoridectomy.{{sfn|El Dareer|1983|loc=140}} Attitudes are changing slowly. In Sudan in 2010, 42 percent of women who had heard of FGM said the practice should continue.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 178.</ref> In several surveys since 2006, over 50 percent of women in Mali, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Somalia, the Gambia, and Egypt supported FGM's continuance, while elsewhere in Africa, Iraq, and Yemen most said it should end, although in several countries only by a narrow margin.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 52. Also see figure 6.1, 54, and figures 8.1A – 8.1D, 90–91.</ref> |
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===Social obligation, poor access to information=== |
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[[File:Keur Simbara, Senegal (8592417042), cropped.jpg|thumb|upright=1.2|alt=photograph|Keur Simbara, Senegal, abandoned FGM in 1998 after a three-year program by [[Tostan]].<ref>Gueye, Malick (4 February 2014). [http://www.tostan.org/blog/social-norm-change-theorists-meet-again-keur-simbara-senegal "Social Norm Change Theorists meet again in Keur Simbara, Senegal"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170311194456/http://www.tostan.org/blog/social-norm-change-theorists-meet-again-keur-simbara-senegal |date=11 March 2017 }}, Tostan.</ref>]] |
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Against the argument that women willingly choose FGM for their daughters, UNICEF calls the practice a "self-enforcing [[social convention]]" to which families feel they must conform to avoid uncut daughters facing social exclusion.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 15.</ref> [[Ellen Gruenbaum]] reported that, in Sudan in the 1970s, cut girls from an Arab ethnic group would mock uncut [[Zarma people|Zabarma]] girls with ''Ya, ghalfa!'' ("Hey, unclean!"). The Zabarma girls would respond ''Ya, mutmura!'' (A ''mutmura'' was a storage pit for grain that was continually opened and closed, like an infibulated woman.) But despite throwing the insult back, the Zabarma girls would ask their mothers, "What's the matter? Don't we have razor blades like the Arabs?"{{sfn|Gruenbaum|2005|loc=432–433}} |
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Mackie calls the support a "belief trap": "a belief that cannot be revised because the costs of testing [it] are too high." The cost of dissent in the case of FGM, he writes, is that the dissenters may fail to have descendants, because women who have not been circumcised may become outcasts and less likely to find husbands.<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], p. 1009 (also [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]).</ref> Sociologist Elizabeth Heger Boyle writes that, in Tanzania, the [[Maasai people|Masai]] will not call an uncircumcised woman "mother" when she has children, and in several communities uncut women may not be allowed to attend funerals and other public events.<ref>Boyle 2002, p. 37.</ref> According to UNICEF in 2013, the most recent surveys show that the majority of women in Mali, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Gambia and Egypt believe the practice should continue, although elsewhere in Africa, Iraq and Yemen, most think it should end.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013, p. 54.]</ref> |
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Because of poor access to information, and because practitioners downplay the causal connection, women may not associate the health consequences with the procedure. Lala Baldé, president of a women's association in Medina Cherif, a village in Senegal, told Mackie in 1998 that when girls fell ill or died, it was attributed to evil spirits. When informed of the causal relationship between FGM and ill health, Mackie wrote, the women broke down and wept. He argued that surveys taken before and after this sharing of information would show very different levels of support for FGM.{{sfn|Mackie|2003|loc=147–148}} The American non-profit group [[Tostan]], founded by [[Molly Melching]] in 1991, introduced community-empowerment programs in several countries that focus on local democracy, literacy, and education about healthcare, giving women the tools to make their own decisions.<ref>[[#Diop2008|Diop et al. (UNICEF) 2008]].</ref> In 1997, using the Tostan program, [[Malicounda Bambara]] in Senegal became the first village to abandon FGM.{{sfn|Mackie|2000|loc=256ff}} By August 2019, 8,800 communities in eight countries had pledged to abandon FGM and [[child marriage]].{{efn|The eight countries are Djibouti, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Mauritania, Senegal, Somalia, and the Gambia.<ref>{{cite web |title=Female Genital Cutting |date=February 2017 |url=https://www.tostan.org/areas-of-impact/cross-cutting-gender-social-norms/female-genital-cutting/ |publisher=Tostan |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190826031944/https://www.tostan.org/areas-of-impact/cross-cutting-gender-social-norms/female-genital-cutting/ |archive-date=26 August 2019|url-status=live}}</ref>}} |
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Support for Type III FGM also comes from women. Anthropologist Rose Oldfield Hayes reported in 1975 that educated Sudanese men living in cities who did not want to have their daughters infibulated – wanting to opt instead for clitoridectomy – would find the girls had been sewn up after their grandmothers arranged a supposed visit to relatives.<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/643328 Oldfield Hayes 1975], p. 620.</ref> Nearly 59 percent of 3,210 Sudanese women in a 1982 study by physician Asma El Dareer said they preferred Types II and III over Type I, and only 17.4 percent said they preferred none.<ref>[http://ije.oxfordjournals.org/content/12/2/138.abstract El Dareer 1983], p. 140. |
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*Also see Kirby, Vicki. "Out of Africa: 'Our Bodies Ourselves'?" in Obioma Nnaemeka (ed.), ''Female Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge: African Women in Imperialist Discourses'', Praeger, 2005, p. 84.</ref> Women in Sudan discussing circumcision with Janice Boddy in 1984 depicted Type I by opening their mouths and Type III by closing them tight, asking her: "Which is better, an ugly opening or a dignified closure?" Boddy wrote that the women avoided being photographed laughing or smiling for the same reason, preferring human orifices to be kept closed or minimized, particularly female ones.<ref>Boddy 1989, [http://books.google.com/books?id=TK6NIp5uVwsC&pg=PA52 p. 52].</ref> Izett and Toubia write that any change to the state of a woman's infibulation can affect her sense of identity and security. They cite the case of a Somali mother of three who was advised to remain defibulated after childbirth to cure her [[gonorrhoea]], but who insisted on being reinfibulated, leading to pain and infection so severe she could hardly walk. They argue that she did this out of "her own sense of impurity."<ref name=IzettToubia>Izett, Susan and [[Nahid Toubia|Toubia, Nahid]]. [https://apps.who.int/dsa/cat98/fgmbook.htm "Female Genital Mutilation: An Overview"], World Health Organization, 1998.</ref> |
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===Religion=== |
===Religion=== |
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{{Further|Religious views on female genital mutilation|Khitan (circumcision)#Comparisons with female circumcision}} |
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Surveys have shown a widespread belief, particularly in Mali, Mauritania, Guinea, and Egypt, that FGM is a religious requirement.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 69–71.</ref> Gruenbaum has argued that practitioners may not distinguish between religion, tradition, and chastity, making it difficult to interpret the data.<ref>{{harvnb|Gruenbaum|2001|loc=[https://archive.org/details/femalecircumcisi0000grue/page/50 50]}}; [[#MackieLeJeune2008|Mackie and LeJeune (UNICEF) 2008]], 8–9.</ref> FGM's origins in northeastern Africa are pre-Islamic, but the practice became associated with Islam because of that religion's focus on female chastity and seclusion.{{efn|[[Gerry Mackie]], 1996: "FGM is pre-Islamic but was exaggerated by its intersection with the Islamic modesty code of family honor, female purity, virginity, chastity, fidelity, and seclusion."{{sfn|Mackie|1996|loc=1008}}}} According to a 2013 UNICEF report, in 18 African countries at least 10 percent of Muslim females had experienced FGM, and in 13 of those countries, the figure rose to 50–99 percent.<ref name="auto">[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 175.</ref> |
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There is no mention of FGM in the [[Bible]] or [[Quran]].<ref>Dellenborg, Liselott. "A Reflection on the Cultural Meanings of Female Circumcision," in Signe Arnfred (ed.), ''Re-thinking Sexualities in Africa'', Nordic Africa Institute, 2004, p. 80, footnote 1: "Female circumcision ... is not mentioned in the Quran, nor in the Bible or in the Torah." |
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*[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], p. 1004 (also [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]): "The Koren is silent on FGM ..."</ref> Although its origins are pre-[[Islam]]ic, it became associated with Islam because of that religion's focus on female modesty and chastity, and is found only within or near Muslim communities.<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], pp. 1004–1005: "FGM is found only in or adjacent to Islamic groups (some Christians practice it to avoid damnation). This is curious, because FGM, beyond the mild ''sunna'' supposedly akin to male circumcision, is not found in most Islamic countries nor is it required by Islam." |
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*[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], p. 1008 (also [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]): "FGM is pre-Islamic but was exaggerated by its intersection with the Islamic modesty code of family honor, female purity, virginity, chastity, fidelity, and seclusion." |
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*Asmani, Ibrahim Lethome and Abdi, Maryam Sheikh. [http://www.unfpa.org/webdav/site/global/shared/documents/publications/2011/De-linking%20FGM%20from%20Islam%20final%20report.pdf "Delinking Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting from Islam"], USAID/UNFPA, 2008.</ref> It is praised in several ''[[hadith]]'' (sayings attributed to [[Muhammad]]) as noble but not required, along with advice that the milder forms are kinder to women.<ref>Gruenbaum 2001, [http://books.google.com/books?id=JOXmOLBd4E4C&pg=PA63 pp. 63–66]. |
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*Nussbaum 1999, p. 125: "The one reference to the operation in the ''hadith'' classifies it as a ''makrama'', or nonessential practice." |
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*[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], pp. 1004–1005 (also [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]): "... several ''hadith'' (sayings attributed to Mohammed) recommend attenuating the practice for the woman's sake, praise it as noble but not commanded, or advise that female converts refrain from mutilation because even if pleasing to the husband it is painful to the wife."</ref> In 2006 several leading Islamic scholars called for an end to the practice, and in 2007 the [[Al-Azhar University#Council of Senior Scholars|Al-Azhar Supreme Council of Islamic Research]] in Cairo ruled that it has no basis in Islamic law.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/6176340.stm "Call to end female circumcision"], BBC News, 24 November 2006. |
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*[http://www.target-human-rights.com/HP-09_filme/index.php?p=film05 Video of conference], Al-Azhar University, Cairo, 22 and 23 November 2006. |
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*[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 70: "A great deal of effort by scholars and activists has concentrated on demonstrating a lack of scriptural support for the practice. In Egypt, for example, the most authoritative condemnation of FGM/C in Islam to date is the 2007 fatwa (religious edict) issued by the Al-Azhar Supreme Council of Islamic Research, explaining that FGM/C has no basis in Sharia (Islamic law) or any of its partial provisions, and that it is a sinful action that should be avoided. Several regional and national fatwas have followed in the years since, with the original statement as their basis." |
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*Also see [http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(07)60508-X/fulltext Wakabi (''The Lancet'') 2007]: "Muslim leaders in countries like Egypt and Kenya are saying female genital mutilation is a cultural tradition that is unrelated to the teachings of Islam, and are campaigning for its abandonment." |
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*Michael, Maggie. [http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/06/29/AR2007062901284.html "Egypt Officials Ban Female Circumcision"], The Associated Press, 29 June 2007, p. 2: "[Egypt's] supreme religious authorities stressed that Islam is against female circumcision. Its prohibited, prohibited, prohibited," Grand Mufti Ali Gomaa said on the privately owned al-Mahwar network."</ref> According to Mackie, it is not practised in [[Mecca]] and [[Medina]] in Saudi Arabia, Islam's holiest cities, although there have been reports of it in that country, perhaps among immigrant communities.<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], p. 1004: "Mutilation is not practiced in Mecca or Medina, and Saudis reportedly find the custom pagan." |
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*[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 23: "Although no nationally representative data on FGM/C are available for countries including Colombia, Jordan, Oman, Saudi Arabia and parts of Indonesia and Malaysia, evidence suggests that the procedure is being performed." |
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*Also see Randerson, James. [http://www.theguardian.com/science/blog/2008/nov/13/female-genital-mutilation-sexual-dysfunction "Female genital mutilation denies sexual pleasure to millions of women"], ''The Guardian'', 13 November 2008, referring to Alsibiani S.A. and Rouzi A.A. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/19028385 "Sexual function in women with female genital mutilation"], ''Fertility and Sterility'', 93(3), February 2010, pp. 722–724. ''The Guardian'' added: "This clarification was added on Friday November 21, 2008. It was not correct to say that female genital mutilation is practiced 'frequently' in Saudi Arabia. The data on the practice of FGM there is not good and therefore its prevalence is unknown. Although some studies suggest that it does occur in the country FGM may be most common amongst immigrant populations. In Dr Sharifa Sibiani and Prof Abdulrahim Rouzi's study the participants were a mixture of migrants and women born in Saudi Arabia."</ref> Surveys have shown that there is a widespread belief in several countries, particularly Eritrea, Egypt, Guinea, Mali and Mauritania, that FGM is a religious requirement.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], pp. 69–70; see table on p. 71.</ref> Mackie and LeJeune write that practitioners may not distinguish between religion, tradition and chastity, which makes it difficult to interpret the data.<ref>[http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/UNICEF.pdf Mackie and LeJeune 2008], p. 8: "Data on the role of religion are difficult to interpret because in many cases, religion, tradition and chastity are not differentiated."</ref> |
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In 2007 the [[Al-Azhar University#Council of Senior Scholars|Al-Azhar Supreme Council of Islamic Research]] in Cairo ruled that FGM had "no basis in core Islamic law or any of its partial provisions".<ref>[[#UNICEFpress2July2007|UNICEF press release]], 2 July 2007; [[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 70.</ref>{{efn|Maggie Michael, Associated Press, 2007: "[Egypt's] supreme religious authorities stressed that Islam is against female circumcision. It's prohibited, prohibited, prohibited," Grand Mufti Ali Gomaa said on the privately-owned al-Mahwar network."<ref>Michael, Maggie (29 June 2007). [https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/06/29/AR2007062901284.html "Egypt Officials Ban Female Circumcision"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170920162546/http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/06/29/AR2007062901284.html |date=20 September 2017 }}, Associated Press, 2.</ref>}} There is no mention of the practice in the [[Quran]].{{sfn|Mackie|1996|loc=1004–1005}} It is praised in a few [[Hadith terminology|''daʻīf'']] (weak) ''[[hadith]]'' (sayings attributed to Muhammad) as noble but not required.<ref>{{harvnb|Roald|2003|loc=224}}; {{harvnb|Asmani|Abdi|2008|loc=6–13}}.</ref>{{efn|[[Gerry Mackie]], 1996: "The Koran is silent on FGM, but several ''hadith'' (sayings attributed to Mohammed) recommend attenuating the practice for the woman's sake, praise it as noble but not commanded, or advise that female converts refrain from mutilation because even if pleasing to the husband it is painful to the wife."{{sfn|Mackie|1996|loc=1004–1005}}}} Islamic scholars [[Abu Dawood|Abū Dāwūd]] and [[Ahmad ibn Hanbal|Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal]] reported that Muhammad said circumcision was a "law for men and a preservation of honor for women",{{sfn|Wensinck|2012}} however some regard this [[Hadith]] as [[Hadith terminology|''daʻīf'']] (weak).<ref>https://www.mwnhelpline.co.uk//go_files/issue/968436-MWNU%20FGM%20leaflet_WEB..pdf</ref> FGM is regarded as an obligatory practice by the [[Shafi'i]] version of [[Sunni Islam]].{{sfn|Roald|2003|loc=243}} [[Female genital mutilation in India|FGM in India]] is prevalent among the [[Shia Islam]] members of the [[Dawoodi Bohra#Female circumcision| Bohra]] Muslim community who practice it as a religious custom.<ref name="fgmindia">{{Cite journal |last1=Nanda |first1=Anjani |last2=Ramani |first2=Vandanee |date=2022-05-31 |title=The Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation in India |journal=Journal of Student Research |volume=11 |issue=2 |doi=10.47611/jsrhs.v11i2.3285 |issn=2167-1907|doi-access=free }}</ref><ref name="bohra">{{Cite news |last=Cantera |first=Angel L. Martínez |date=2018-03-06 |title='I was crying with unbearable pain': study reveals extent of FGM in India |language=en-GB |work=The Guardian |url=https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2018/mar/06/study-reveals-fgm-india-female-genital-mutilation |access-date=2023-12-01 |issn=0261-3077 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231208053233/https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2018/mar/06/study-reveals-fgm-india-female-genital-mutilation |archive-date=2023-12-08}}</ref> |
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Outside Islam, FGM has been practised by the Christian [[Copts]] in Egypt and Sudan, and by the [[Beta Israel]] of Ethiopia, the only Jewish group known to have practised it. [[Judaism]] requires [[male circumcision]], but does not allow FGM.<ref>For the Copts, see [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], p. 1005 (also [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]). |
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*For the Beta Israel and Judaism, see Cohen, Shaye J. D. ''Why Aren't Jewish Women Circumcised? Gender and Covenant In Judaism'', University of California Press, 2005, [http://books.google.com/books?id=PmL-LogqJ-YC&pg=PA59 p. 59]. See p. 59ff for a discussion of [[Strabo]]'s reference around 25 BCE to female excision and Jewish custom; he argues that Strabo conflated the Jews with the Egyptians. |
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*Also see "Circumcision," in [[Adele Berlin]] (ed.), ''The Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish Religion'', Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 173: "Circumcision was widespread in many ancient cultures. Some of these also practiced female circumcision, which was never allowed in Judaism."</ref> |
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There is no mention of FGM in the Bible.{{efn|Samuel Waje Kunhiyop, 2008: "Nowhere in all of Scripture or in any of recorded church history is there even a hint that women were to be circumcised."{{sfn|Kunhiyop|2008|loc=297}}}} The [[Skoptsy|Skoptsy Christian]] sect in Europe practices FGM as part of redemption from [[Christian views on sin|sin]] and to remain chaste.{{sfn|Engelstein|1997}} |
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==History and opposition== |
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Christian missionaries in Africa were [[#Colonial opposition in Kenya|among the first]] to object to FGM,{{sfn|Murray|1976}} but Christian communities in Africa do practise it. In 2013 UNICEF identified 19 African countries in which at least 10 percent of Christian females aged 15 to 49 had undergone FGM;{{efn|The countries were Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Cote d'Ivoire, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Kenya, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Sudan, and Tanzania.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], p. 73, figure 6.13.</ref>}} in Niger, 55 percent of Christian women and girls had experienced it, compared with two percent of their Muslim counterparts.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], cover page and p. 175.</ref> The only Jewish group known to have practised it is the [[Beta Israel]] of Ethiopia. Judaism requires male circumcision but does not allow FGM.<ref>{{harvnb|Cohen|2005|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=PmL-LogqJ-YC&pg=PA59 59]}}; {{harvnb|Berlin|2011|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=hKAaJXvUaUoC&pg=PA173 173]}}.</ref> FGM is also practised by [[Animism|animist]] groups, particularly in Guinea and Mali.<ref name="auto"/> |
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{{clear}} |
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==History== |
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===Origins in Africa=== |
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===Antiquity=== |
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|title=Spell 1117 |
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But if a man wants to know how to live, he should recite it [a magical spell] every day, after his flesh has been rubbed with the ''b3d'' [an unknown substance] of an uncircumcised girl and the flakes of skin [''šnft''] of an uncircumcised bald man. |
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|quote=But if a man wants to know how to live, he should recite it [a magical spell] every day, after his flesh has been rubbed with the ''b3d'' [unknown substance] of an uncircumcised girl ['''m't''] and the flakes of skin [''šnft''] of an uncircumcised bald man. |
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|salign=right|source= — Inscription on [[Middle Kingdom of Egypt|Egyptian]] [[sarcophagus]]<br/>c. 1991–1786 BCE<ref name=Knight2001p330/> |
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|source=—From an [[Middle Kingdom of Egypt|Egyptian]] [[sarcophagus]], c. 1991–1786 BCE{{sfn|Knight|2001|loc=330}}}} |
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The origins of the practice are obscure.<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], p. 1003, but see [http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/BeginningOfEndMackie2000.pdf Mackie 2000], p. 266ff.</ref> There is a reference to it on the [[sarcophagus]] of Sit-hedjhotep, in the [[Egyptian Museum]], dating back to Egypt's [[Middle Kingdom of Egypt|Middle Kingdom]], c. 1991–1786 BCE ''(see right)''.<ref name=Knight2001p330>Knight, Mary. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3080631 "Curing Cut or Ritual Mutilation?: Some Remarks on the Practice of Female and Male Circumcision in Graeco-Roman Egypt"], ''Isis'', 92(2), June 2001 (pp. 317–338, hereafter Knight 2001), p. 330. Knight adds that Egyptologists are uncomfortable with the translation of the word "uncircumcised" because it offers no information about what might constitute the circumcised state.</ref> The Greek geographer [[Strabo]] (c. 64 BCE – c. 23 CE) wrote of it after visiting Egypt around 25 BCE: "This is one of the customs most zealously pursued by them [the Egyptians]: to raise every child that is born and to circumcise the males and excise the females."<ref name=KnightStrabo>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/3080631 Knight 2001], p. 318: "That custom is excision of the clitoris and other external female genitalia, sometimes called female circumcision but now usually referred to in Egypt as female genital mutilation (FGM); the first extant literary mention of it is by the Greek geographer Strabo, who visited Egypt in about 25 BCE: 'This is one of the customs most zealously pursued by them [the Egyptians]: to raise every child that is born and to circumcise the males and excise the females'" (citing Strabo,''Geographika'', 17.2.5). |
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*Strabo, ''Geography of Strabo'', [http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Strabo/17B*.html#ref273 Book VII, chapter 2], 17.2.5, wrote: "One of the customs most zealously observed among the Aegyptians is this, that they rear every child that is born, and circumcise [''{{lang|grc-la|peritemnein}}''] the males, and excise [''{{lang|grc-la|ektemnein}}''] the females, as is also customary among the Jews, who are also Aegyptians in origin, as I have already stated in my account of them." |
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*Strabo also wrote, ''Geography of Strabo'', [http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Strabo/16D*.html Book XVI, chapter 4], 16.4.9: "And then to the Harbour of Antiphilus, and, above this, to the Creophagi [meat-eaters], of whom the males have their sexual glands mutilated [''{{lang|grc-la|kolobos}}''] and the women are excised [''{{lang|grc-la|ektemnein}}''] in the Jewish fashion." A different translation [http://perseus.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/philologic/getobject.pl?p.371:1145.GreekTexts here] reads: "Then follows the harbour of Antiphilus, and above this a tribe, the Creophagi, deprived of the prepuce, and the women are excised after the Jewish custom." |
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*See Cohen 2005, [http://books.google.com/books?id=PmL-LogqJ-YC&pg=PA59 p. 59ff] for a discussion of Strabo on this point; he argues that Strabo conflated the Jews with the Egyptians. |
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*[[Jacob Neusner]] (''Approaches to Ancient Judaism'', Volume 4, Scholars Press, 1993, p. 148) writes that Strabo was confused about Jewish custom. He also writes: "the Greek verb {{lang|grc|περιτέμνειν}} [''{{lang|grc-la|peritemnein}}''] 'to cut around/off,' denoted not only circumcision but could be used of any mutilation of body parts, such as the severing of a nose or ears; in Herodotus it is associated with various barbarian practices." |
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*Also see [[Felix Bryk|Bryk, Felix]]. ''Circumcision in Man and Woman: Its History, Psychology, and Ethnology''. The Minerva Group, Inc., 2001, [http://books.google.com/books?id=-_g0L-K_XLIC&pg=PA45 pp. 45–46].</ref> The philosopher [[Philo|Philo of Alexandria]] (c. 20 BCE – 50 CE) contrasted the Egyptian practice with God's commandment in the [[Book of Genesis]] (c. 950–500 BCE) that boys be circumcised, writing: "the Egyptians by the custom of their country circumcise the marriageable youth and maid in the fourteenth (year) of their age, when the male begins to get seed, and the female to have a menstrual flow."<ref>Genesis 17:10; [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3080631 Knight 2001], p. 333.</ref> |
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The practice's origins are unknown. Gerry Mackie has suggested that, because FGM's east–west, north–south distribution in Africa meets in Sudan, infibulation may have begun there with the [[Meroë|Meroite civilization]] (c. 800 BCE – c. 350 CE), before the rise of Islam, to increase confidence in paternity.{{sfn|Mackie|2000|loc=264, 267}} According to historian Mary Knight, Spell 1117 (c. 1991–1786 BCE) of the [[Ancient Egypt]]ian [[Coffin Texts]] may refer in [[Egyptian hieroglyphs|hieroglyphs]] to an uncircumcised girl ('''m't''): |
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A [[hieroglyph]] of a woman in labour and the physical examination of [[Mummy|mummies]] by Australian pathologist [[Grafton Elliot Smith]] (1871–1937) suggest that Type III was not performed in ancient Egypt, although as part of the mummification process, the skin of the outer labia was pulled toward the anus to form a covering over the [[pudendal cleft]] (possibly to prevent sexual violation), which gave the appearance of Type III. Smith wrote that soft tissues were often removed by embalmers, or had simply deteriorated, so that it was not possible to determine from the mummies whether Types I and II had been practised.<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/3080631 Knight 2001], p. 331, citing G. Elliot Smith, ''A Contribution to the Study of Mummification in Egypt'', 1906, p. 30. |
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*[http://www.jstor.org/stable/3080631 Knight 2001], p. 331, also quotes [[Marc Armand Ruffer]] (1859–1917), ''Studies in the Paleopathology of Egypt'', University of Chicago Press, 1921, p. 171: "the bodies are in such a state that it would often be difficult to state with certainty whether such an operation had been done." She adds: "In light of the fact that only rarely have scientific researchers autopsying mummies specifically looked for the presence or absence of FGM, conclusive remarks about the prevalence of the practice must await a detailed study of a large cohort of female mummies."</ref> |
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{{center|<hiero>a-m-a:X1-D53-B1</hiero>}} |
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Egyptologist Mary Knight writes that there is only one extant reference from [[Ancient history|antiquity]] that suggests FGM might have been practised outside Egypt. [[Xanthus (historian)|Xanthus of Lydia]] wrote in a history of [[Lydia]] in the fifth century BCE: "The Lydians arrived at such a state of delicacy that they were even the first to 'castrate' their women." Knight argues from the context that "castrate" refers here to a form of sterilization.<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/3080631 Knight 2001], p. 326: "Extant fragments from a fifth-century BCE history of Lydia by Xanthos of Lydia, a contemporary of Herodotus, say: 'The Lydians arrived at such a state of delicacy that they were even the first to "castrate" their women.'" Lydia wrote that the purpose of the "castration," which is not described, was to keep women youthful, perhaps in the sense of allowing the Lydian king to have intercourse with them without pregnancy. Knight concludes that "castration" is therefore probably not a reference to FGM, but may have been a reference to some form of sterilization.</ref><!--Note: Several non-specialists sources say that Herodotus, Agatharchides, or a papyrus from 163 BCE refer to female circumcision, but this appears not to be correct; it should not be added without a specialist source (ancient historian).--> |
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The spell was found on the [[sarcophagus]] of Sit-hedjhotep, now in the [[Egyptian Museum]], and dates to Egypt's [[Middle Kingdom of Egypt|Middle Kingdom]].{{sfn|Knight|2001|loc=330}}{{efn|Knight adds that Egyptologists are uncomfortable with the translation to ''uncircumcised'', because there is no information about what constituted the circumcised state.{{sfn|Knight|2001|loc=330}}}} (Paul F. O'Rourke argues that '''m't'' probably refers instead to a menstruating woman.){{sfn|O'Rourke|2007|loc=166ff (hieroglyphs), 172 (menstruating woman)}} The proposed circumcision of an Egyptian girl, Tathemis, is also mentioned on a Greek [[papyrus]], from 163 BCE, in the [[British Museum]]: "Sometime after this, Nephoris [Tathemis's mother] defrauded me, being anxious that it was time for Tathemis to be circumcised, as is the custom among the Egyptians."{{efn|"Sometime after this, Nephoris [Tathemis's mother] defrauded me, being anxious that it was time for Tathemis to be circumcised, as is the custom among the Egyptians. She asked that I give her 1,300 drachmae ... to clothe her ... and to provide her with a marriage dowry ... if she didn't do each of these or if she did not circumcise Tathemis in the month of Mecheir, year 18 [163 BCE], she would repay me 2,400 drachmae on the spot."<ref>{{harvnb|Knight|2001|loc=329–330}}; {{harvnb|Kenyon|1893|[https://books.google.com/books?id=TiAcAQAAMAAJ&pg=PA31 31–32]}}.</ref>}} |
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Mackie writes that FGM in Africa became linked to the [[Slavery in Africa|slave trade]]. The Egyptians took captives in the south to be used as slaves, and slaves from Sudan were exported through the Red Sea to the [[Persian Gulf]]. The English explorer [[William George Browne|William Browne]] (1768–1813) reported in 1799 that infibulation was carried out on slaves in Egypt to prevent pregnancy (although the Swedish ethnographer, [[:sv:Carl Gösta Widstrand|Carl Gösta Widstrand]], argued that the slave traders simply paid a higher price for women who were infibulated anyway), and the Portuguese missionary [[João dos Santos]] (d. 1622) wrote of a group in Mogadishu who had a "custome to sew up their Females, especially their slaves being young to make them unable for conception, which makes these slaves sell dearer, both for their chastitie, and for better confidence which their Masters put in them."<ref name=Mackie1996p1003>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], p. 1003 (also [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]), citing Carl Gösta Widstrand, "Female Infibulation," ''Studia Ethnographica Upsaliensia'', XX, 1960, pp. 95–124, and João dos Santos, ''Ethiopia Oriental'', 1609, in G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville (ed.), ''The East-African Coast: Select Documents from the First to the Earlier Nineteenth Century'', Clarendon Press, 1962. |
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*Physician and ethnologist [[Charles Gabriel Seligman|Charles Seligman]] (1873–1940) suggested in 1913 that FGM derived from ceremonies performed by [[Afroasiatic languages|Hamito-Semitic]] people on the [[Red Sea]] coast, spreading westwards and southwards across Africa; see Seligman, Charles G. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2843546 "Aspects of the Hamitic problems in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan"],''The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland'', 1913, 40(3), (pp. 593–705), pp. 612, 639–640. |
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The examination of [[Mummy|mummies]] has shown no evidence of FGM. Citing the Australian pathologist [[Grafton Elliot Smith]], who examined hundreds of mummies in the early 20th century, Knight writes that the genital area may resemble Type III because during mummification the skin of the outer labia was pulled toward the anus to cover the [[pudendal cleft]], possibly to prevent a sexual violation. It was similarly not possible to determine whether Types I or II had been performed, because soft tissues had deteriorated or been removed by the embalmers.{{sfn|Knight|2001|loc=331}} |
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*For a discussion of Seligman, see Hicks, Esther K. ''Infibulation: Female Mutilation in Islamic Northeastern Africa'', Transaction Publishers, 1996, [http://books.google.com/books?id=ogWxTnAulzEC&pg=PA10 pp. 19ff] and [http://books.google.com/books?id=ogWxTnAulzEC&pg=PA209 209ff].</ref> Thus, Mackie argues, patterns of slavery across Africa account for the patterns of FGM found there, and "[a] practice associated with shameful female slavery came to stand for honor."<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 Mackie 1996], pp. 1008–1009 (also [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]).</ref> |
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The Greek geographer [[Strabo]] (c. 64 BCE – c. 23 CE) wrote about FGM after visiting Egypt around 25 BCE: "This is one of the customs most zealously pursued by them [the Egyptians]: to raise every child that is born and to circumcise [''peritemnein''] the males and excise [''ektemnein''] the females ..."<ref>[[Strabo]], ''[[Geographica]]'', c. 25 BCE, cited in {{harvnb|Knight|2001|loc=318}}</ref>{{efn|[[Strabo]], ''[[Geographica]]'', c. 25 BCE: "One of the customs most zealously observed among the Aegyptians is this, that they rear every child that is born, and circumcise [περιτέμνειν, ''peritemnein''] the males, and excise [''ektemnein''] the females, as is also customary among the Jews, who are also Aegyptians in origin, as I have already stated in my account of them."<ref>[[Strabo]], ''[[Geographica]]'', [http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Strabo/17B*.html#ref273 Book VII, chapter 2], 17.2.5. {{harvnb|Cohen|2005|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=PmL-LogqJ-YC&pg=PA59 59–61]}} argues that Strabo conflated the Jews with the Egyptians.</ref>{{pb}} |
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[http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Strabo/16D*.html Book XVI, chapter 4], 16.4.9: "And then to the Harbour of Antiphilus, and, above this, to the Creophagi [meat-eaters], of whom the males have their sexual glands mutilated [''kolobos''] and the women are excised [''ektemnein''] in the Jewish fashion."}}{{efn|Knight 2001 writes that there is one extant reference from antiquity, from [[Xanthus (historian)|Xanthus of Lydia]] in the fifth century BCE, that may allude to FGM outside Egypt. Xanthus wrote, in a history of [[Lydia]]: "The Lydians arrived at such a state of delicacy that they were even the first to 'castrate' their women." Knight argues that the "castration", which is not described, may have kept women youthful, in the sense of allowing the Lydian king to have intercourse with them without pregnancy. Knight concludes that it may have been a reference to sterilization, not FGM.{{sfn|Knight|2001|loc=326}}}} [[Philo|Philo of Alexandria]] (c. 20 BCE – 50 CE) also made reference to it: "the Egyptians by the custom of their country circumcise the marriageable youth and maid in the fourteenth (year) of their age when the male begins to get seed, and the female to have a menstrual flow."{{sfn|Knight|2001|loc=333}} It is mentioned briefly in a work attributed to the Greek physician [[Galen]] (129 – c. 200 CE): "When [the clitoris] sticks out to a great extent in their young women, Egyptians consider it appropriate to cut it out."{{efn|Knight adds that the attribution to Galen is suspect.{{sfn|Knight|2001|loc=336}}}} Another Greek physician, [[Aëtius of Amida]] (mid-5th to mid-6th century CE), offered more detail in book 16 of his ''Sixteen Books on Medicine'', citing the physician Philomenes. The procedure was performed in case the clitoris, or ''nymphê'', grew too large or triggered sexual desire when rubbing against clothing. "On this account, it seemed proper to the Egyptians to remove it before it became greatly enlarged," Aëtius wrote, "especially at that time when the girls were about to be married": |
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{{blockquote|The surgery is performed in this way: Have the girl sit on a chair while a muscled young man standing behind her places his arms below the girl's thighs. Have him separate and steady her legs and whole body. Standing in front and taking hold of the clitoris with a broad-mouthed forceps in his left hand, the surgeon stretches it outward, while with the right hand, he cuts it off at the point next to the pincers of the forceps. It is proper to let a length remain from that cut off, about the size of the membrane that's between the nostrils, so as to take away the excess material only; as I have said, the part to be removed is at that point just above the pincers of the forceps. Because the clitoris is a skinlike structure and stretches out excessively, do not cut off too much, as a urinary fistula may result from cutting such large growths too deeply.{{sfn|Knight|2001|loc=327–328}}}} |
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The genital area was then cleaned with a sponge, [[frankincense]] powder and wine or cold water, and wrapped in linen bandages dipped in vinegar, until the seventh day when [[calamine]], rose petals, date pits, or a "genital powder made from baked clay" might be applied.{{sfn|Knight|2001|loc=328}} |
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===Red Sea slave trade=== |
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Whatever the practice's origins, infibulation became linked to slavery. Research has indicated that linkes between the [[Red Sea slave trade]] and female genital mutilation.<ref name="ssrn.com">Corno, Lucia and La Ferrara, Eliana and Voena, Alessandra, Female Genital Cutting and the Slave Trade (December 2020). CEPR Discussion Paper No. DP15577, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3753982</ref> |
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An investigation combining contemporary from data on slave shipments from 1400 to 1900 with data from 28 African countries has found that women belonging to ethnic groups historically victimized by the Red Sea slave trade were "significantly" more likely to suffer genital mutilation in the 21st-century, as well as "more in favour of continuing the practice".<ref name="ssrn.com"/><ref name="telegraph.co.uk">{{cite news | url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/global-health/women-and-girls/female-genital-mutilation-red-sea-slave-trade-route/ | title=Female genital mutilation linked to Red Sea slave trade route | newspaper=The Telegraph | date=11 September 2023 | last1=Barber | first1=Harriet }}</ref> |
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Women trafficked in the Red Sea slave trade were sold as [[Islamic views on concubinage|concubines (sex slaves)]] in the Islamic Middle East up until as late as in the mid 20th-century, and the practice of [[infibulation]] was used to temporarily signal the virginity of girls, increasing their value on the slave market: "According to descriptions by early travellers, infibulated female slaves had a higher price on the market because infibulation was thought to ensure chastity and loyalty to the owner and prevented undesired pregnancies".<ref name="ssrn.com"/><ref name="telegraph.co.uk"/> |
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Mackie cites the Portuguese missionary [[João dos Santos]], who in 1609 wrote of a group near Mogadishu who had a "custome to sew up their Females, especially their slaves being young to make them unable for conception, which makes these slaves sell dearer, both for their chastitie, and for better confidence which their Masters put in them". Thus, Mackie argues, a "practice associated with shameful female slavery came to stand for honor".{{sfn|Mackie|1996|loc=1003, 1009}} |
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===Europe and the United States=== |
===Europe and the United States=== |
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[[File:Isaac Baker Brown.jpg|thumb| |
[[File:Isaac Baker Brown.jpg|thumb|left|alt=portrait|[[Isaac Baker Brown]] "set to work to remove the clitoris whenever he had the opportunity of doing so".<ref name=Allen2000p106/>]] |
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Some gynaecologists in 19th-century Europe and the United States removed the clitoris to treat insanity and masturbation.{{sfn|Rodriguez|2008}} A British doctor, Robert Thomas, suggested clitoridectomy as a cure for [[nymphomania]] in 1813.<ref>{{harvnb|Thomas|1813|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=yK9YAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA585 585–586]}}; {{harvnb|Shorter|2008|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=I87S-xL6Q1wC&pg=PA82 82]}}.</ref> In 1825 ''[[The Lancet]]'' described a clitoridectomy performed in 1822 in Berlin by [[Karl Ferdinand von Graefe]] on a 15-year-old girl who was masturbating excessively.<ref>{{harvnb|Elchalal|Ben-Ami|Gillis|Brzezinski|1997}}; {{harvnb|Shorter|2008|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=I87S-xL6Q1wC&pg=PA82 82]}}.</ref> |
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*[[Peter Lewis Allen|Allen, Peter Lewis]]. ''The Wages of Sin: Sex and Disease, Past and Present'', University of Chicago Press, 2000 (hereafter Lewis 2000), [http://books.google.com/books?id=SpQOUx5zoBEC&pg=PA106 p. 106].</ref>]] |
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Gynaecologists in 19th-century Europe and the United States would also remove the clitoris for various reasons, including to treat masturbation, believing that the latter caused physical and mental disorders.<ref>Rodriguez, Sarah W. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/18065832 "Rethinking the history of female circumcision and clitoridectomy: American medicine and female sexuality in the late nineteenth century"], ''Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences''. 63(3), July 2008, pp. 323–347.</ref> The first reported clitoridectomy in the West was carried out in 1822 by [[Karl Ferdinand von Graefe]] (1787–1840), a surgeon in Berlin, on a teenage girl regarded as an "[[imbecile]]" who was masturbating.<ref>[http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/9326757 Elchalal, Uriel et al 1997]. |
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*For a report of this procedure, see Black, Donald Campbell. ''On the Functional Diseases of the Renal, Urinary and Reproductive Organs''. Lindsay & Blakiston, 1872, [http://books.google.com/books?id=xxQDAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA127 pp. 127–129]. |
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*Also see Shorter, Edward. ''From Paralysis to Fatigue: A History of Psychosomatic Illness in the Modern Era'', Simon and Schuster, 2008, [http://books.google.com/books?id=I87S-xL6Q1wC&pg=PA82 p. 82].</ref> |
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[[Isaac Baker Brown]] |
[[Isaac Baker Brown]], an English gynaecologist, president of the [[Medical Society of London]] and co-founder in 1845 of [[St Mary's Hospital, London|St. Mary's Hospital]], believed that masturbation, or "unnatural irritation" of the clitoris, caused [[female hysteria|hysteria]], spinal irritation, fits, idiocy, mania, and death.{{sfn|Elchalal|Ben-Ami|Gillis|Brzezinski|1997}} He, therefore "set to work to remove the clitoris whenever he had the opportunity of doing so", according to his obituary.<ref name=Allen2000p106>{{harvnb|J. F. C.|1873|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=gZ4EAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA155 155]}}, cited in {{harvnb|Allen|2000|loc=[https://archive.org/details/wagesofsinsexdis00alle/page/106 106].}}</ref> Brown performed several clitoridectomies between 1859 and 1866.<ref name=Allen2000p106/> In the United States, [[J. Marion Sims]] followed Brown's work and in 1862 slit the [[cervix|neck of a woman's uterus]] and amputated her clitoris, "for the relief of the nervous or hysterical condition as recommended by Baker Brown".{{sfn|McGregor|1998|loc=146}} When Brown published his views in ''On the Curability of Certain Forms of Insanity, Epilepsy, Catalepsy, and Hysteria in Females'' (1866), doctors in London accused him of quackery and expelled him from the [[Obstetrical Society]].<ref>{{harvnb|Sheehan|1981|loc=14}}; {{harvnb|Black|1997|loc=405}}.</ref> |
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*Lewis 2000, [http://books.google.com/books?id=SpQOUx5zoBEC&pg=PA106 p. 106]. |
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*Sheehan, Elizabeth. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/647794?seq=2 "Victorian Clitoridectomy: Isaac Baker Brown and His Harmless Operative Procedure"], ''Medical Anthropology Newsletter'', 12(4), August 1981. |
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*Brown, Isaac Baker. ''On the Curability of Certain Forms of Insanity, Epilepsy, Catalepsy, and Hysteria in Females'', Robert Hardwicke, 1866.</ref> |
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Later in the 19th century, A. J. Bloch, a surgeon in New Orleans, removed the clitoris of a two-year-old girl who was reportedly masturbating.{{sfn|Hoberman|2005|loc=[https://archive.org/details/testosteronedrea00hobe/page/63 63]}} According to a 1985 paper in the ''Obstetrical & Gynecological Survey'', clitoridectomy was performed in the United States into the 1960s to treat hysteria, erotomania and lesbianism.<ref>{{harvnb|Cutner|1985}}, cited in {{harvnb|Nour|2008}}. Also see {{harvnb|Barker-Benfield|1999|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=0QKUAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA113 113]}}.</ref> From the mid-1950s, [[James C. Burt]], a gynaecologist in Dayton, Ohio, performed non-standard repairs of [[episiotomy|episiotomies]] after childbirth, adding [[Husband stitch|more stitches]] to make the vaginal opening smaller. From 1966 until 1989, he performed "love surgery" by cutting women's [[pubococcygeus muscle]], repositioning the vagina and urethra, and removing the clitoral hood, thereby making their genital area more appropriate, in his view, for intercourse in the [[missionary position]].{{sfn|Rodriguez|2014|loc=149–153}} "Women are structurally inadequate for intercourse," he wrote; he said he would turn them into "horny little mice".<ref>{{cite news|last1=Wilkerson|first1=Isabel|title=Charges Against Doctor Bring Ire and Questions|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1988/12/11/us/charges-against-doctor-bring-ire-and-questions.html|work=The New York Times|date=11 December 1988|access-date=10 February 2018|archive-date=16 August 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090816081427/http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?sec=health|url-status=live}}{{pb}} |
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In the United States [[J. Marion Sims]] (1813–1883), regarded as the father of [[gynaecology]] – controversially so because of his experimental surgery on slaves – followed Brown's work, and in 1862 slit the neck of a woman's uterus and amputated her clitoris, "for the relief of the nervous or hysterical condition as recommended by Baker Brown," after she complained of period pain, convulsions and bladder problems.<ref>McGregor, Deborah Kuhn. ''From Midwives to Medicine: The Birth of American Gynecology'', Rutgers University Press, 1998, p. 146.</ref> Sources differ as to when the last clitoridectomy was performed in the United States. G. J. Barker-Benfield writes that it continued until at least 1904 and perhaps into the 1920s.<ref>Barker-Benfield, G. J. ''The Horrors of the Half-Known Life: Male Attitudes Toward Women and Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century America'', Routledge, 1999, p. 113.</ref> A 1985 paper in the ''Obstetrical & Gynecological Survey'' said it was performed into the 1960s to treat hysteria, [[erotomania]] and lesbianism.<ref>Cutner, L. P. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/4022475 "Female genital mutilation"], ''Obstetrical & Gynecological Survey'', 40(7), July 1985, pp. 437-443, cited in Nour, Nawal M. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2582648/ "Female Genital Cutting: A Persisting Practice"], ''Reviews in Obstetrics and Gynecology'', 1(3), Summer 2008, pp. 135–139 (review).</ref> |
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{{cite news|last1=Donaldson James|first1=Susan|title=Ohio Woman Still Scarred By 'Love' Doctor's Sex Surgery|url=http://abcnews.go.com/Health/ohio-woman-writes-book-love-doctor-mutilated-sex/story?id=17897317|work=ABC News|date=13 December 2012|ref=none|access-date=6 February 2018|archive-date=6 August 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200806025518/https://abcnews.go.com/Health/ohio-woman-writes-book-love-doctor-mutilated-sex/story?id=17897317|url-status=live}}</ref> In the 1960s and 1970s he performed these procedures without consent while repairing episiotomies and performing hysterectomies and other surgery; he said he had performed a variation of them on 4,000 women by 1975.{{sfn|Rodriguez|2014|loc=149–153}} Following complaints, he was required in 1989 to stop practicing medicine in the United States.<ref>{{cite news|title=Doctor Loses Practice Over Genital Surgery|work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1989/01/26/us/doctor-loses-practice-over-genital-surgery.html|agency=Associated Press|date=26 January 1989|access-date=10 February 2018|archive-date=31 August 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200831233712/https://www.nytimes.com/1989/01/26/us/doctor-loses-practice-over-genital-surgery.html|url-status=live}}</ref> |
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==Opposition and legal status== |
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{{Further|Female genital mutilation laws by country}} |
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===Colonial opposition in Kenya=== |
===Colonial opposition in Kenya=== |
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{{Paragraph break}} |
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{{further|Female circumcision controversy (Kenya, 1929–1932)}} |
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{{Further|Campaign against female genital mutilation in colonial Kenya}} |
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[[File:Hulda Stumpf.jpg|thumb|180px|alt=photograph|Christian missionary [[Hulda Stumpf]] was circumcised and murdered in her home in 1930.]] |
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{{quote box |
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Protestant missionaries in Kenya, a [[Kenya Colony|British colony]] from 1895 until 1963, started compaigning against FGM in 1906. The practice was known by the [[Kikuyu people|Kikuyu]], the country's main ethnic group, as ''irua'' for both girls and boys: excision (Type II) for girls and removal of the foreskin for boys.<ref name=Thomas2000p132>Thomas, Lynn M. "'Ngaitana (I will circumcise myself)': Lessons from Colonial Campaigns to Ban Excision in Meru, Kenya" in Bettina Shell-Duncan and Ylva Hernlund (eds.), ''Female "Circumcision" in Africa: Culture Controversy and Change'', Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000, [http://books.google.com/books?id=rhhRXiJIGEcC&pg=PA132 p. 132]. |
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*For ''irua'', see Zabus 2008, p. 48.</ref> Regarded by the Kikuyu as an important ethnic marker, the practice became a focal point of the independence movement from the 1920s onwards. Unexcised women (''irugu'') were outcasts, unmarriageable and often ending up as prostitutes, so to ask the Kikuyu to give up ''irua'' was unthinkable. There was also a fear that Europeans were campaigning against it so they could marry uncircumcised girls and acquire more Kenyan land.<ref>Boddy 2007, pp. 241–245. |
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|title=''Muthirigu'' |
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*For ''irugu'', see Zabus 2008, p. 49. |
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|title_fnt=#555555 |
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*Also see Strayer, Robert and Murray, Jocelyn. "The CMS and Female Circumcision," in Robert Strayer, ''The Making of Missionary Communities in East Africa'', SUNY Press, 1978 (hereafter Strayer and Murray 1978), [http://books.google.com/books?id=9kpLvKnZCR8C&pg=PA136 pp. 136–37]. |
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*Natsoulas, Theodore. [http://jas.sagepub.com/content/33/2/137.citation "The Politicization of the Ban of Female Circumcision and the Rise of the Independent School Movement in Kenya: The KCA, the Missions and Government, 1929–1932"], ''Journal of African Studies'', 33(2), April 1998, pp. 137–158.</ref> |
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|quote=<poem> |
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Little knives in their sheaths |
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That they may fight with the church, |
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The time has come. |
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Elders (of the church) |
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When [[Jomo Kenyatta|Kenyatta]] comes |
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You will be given women's clothes |
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And you will have to cook him his food.</poem> |
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|quoted= |
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|source= — From the ''Muthirigu'' (1929), [[Kikuyu people|Kikuyu]] dance-songs against church opposition to FGM<ref>Kenneth Mufuka, [https://web.archive.org/web/20111123065512/http://www.irss.uoguelph.ca/article/viewFile/176/218 "Scottish Missionaries and the Circumcision Controversy in Kenya, 1900–1960"], ''International Review of Scottish Studies'', 28, 2003, 55.</ref> |
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}} |
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Protestant missionaries in [[East Africa Protectorate|British East Africa]] (present-day Kenya) began campaigning against FGM in the early 20th century, when Dr. [[John Arthur (missionary)|John Arthur]] joined the [[Church of Scotland]] Mission (CSM) in Kikuyu. An important ethnic marker, the practice was known by the [[Kikuyu people|Kikuyu]], the country's main ethnic group, as ''irua'' for both girls and boys. It involved excision (Type II) for girls and removal of the foreskin for boys. Unexcised Kikuyu women (''irugu'') were outcasts.<ref>{{harvnb|Thomas|2000|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=rhhRXiJIGEcC&pg=PA132 132]}}. For ''irua'', {{harvnb|Kenyatta|1962|loc=129}}; for ''irugu'' as outcasts, {{harvnb|Kenyatta|1962|loc=127}}. Also see {{harvnb|Zabus|2008|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=xZmWF3qxHo4C&pg=PA48 48]}}.</ref> |
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[[Jomo Kenyatta]], general secretary of the [[Kikuyu Central Association]] and later Kenya's first prime minister, wrote in 1938 that, for the Kikuyu, the institution of FGM was the "''[[Sine qua non|conditio sine qua non]]'' of the whole teaching of tribal law, religion and morality". No proper Kikuyu man or woman would marry or have sexual relations with someone who was not circumcised, he wrote. A woman's responsibilities toward the tribe began with her initiation. Her age and place within tribal history were traced to that day, and the group of girls with whom she was cut was named according to current events, an [[oral tradition]] that allowed the Kikuyu to track people and events going back hundreds of years.{{sfn|Kenyatta|1962|loc=127–130}} |
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Then as now, support for the practice came from the women themselves. E. Mary Holding, a Methodist missionary in [[Meru, Kenya|Meru]], Kenya, described the ''irua'' ritual for the girls as an entirely female affair, organized by women's councils known as ''kiama gia ntonye'' ("the council of entering"). The circumcised girls' mothers were allowed to become members of these councils, a position of some authority, which was yet another reason to support the practice.<ref>Holding, E. Mary. [http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1758-6631.1942.tb04294.x/abstract "Women's Institutions and the African Church"], ''International Review of Mission'', 31(3), July 1942, pp. 290–300, cited in Thomas 2000, [http://books.google.com/books?id=rhhRXiJIGEcC&pg=PA136 p. 136].</ref> |
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[[File:Hulda Stumpf, Africa Inland Mission conference.jpg|thumb|left|alt=photograph|[[Hulda Stumpf]] ''(bottom left)'' was murdered in Kikuyu in 1930 after opposing FGM.]] |
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Such was the focus on FGM in Kenya that the 1929–1931 period became known in the country's historiography as the [[Female circumcision controversy (Kenya, 1929–1932)|female circumcision controversy]]. A person's stance toward the practice became a test of loyalty, either to the Christian churches or to the [[Kikuyu Central Association]].<ref name=Thomas2000p132/> The [[Church Mission Society|Church Missionary Society]] led the opposition,<ref>Strayer and Murray 1978, p. 139ff.</ref> and sought support from humanitarian and women's rights groups in London, where the issue was raised in the House of Commons.<ref name=Thomas2000p132/> [[Hulda Stumpf]] (1867–1930), an American missionary who had opposed allowing girls in a home she administered to undergo FGM, was murdered in her bed in January 1930 after being circumcised by her attackers.<ref>Boddy 2007, p. 241.</ref> |
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Beginning with the CSM in 1925, several missionary churches declared that FGM was prohibited for African Christians; the CSM announced that Africans practising it would be excommunicated, which resulted in hundreds leaving or being expelled.{{sfn|Fiedler|1996|loc=75}} In 1929 the Kenya Missionary Council began referring to FGM as the "sexual mutilation of women", and a person's stance toward the practice became a test of loyalty, either to the Christian churches or to the Kikuyu Central Association.<ref>{{harvnb|Thomas|2000|loc=132}}; for the "sexual mutilation of women", {{harvnb|Karanja|2009|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=F1ezIgyomGIC&pg=PA93 93], n. 631}}. Also see {{harvnb|Strayer|Murray|1978|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=9kpLvKnZCR8C&pg=PA139 139ff]}}.</ref> The stand-off turned FGM into a focal point of the Kenyan independence movement; the 1929–1931 period is known in the country's historiography as the female circumcision controversy.<ref>{{harvnb|Boddy|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=T77ui7IPNwkC&pg=PA241 241–245]}}; {{harvnb|Hyam|1990|loc=196}}; {{harvnb|Murray|1976|loc=92–104}}.</ref> When [[Hulda Stumpf]], an American missionary who opposed FGM in the girls' school she helped to run, was murdered in 1930, [[Edward Grigg]], the [[List of colonial governors and administrators of Kenya|governor of Kenya]], told the British [[Colonial Office]] that the killer had tried to circumcise her.<ref>{{harvnb|Boddy|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=T77ui7IPNwkC&pg=PA241 241], [https://books.google.com/books?id=T77ui7IPNwkC&pg=PA241 244]}}; {{harvnb|Robert|1996|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=98eI044RjlwC&pg=PA230 230]}}.</ref> |
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[[File:Jomo Kenyatta.jpg|left|thumb|150px|alt=photograph|[[Jomo Kenyatta]], Kenya's first prime minister, argued that FGM was an important institution.]] |
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The general secretary of the Kikuyu Central Association, [[Jomo Kenyatta]] (c. 1894–1978) – who became Kenya's first prime minister in 1963 and had earlier studied anthropology at the [[London School of Economics]] under [[Bronisław Malinowski]] (1884–1942) – wrote that, for the Kikuyu, the institution of FGM was the "''conditio sine qua non'' of the whole teaching of tribal law, religion and morality." No Kikuyu man or woman, he said, would marry someone who was not circumcised.<ref>Shweder 2002, p. 221 (also in [http://www.class.uh.edu/faculty/tsommers/moral%20diversity/shweder%20circumcision.pdf ''Daedalus'', 129(4)], Fall 2000).</ref> Kenyatta lived in London from February 1929 to September 1930, and visited Church of Scotland officials to discuss the church's stance toward FGM.<ref>Beck, Ann. [http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/cea_0008-0055_1966_num_6_22_3068 "Some Observations on Jomo Kenyatta in Britain, 1929–1930"], ''Cahiers d'études africaines'', 6(22), 1996 (pp. 308–329), pp. 321–322.</ref> He wrote in a letter to ''[[The Guardian|The Manchester Guardian]]'' around that time: |
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There was some opposition from Kenyan women themselves. At the mission in Tumutumu, [[Karatina]], where [[Marion Scott Stevenson]] worked, a group calling themselves ''Ngo ya Tuiritu'' ("Shield of Young Girls"), the membership of which included Raheli Warigia (mother of [[Gakaara wa Wanjaũ]]), wrote to the Local Native Council of South Nyeri on 25 December 1931: "[W]e of the Ngo ya Tuiritu heard that there are men who talk of female circumcision, and we get astonished because they (men) do not give birth and feel the pain and even some die and even others become infertile, and the main cause is circumcision. Because of that, the issue of circumcision should not be forced. People are caught like sheep; one should be allowed to cut her own way of either agreeing to be circumcised or not without being dictated on one's own body."<ref>{{harvnb|wa Kihurani|Warigia wa Johanna|Murigo wa Meshak|2007|loc=118–120}}; {{harvnb|Peterson|2012|loc=217}}.</ref> |
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<blockquote>The real argument lies not in the defense of the general surgical operation or its details, but in the understanding of a very important fact in the tribal psychology of the Kikuyu – namely, that this operation is still regarded as the essence of an institution which has enormous educational, social moral and religious implications, quite apart from the operation itself. For the present it is impossible for a member of the tribe to imagine an initiation without clitoridoctomy [sic]. Therefore the surgical abolition of the surgical element in this custom means to the Kikuyu the abolition of the whole institution.<ref>Mufuka, Kenneth. [http://www.irss.uoguelph.ca/article/viewFile/176/218 "Scottish Missionaries and the Circumcision Controversy in Kenya, 1900–1960"], ''International Review of Scottish Studies'', 28, 2003, p. 49, citing an undated letter by Jomo Kenyatta (then known as Johnston Kenyatta) to ''The Manchester Guardian'', presumed to be about 1930.</ref></blockquote> |
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Elsewhere, support for the practice from women was strong. In 1956 in Meru, eastern Kenya, when the council of male elders (the ''Njuri Nchecke'') announced a ban on FGM in 1956, thousands of girls cut each other's genitals with razor blades over the next three years as a symbol of defiance. The movement came to be known as ''Ngaitana'' ("I will circumcise myself"), because to avoid naming their friends the girls said they had cut themselves. Historian Lynn Thomas described the episode as significant in the history of FGM because it made clear that its victims were also its perpetrators.<ref>{{harvnb|Thomas|2000|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=rhhRXiJIGEcC&pg=PA129 129–131] (131 for the girls as "central actors")}}; also in {{harvnb|Thomas|1996}} and {{harvnb|Thomas|2003|loc=89–91}}.</ref> FGM was eventually outlawed in Kenya in 2001, although the practice continued, reportedly driven by older women.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Topping |first1=Alexandra |title=Kenyan girls taken to remote regions to undergo FGM in secret |url=https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2014/jul/24/kenya-girls-female-genital-mutilation-fgm-secret |work=The Guardian |date=24 July 2014 |access-date=17 January 2019 |archive-date=31 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200731055249/https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2014/jul/24/kenya-girls-female-genital-mutilation-fgm-secret |url-status=live }}</ref> |
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In 1956 the council of male elders (the ''Njuri Nchecke'') in Meru, Kenya, announced a ban on FGM. Over the next three years, as an act of defiance, thousands of girls circumcised each other with razor blades, although examinations by medical officers showed that the procedures mostly consisted of minor cuts to the labia. The movement came to be known in [[Meru language|Meru]] as ''Ngaitana'' ("I will circumcise myself"), so-called because the girls claimed to have cut themselves to avoid naming their friends.<ref>Thomas, Lynn. ''Politics of the Womb: Women, Reproduction, and the State in Kenya'', University of California Press, 2003, pp. 89–91. |
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*Also see Thomas 2000, [http://books.google.com/books?id=rhhRXiJIGEcC&pg=PA129 pp. 129–130]. |
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*Thomas, Lynn M. [http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1468-0424.1996.tb00062.x/abstract "'Ngaitana (I will circumcise myself)': The Gender and Generational Politics of the 1956 Ban on Clitoridectomy in Meru, Kenya"], ''Gender and History'', 8(3), November 1996, pp. 338–363.</ref> Historian Lynn Thomas describes the episode as significant in the history of FGM because it made clear that its apparent victims were in fact its perpetrators.<ref>Thomas 2000, [http://books.google.com/books?id=rhhRXiJIGEcC&pg=PA131 p. 131].</ref> |
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===Growth of opposition=== |
===Growth of opposition=== |
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{{FGM opposition timeline}} |
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<!--add section after this one on eradication efforts, pledge societies, Mackie, game theory-->[[File:Benoîte Groult (1983) by Erling Mandelmann.jpg|thumb|180px|alt=photograph|[[Benoîte Groult]]]] |
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One of the earliest campaigns against FGM began in Egypt in the 1920s, when the Egyptian Doctors' Society called for a ban.{{efn|[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]] calls the Egyptian Doctors' Society opposition the "first known campaign" against FGM.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 10.</ref>}} There was a parallel campaign in Sudan, run by religious leaders and British women. Infibulation was banned there in 1946, but the law was unpopular and barely enforced.{{sfn|Boddy|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=T77ui7IPNwkC&pg=PA202 202], 299}}{{efn|Some states in Sudan banned FGM in 2008–2009, but {{as of|2013|lc=y}}, there was no national legislation.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 2, 9.</ref> The prevalence of FGM among women aged 14–49 was 89 percent in 2014.{{sfn|Elduma|2018}}}} The Egyptian government banned infibulation in state-run hospitals in 1959, but allowed partial clitoridectomy if parents requested it.{{sfn|Boyle|2002|loc=92, 103}} (Egypt banned FGM entirely in 2007.) |
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[[File:Nawal-el-saadavi.jpg|thumb|180px|alt=photograph|[[Nawal El Saadawi]]]] |
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[[File:Fran Hosken, 1950 (cropped).jpg|thumb|180px|alt=photograph|[[Fran Hosken]]]] |
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African physicians also began speaking out against FGM. The Egyptian Doctors' Society called for it to be banned in the 1920s, and surgeon Ali Ibrahim Pasha, the director of [[Cairo University]], spoke out against it in 1928. An Egyptian medical journal, ''Al Doktor'', criticized it in 1951, as did an Egyptian women's magazine, ''Hawwaa'', in 1957. In 1958 it became illegal to perform FGM in any of Egypt's state-run health facilities.<ref>Abd el Salam, S. "A Comprehensive Approach for Communication about Female Genital Mutilation in Egypt" (hereafter Abd el Salam 1999), in George C. Denniston, Frederick Mansfield Hodges and Marilyn Fayre Milos (eds.), ''Male and Female Circumcision: Medical, Legal, and Ethical Considerations in Pediatric Practice'', Springer, 1999, pp. 318–320. |
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*[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 10, calls the Egyptian Doctors' Society opposition the "first known campaign" against FGM.</ref> The United Nations asked the World Health Organization to investigate the practice in 1958, but the WHO declined, responding that it was a cultural issue, not a medical one.<ref>Boyle 2002, p. 41. |
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*Kouba, Leonard J. and Muasher, Judith. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/524569 "Female Circumcision in Africa: An Overview"], ''African Studies Review'', 28(1), March 1985 (pp. 95–110, hereafter Kouba and Muasher 1985), p. 106.</ref> |
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In 1959, the UN asked the WHO to investigate FGM, but the latter responded that it was not a medical matter.{{sfn|Boyle|2002|loc=41}} Feminists took up the issue throughout the 1970s.{{sfn|Bagnol|Mariano|2011|loc=281}} The Egyptian physician and feminist [[Nawal El Saadawi]] criticized FGM in her book ''Women and Sex'' (1972); the book was banned in Egypt and El Saadawi lost her job as director-general of public health.<ref name=Khaleeli2010>{{harvnb|Gruenbaum|2001|loc=22}}; Khaleeli, Homa (15 April 2010). [https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2010/apr/15/nawal-el-saadawi-egyptian-feminist "Nawal El Saadawi: Egypt's radical feminist"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150926003949/http://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2010/apr/15/nawal-el-saadawi-egyptian-feminist |date=26 September 2015 }}, ''The Guardian''.</ref> She followed up with a chapter, "The Circumcision of Girls", in her book ''The Hidden Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World'' (1980), which described her own clitoridectomy when she was six years old: |
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In 1975 Rose Oldfield Hayes published a paper in the ''American Ethnologist'' about infibulation in north Sudan, bringing the issue to wider academic attention.<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/643328 Oldfield Hayes 1975]; Gruenbaum 2001, p. 21.</ref> The United Nations Decade for Women (1975–1985) offered a focal point for opposition, and feminists began speaking out against it, in a few cases echoing the accusatory language of the earlier colonial campaigns. French writer [[Benoîte Groult]] wrote about FGM in her ''Ainsi soit-elle'' (1975); British journalist [[Jill Tweedie]] (1936–1993) in ''The Guardian'' in 1976; Egyptian physician [[Nawal El Saadawi]] in ''The Hidden Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World'' (1977); American feminist [[Mary Daly]] (1928–2010) in her ''Gyn/ecology'' (1978); and Senegalese writer Awa Thiam in ''La parole aux négresses'' (1978).<ref>Rahman and Toubia 2000, pp. 10–11; Gruenbaum 2001, p. 21; Boyle 2002, p. 45; Zabus 2008, p. 56. |
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*For the opposition being linked to feminism, see Bagnol, Birgitte and Mariano, Esmeralda. "Politics of naming sexual practices" (hereafter Bagnol and Mariano 2011) in Sylvia Tamale (ed.), ''African Sexualities: A Reader'', Pambazuka Press, 2011, p. 281. |
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*Awa Thiam's ''La parole aux négresses'' was translated as ''Black Sisters, Speak Out: Feminism and Oppression in Black Africa'' (1986). Also see Thiam, Awa. [http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1468-2451.00150 "Women’s fight for the abolition of sexual mutilation"], ''International Social Science Journal'', 50(157), September 1998, pp. 381–386.</ref> |
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{{blockquote|I did not know what they had cut off from my body, and I did not try to find out. I just wept, and called out to my mother for help. But the worst shock of all was when I looked around and found her standing by my side. Yes, it was her, I could not be mistaken, in flesh and blood, right in the midst of these strangers, talking to them and smiling at them, as though they had not participated in slaughtering her daughter just a few moments ago.{{sfn|El Saadawi|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=u5n9zUZuVI8C&pg=PA14 14]}}}} |
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Austrian-American feminist [[Fran Hosken]] (1920–2006) – who founded the Women's International Network in 1975 – began researching FGM in 1971 and in 1979 published ''The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females'', coining the term ''female genital mutilation''.<ref>Boyle 2002, p. 25.</ref> She was uncompromising in her criticism, calling FGM a "training ground for male violence" and the women "mentally castrated." She accused the women of "participating in the destruction of their own kind," and argued that infibulation "teaches male children that the most extreme forms of torture and brutality against women and girls is their absolute right and what is expected of real men."<ref>Hosken, Fran. ''The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females'', Women's International Network, 1979, cited in [http://www.iscgmedia.com/uploads/6/0/9/7/6097060/johnsdotter_cvs.pdf Johnsdotter and Essén 2010], p. 31. |
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*Khan, Joseph P. [http://www.boston.com/news/globe/obituaries/articles/2006/02/12/fran_p_hosken_86_activist_for_womens_issues_globally/?page=full "Fran P. Hosken, 86; activist for women's issues globally"], ''The Boston Globe'', 12 February 2006. |
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*American feminist [[Gloria Steinem]] wrote in similar terms about FGM in "The International Crime of Genital Mutilation" for Ms. Magazine in 1980. See Steinem, Gloria. "The International Crime of Genital Mutilation," Ms. Magazine, March 1980, p. 65, and ''Outrageous Acts and Everyday Rebellions'', Henry Holt & Co, 1984 (hereafter Steinem 1984), p. 317ff. |
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*In 1982 Sudanese physician Asma El Dareer, herself a victim of FGM, published an influential study of FGM in Sudan, ''Woman, Why Do You Weep? Circumcision and its Consequences''.</ref> |
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[[File:Edna Adan Ismail.jpg|thumb|upright|left|alt=photograph|[[Edna Adan Ismail]] raised the health consequences of FGM in 1977.]] |
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In February 1979 the WHO and the government of Sudan organized a seminar, "Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children," in Khartoum, and Hosken presented her research to it.<ref>Steinem 1984, p. 323.</ref> The early focus on the health risks of FGM had led to a proposal from physicians for a milder form to be practised and carried out under medical supervision. Hosken urged the seminar to see FGM instead as a violation of the women's rights, no matter who carries it out.<ref>Rahman and Toubia 2000, p. 10; Ross 2008, p. 477; [http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 8.</ref> Hosken's language caused a rift between African women and Western feminists. During the UN's Mid-Decade Conference on Women in Copenhagen in July 1980, feminists clashed over several issues, including the treatment of the Palestinians and how to approach FGM. African women boycotted a session that featured Hosken, calling her views ethnocentric and insensitive.<ref>Boyle 2002, p. 47. |
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In 1975, Rose Oldfield Hayes, an American social scientist, became the first female academic to publish a detailed account of FGM, aided by her ability to discuss it directly with women in Sudan. Her article in ''American Ethnologist'' called it "female genital mutilation", rather than female circumcision, and brought it to wider academic attention.{{sfn|Hayes|1975|loc=21}} [[Edna Adan Ismail]], who worked at the time for the Somalia Ministry of Health, discussed the health consequences of FGM in 1977 with the [[Somali Women's Democratic Organization]].{{sfn|Abdalla|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=8VQxt634pfcC&pg=PA201 201]}}<ref>Topping, Alexandra (23 June 2014). [https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jun/23/somaliland-womens-rights-gender-violence "Somaliland's leading lady for women's rights: 'It is time for men to step up'"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170101055842/https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jun/23/somaliland-womens-rights-gender-violence |date=1 January 2017 }}, ''The Guardian''.</ref> Two years later [[Fran Hosken]], an Austrian-American feminist, published ''The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females'' (1979),{{sfn|Hosken|1994}} the first to offer global figures. She estimated that 110,529,000 women in 20 African countries had experienced FGM.{{sfn|Yoder|Khan|2008|loc=2}} The figures were speculative but consistent with later surveys.{{sfn|Mackie|2003|loc=139}} Describing FGM as a "training ground for male violence", Hosken accused female practitioners of "participating in the destruction of their own kind".{{sfn|Hosken|1994|loc=5}} The language caused a rift between Western and African feminists; African women boycotted a session featuring Hosken during the [[World Conference on Women, 1980|UN's Mid-Decade Conference on Women]] in Copenhagen in July 1980.<ref>{{harvnb|Boyle|2002|loc=47}}; {{harvnb|Bagnol|Mariano|2011|loc=281}}.</ref> |
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*Abusharaf, Rogaia Mustafa. "Revisiting Feminist Discourses on Inbulation: The Hosken Report," in Shell-Duncan and Hernlund 2000, [http://books.google.com/books?id=rhhRXiJIGEcC&pg=PA160 pp. 160–163]. |
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*[http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00088999/00001 "U.N. World Conference of the U.N. Decade for Women"], report of Congressional staff advisers to the US delegation, December 1980, p. 52ff.</ref> The French Association of Anthropologists published a statement in 1981, arguing that "a certain feminism resuscitates (today) the moralistic arrogance of yesterday's colonialism": |
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In 1979, the WHO held a seminar, "Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children", in Khartoum, Sudan, and in 1981, also in Khartoum, 150 academics and activists signed a pledge to fight FGM after a workshop held by the [[Babikir Badri|Babiker Badri Scientific Association for Women's Studies]] (BBSAWS), "Female Circumcision Mutilates and Endangers Women – Combat it!" Another BBSAWS workshop in 1984 invited the international community to write a joint statement for the United Nations.<ref>Shahira Ahmed, "Babiker Badri Scientific Association for Women's Studies", in Abusharaf 2007, 176–180.</ref> It recommended that the "goal of all African women" should be the eradication of FGM and that, to sever the link between FGM and religion, clitoridectomy should no longer be referred to as ''sunna''.<ref>Ahmed 2007, 180.</ref> |
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<blockquote>Let's stop making the Africans look like savages, let's stop imposing on them our models for living and now our models for pleasure, let's stop to perceive horror in others to better deny them in our society. For now to whom is the scandal benefiting? Isn't the barbarian the one who believes in barbarism?<ref>Bagnol and Mariano 2011, p. 281.</ref></blockquote> |
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The [[Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children]], founded in 1984 in Dakar, Senegal, called for an end to the practice, as did the UN's [[World Conference on Human Rights]] in Vienna in 1993. The conference listed FGM as a form of [[violence against women]], marking it as a human-rights violation, rather than a medical issue.<ref>[[Anika Rahman]] and [[Nahid Toubia]], ''Female Genital Mutilation: A Guide to Laws and Policies Worldwide'', New York: Zed Books, 2000, [https://books.google.com/books?id=kEG6GaudxQEC&pg=PA110 10–11] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200801123412/https://books.google.com/books?id=kEG6GaudxQEC&pg=PA110 |date=1 August 2020 }}; for Vienna, [[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 8.</ref> Throughout the 1990s and 2000s governments in Africa and the Middle East passed legislation banning or restricting FGM. In 2003 the [[African Union]] ratified the [[Maputo Protocol]] on the rights of women, which supported the elimination of FGM.<ref>Emma Bonino, [https://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/15/opinion/15iht-edbonino_ed3_.html "A brutal custom: Join forces to banish the mutilation of women"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150531165453/http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/15/opinion/15iht-edbonino_ed3_.html |date=31 May 2015 }}, ''The New York Times'', 15 September 2004; [https://web.archive.org/web/20110409114818/http://www.africa-union.org/root/au/Documents/Treaties/Text/Protocol%20on%20the%20Rights%20of%20Women.pdf Maputo Protocol], 7–8.</ref> By 2015 laws restricting FGM had been passed in at least 23 of the 27 African countries in which it is concentrated, although several fell short of a ban.{{efn|For example, UNICEF 2013 lists Mauritania as having passed legislation against FGM, but (as of that year) it was banned only from being conducted in government facilities or by medical personnel.<ref name=UNICEF2013p8>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 8.</ref>{{pb}}The following are countries in which FGM is common and in which restrictions are in place as of 2013. An asterisk indicates a ban:{{pb}}Benin (2003), Burkina Faso (1996*), Central African Republic (1966, amended 1996), Chad (2003), Côte d'Ivoire (1998), Djibouti (1995, amended 2009*), Egypt (2008*), Eritrea (2007*), Ethiopia (2004*), Ghana (1994, amended 2007), Guinea (1965, amended 2000*), Guinea-Bissau (2011*), Iraq (2011*), Kenya (2001, amended 2011*), Mauritania (2005), Niger (2003), Nigeria (2015*), Senegal (1999*), Somalia (2012*), Sudan, some states (2008–2009), Tanzania (1998), Togo (1998), Uganda (2010*), Yemen (2001*).<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 8–9.</ref><ref>[[#UNFPA–UNICEF2012|UNFPA–UNICEF Annual Report 2012]], 12.</ref>}} |
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Throughout the 1980s to the 2000s, several African and international bodies signalled their opposition to the practice. The [[Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women]] was adopted by the UN General Assembly in December 1979.<ref>Fee, Elizabeth. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3173844 "Review of ''The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females'' by Fran P. Hosken"], ''Signs'', 5(4), Summer 1980 (pp. 807–809), p. 809.</ref> The [[Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children]] called for an end to FGM in 1984,<ref name=RahmanToubia2000p10>Rahman and Toubia 2000, p. 10.</ref> as did the UN's [[World Conference on Human Rights]] in 1993,<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013] p. 8; [http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJM199409153311106 Toubia 1994]. |
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*World Conference on Human Rights: the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, United Nations Department of Public Information, June 1993.</ref> and the [[Fourth World Conference on Women]] in Beijing in 1995.<ref>Boddy 2007, p. 2.</ref> In 1997 the World Health Organization, United Nations Children's Fund and United Nations Population Fund issued a joint statement declaring their opposition to it.<ref>[http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/csw/csw52/statements_missions/Interagency_Statement_on_Eliminating_FGM.pdf "Eliminating female genital mutilation: an inter-agency statement"], OHCHR, UNAIDS, UNDP, UNECA, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM and WHO, 2008, p. 3.</ref> In 2003 the United Nations began sponsoring an annual [[International Day of Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation]], held every 6 February, and in July that year the [[African Union]] ratified the [[Maputo Protocol]], guaranteeing certain rights for women, including an end to FGM.<ref>Feldman-Jacobs, Charlotte. [http://www.prb.org/Articles/2009/fgmc.aspx "Commemorating International Day of Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation"], Population Reference Bureau, February 2009. |
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*[http://www.achpr.org/files/instruments/women-protocol/achpr_instr_proto_women_eng.pdf Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa"], African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights: "States Parties shall prohibit and condemn all forms of harmful practices which negatively affect the human rights of women ... States Parties shall take all necessary legislative and other measures to eliminate such practices, including ... all forms of female genital mutilation, scarification, medicalisation and paramedicalisation of female genital mutilation and all other practices in order to eradicate them ..." |
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*Bonino, Emma. [http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/15/opinion/15iht-edbonino_ed3_.html "A brutal custom: Join forces to banish the mutilation of women"], ''The New York Times'', 15 September 2004.</ref> |
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{{As of|2023}}, UNICEF reported that "in most countries in Africa and the Middle East with representative data on attitudes (23 out of 30), the majority of girls and women think the practice should end", and that "even among communities that practice FGM, there is substantial opposition to its continuation".<ref name=UNICEF2023/> |
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In 2008 FGM was finally outlawed in Egypt.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 12.</ref> After the 1959 ban on FGM in state-run hospitals, the practice had continued elsewhere in the country, and in 1995 CNN broadcast images of a ten-year-old girl undergoing it in a barber's shop in Cairo.<ref>Smolowe, Jill. [http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,981483,00.html "A Rite of Passage – Or Mutilation?"], ''Time'' magazine, 26 September 1994. |
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*Kandela, Peter. [http://bmj.bmjjournals.com/cgi/content/full/310/6971/12 "Egypt sees U turn on female circumcision"],''British Medical Journal'', 310(6971), 1995. |
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*Ghalwash, Mae. [http://www.apnewsarchive.com/1997/Cairo-court-rejects-lawsuit-against-CNN-in-genital-mutilation-case/id-54e51b9feb669ce4d49986c58fe4c174 "Cairo court rejects lawsuit against CNN in genital mutilation case"], Associated Press, 30 August 1997.</ref> As a result the government reversed the 1959 ban so that physicians could carry it out,<ref>Abd el Salam 1999, p. 322.</ref> but in 2007 a 12-year-old girl died during an FGM procedure conducted by a physician in an illegal clinic. The [[Al-Azhar]] Supreme Council of Islamic Research, the highest religious authority in Egypt, ruled in response that FGM had no basis in core Islamic law, and this enabled the government to outlaw it entirely.<ref name=Michael>Michael, Maggie. [http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/06/29/AR2007062901284.html "Egypt Officials Ban Female Circumcision"], The Associated Press, 29 June 2007. |
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*[http://www.unicef.org/egypt/media_3875.html "Fresh progress toward the elimination of female genital mutilation and cutting in Egypt"], UNICEF, 2 July 2007.</ref> |
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===Medical ethics=== |
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The UN General Assembly voted unanimously to condemn the practice in December 2012, and urged member states to take all necessary steps toward ending it. The 54 nations of the [[United Nations Regional Groups#African Group|African Group]] introduced the text of the resolution.<ref name=UN>[http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2012/ga11331.doc.htm "General Assembly Strongly Condemns Widespread, Systematic Human Rights Violations"], United Nations General Assembly, 20 December 2012: "[T]he Assembly adopted its first-ever text aimed at ending female genital mutilation, concluding a determined effort by African States." |
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A 2024 article authored by 160 contributors under the aegis of ''The Brussels Collaboration on Bodily Integrity'' stated that in the [[Global North and Global South|global north]], regarding the children categorized as female at birth with no clear "differences of sex development (i.e., non-intersex or “endosex” females)", there is an almost complete "ethical consensus" to not perform any "nonvoluntary genital cutting or surgery, from “cosmetic” labiaplasty to medicalized ritual “pricking” of the vulva, insofar as the procedure is not strictly necessary to protect the child’s physical health." All other reasons, including "psychosocial, cultural, subjective-aesthetic, or prophylactic benefits as judged by doctors or parents", are considered to be absolutely inappropriate.<ref name=BCBI2024>{{cite journal |author=The Brussels Collaboration on Bodily Integrity |date=17 July 2024|title=Genital Modifications in Prepubescent Minors: When May Clinicians Ethically Proceed?|url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/epdf/10.1080/15265161.2024.2353823|journal=The American Journal of Bioethics|volume=|issue=|pages=50|doi=10.1080/15265161.2024.2353823|pmid=39018160 |access-date=22 October 2024|hdl=11590/474747|hdl-access=free}}</ref>{{rp|p=1}} However, few proponents of medicalized penis circumcisions in newborns, argue for the sake of parity, that "minor" FGMs be permitted, even for nonconsenting girls in [[Western world|the West]], as they see a symbolic overlap between the two customs.<ref name=BCBI2024/>{{rp|p=24}} |
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*[http://www.unfpa.org/webdav/site/global/shared/documents/publications/2012/67th%20UNGA%20-%20Resolution%20adopted%20on%20FGM.pdf "Intensifying global efforts for the elimination of female genital mutilations"], United Nations General Assembly, Sixty-seventh session, Third Committee, Agenda item 28 (a), Advancement of women, 16 November 2012. |
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*Bonino, Emma. [http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/20/opinion/global/banning-female-genital-mutilation.html "Banning Female Genital Mutilation"], ''The New York Times'', 19 December 2012: "The U.N. resolution will be adopted by consensus, demonstrating the international community’s unified stance. The consensus is strengthened by the fact that two thirds of U.N. member states are co-sponsoring the resolution, with 67 states joining the 54 nations of the African Group, which initially introduced the text."</ref> As of 2013 FGM is outlawed in 26 African countries. Outside Africa, FGM is also concentrated in Iraqi Kurdistan, which passed legislation against it in 2011.<ref>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 8. |
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*The African countries in which FGM is concentrated, and which have passed legislation against it (not counting laws passed during colonial rule), are as of 2013 (see [http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 9): Benin (2003), Burkina Faso (1996), Central African Republic (1966, amended 1996), Chad (2003), Côte d’Ivoire (1998), Djibouti (1995, amended 2009), Egypt (2008), Eritrea (2007), Ethiopia (2004), Ghana (1965, amended 2007), Guinea (1965, amended 2000), Guinea-Bissau (2011), Kenya (2001, amended 2011), Mauritania (2005), Niger (2003), Nigeria, some states (1999–2006), Senegal (1999), Somalia (2012), Sudan, some states (2008–2009), Togo (1998), Uganda (2010), United Republic of Tanzania (1998), Yemen (2001).</ref> As in Europe and the rest of the world, enforcement of the legislation is poor, although there have been arrests in Burkina Faso and Egypt.<ref name=UNICEF2013p8/> |
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===United Nations{{anchor|UN}}=== |
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===Law in non-practising countries=== |
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[[File:Female genital mutilation laws by country map.svg|300px|thumb|[[Female genital mutilation laws by country]]: |
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{{legend|#008000|Specific criminal provision or national law prohibiting FGM}} |
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As a result of immigration, the practice spread to Australia, Europe, North America and Scandinavia.<ref>[http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_eng.pdf UNICEF 2005], p. 4: "Beyond economic factors, migratory patterns have frequently reflected links established in the colonial past. For instance, citizens from Benin, Chad, Guinea, Mali, Niger and Senegal have often chosen France as their destination, while many Kenyan, Nigerian and Ugandan citizens have migrated to the United Kingdom.<p>"In the 1970s, war, civil unrest and drought in a number of African states, including Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, resulted in an influx of refugees to Western Europe, where some countries, such as Norway and Sweden, had been relatively unaffected by migration up to that point. Beyond Western Europe, Canada and the USA in North America, and Australia and New Zealand in Australasia also host women and children who have been subjected to FGM/C, and are home to others who are at risk of undergoing this procedure."</ref> Families who have immigrated from practising countries send their daughters there to undergo FGM, ostensibly to visit a relative, and in the UK there are reports that parents fly in "house doctors" to perform the procedure on multiple girls during the same ceremony in one of the family's homes.<ref>Kerbaj, Richard. [http://www.thetimes.co.uk/tto/health/article1964473.ece "Thousands of girls mutilated in Britain"],''The Times'', 16 March 2009 ([http://www.accmuk.com/the_times_news_1.pdf courtesy link]).</ref> As of 2013 anti-FGM legislation had been passed by 33 countries outside Africa and the Middle East.<ref name=UNICEF2013p8>[http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 8.</ref> Sweden banned the practice in 1982, the first Western country to do so.<ref>Essén, Birgitta and Johnsdotter, Sara. [http://web.archive.org/web/20130414232252/http://www.hmb.utoronto.ca/HMB303H/Case_Studies/Kenya-FGM/FGM_%26_Cosmetic_Surgery.pdf "Female Genital Mutilation in the West: Traditional Circumcision versus Genital Cosmetic Surgery"], ''Acta Obstetricia Gynecologica Scandinavica'', 83(7), July 2004 (pp. 611–613; hereafter Essén and Johnsdotter 2004), p. 611.</ref> Several former colonial powers, including Belgium, Britain, France and the Netherlands, followed suit, either with new laws or by making it clear that FGM was covered by existing legislation.<ref>Boyle 2002 p. 97.</ref> The practice is outlawed in Australia and New Zealand, across the European Union, in the United States, and under section 268 of the [[Criminal Code of Canada]].<ref>For Australia: [http://www.ag.gov.au/Publications/Documents/ReviewofAustraliasfemalegenitalmutilationlegalframework/Review%20of%20Australias%20female%20genital%20mutilation%20legal%20framework.pdf "Review of Australia's Female Genital Mutilation Legal Framework"], Attorney General's Department, Government of Australia. |
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{{legend|#00FF00|General criminal provision that might be used to prosecute FGM}} |
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*For New Zealand: [http://www.legislation.govt.nz/act/public/1961/0043/latest/DLM329734.html#DLM329734 "Section 204A – Female genital mutilation – Crimes Act 1961"], New Zealand Parliamentary Counsel Office. |
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{{legend|#EEEE00|Partial or subnational FGM criminalisation, or unclear legal status}} |
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*For the European Union: Rowling, Megan. [http://www.trust.org/item/?map=france-reduces-genital-cutting-with-prevention-prosecutions-lawyer/ "France reduces genital cutting with prevention, prosecutions - lawyer"], Thomson Reuters Foundation, 27 September 2012 (hereafter Rowling 2012). |
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{{legend|#FF0000|FGM not criminalised}} |
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*For Canada: [http://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/pi/fv-vf/facts-info/fv-vf/fv3-vf3.html "Family Violence: Department of Justice Canada Overview paper"], Department of Justice, 31 July 2007, footnote 4.</ref> |
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{{legend|#C0C0C0|No data}}]] |
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In December 1993, the [[United Nations General Assembly]] included FGM in resolution 48/104, the [[Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women]], and from 2003 sponsored [[International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation]], held every 6 February.<ref>[http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/48/a48r104.htm "48/104. Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060202074847/http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/48/a48r104.htm |date=2 February 2006 }}, United Nations General Assembly, 20 December 1993.</ref><ref>Charlotte Feldman-Jacobs, [http://www.prb.org/Articles/2009/fgmc.aspx "Commemorating International Day of Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100213125942/http://www.prb.org/Articles/2009/fgmc.aspx |date=13 February 2010 }}, Population Reference Bureau, February 2009.</ref> UNICEF began in 2003 to promote an evidence-based [[social norms approach]], using ideas from [[game theory]] about how communities reach decisions about FGM, and building on the work of Gerry Mackie on the demise of footbinding in China.<ref>[[#UNICEF2013|UNICEF 2013]], 15; [[#UNICEF2010|UNICEF 2010]].</ref> In 2005 the UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre in Florence published its first report on FGM.<ref name=UNICEF2005/> UNFPA and UNICEF launched a joint program in Africa in 2007 to reduce FGM by 40 percent within the 0–15 age group and eliminate it from at least one country by 2012, goals that were not met and which they later described as unrealistic.<ref name="UNFPA–UNICEF2013">[[#UNFPA2013|UNFPA 2013]], "Executive Summary", 4.</ref>{{efn|Fifteen countries joined the program: Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Senegal and Sudan in 2008; Burkina Faso, Gambia, Uganda and Somalia in 2009; and Eritrea, Mali and Mauritania in 2011.<ref>[[#UNFPA2013|UNFPA 2013]], Volume 1, viii.</ref>}} In 2008 several UN bodies recognized FGM as a human-rights violation,<ref>[[#WHO2008|WHO 2008]], 8.</ref> and in 2010 the UN called upon healthcare providers to stop carrying out the procedures, including reinfibulation after childbirth and symbolic nicking.<ref name=UN2010Askew/> In 2012 the General Assembly passed resolution 67/146, "Intensifying global efforts for the elimination of female genital mutilations".<ref name=UN>[[#UNresolution2012|UN resolution, 20 December 2012]]; Emma Bonino, [https://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/20/opinion/global/banning-female-genital-mutilation.html "Banning Female Genital Mutilation"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170101060201/http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/20/opinion/global/banning-female-genital-mutilation.html |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20220102/http://www.nytimes.com/2012/12/20/opinion/global/banning-female-genital-mutilation.html |archive-date=2022-01-02 |url-access=limited |url-status=live |date=1 January 2017 }}{{cbignore}}, ''The New York Times'', 19 December 2012.</ref> |
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===Practising countries=== |
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Canada was the first to recognize FGM as a form of persecution when it granted refugee status in 1994 to Khadra Hassan Farah, who fled Somalia with her 10-year-old daughter to avoid the girl being subjected to it.<ref>Farnsworth, Clyde H. [http://www.nytimes.com/1994/07/21/world/canada-gives-somali-mother-refugee-status.html "Canada Gives Somali Mother Refugee Status"], ''The New York Times'', 21 July 1994.</ref> As of May 2012 there had been no prosecutions in Canada.<ref>Jaffer, Mobina S. B. [http://www.parl.gc.ca/Content/Sen/Chamber/411/Debates/079db_2012-05-15-e.htm "Criminal Code, Bill to Amend – Second Reading], Debates of the Senate (Hansard), 1st Session, 41st Parliament, 148(79), 15 May 2012.</ref> There have been several prosecutions in France, where FGM is covered by a provision of the [[:fr:Code pénal (France)|penal code]] punishing acts of violence against children that result in mutilation or disability.<ref>Rahman and Toubia 2000, p. 152.</ref> There are thought to be up to 30,000 women in France who have experienced FGM, and thousands of girls at risk.<ref name=Rowling2012/> Colette Gallard, a French family-planning counsellor, writes that when it was first encountered there, the initial reaction was that Westerners ought not to intervene, and it took the deaths of two girls in 1982, one of them three months old, for that attitude to change.<ref>Gallard, Colette. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2549952/?page=1 "Female genital mutilation in France"], ''British Medical Journal'', 310, 17 June 1995, p. 1592. |
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A growing number of individuals subjected to FGM as children, even in societies where such cutting, including relatively minor forms, is culturally normative, express great resentment about what they consider a violation of their human rights.<ref>{{cite journal|author=The Brussels Collaboration on Bodily Integrity|date=26 September 2019|title=Medically Unnecessary Genital Cutting and the Rights of the Child: Moving Toward Consensus|url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/epdf/10.1080/15265161.2019.1643945|journal=The American Journal of Bioethics|volume=19|issue=10|pages=17–28|doi=10.1080/15265161.2019.1643945|pmid=31557092 |access-date=22 October 2024|hdl=20.500.14018/14098|hdl-access=free}}</ref>{{rp|p=21}} |
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*For the death of the three-month-old girl, see [http://www.trust.org/item/?map=france-reduces-genital-cutting-with-prevention-prosecutions-lawyer/ Rowling 2012].</ref> Between then and 2012 there were 40 trials, resulting in convictions against two practitioners and over 100 parents.<ref name=Rowling2012>[http://www.trust.org/item/?map=france-reduces-genital-cutting-with-prevention-prosecutions-lawyer/ Rowling 2012].</ref> |
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===Non-practising countries=== |
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There were nearly 100,000 girls in England and Wales thought to be at risk of FGM as of 2007, according to the charity [[Foundation for Women's Health, Research and Development|FORWARD]].<ref>Dorkenoo, Efua; Morison, Linda; and Macfarlane, Alison. [http://www.forwarduk.org.uk/download/96 "A Statistical Study to Estimate the Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation in England and Wales"], FORWARD, October 2007, p. 25. |
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====Overview==== |
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*Also see Black, J.A. and Debelle, G.D. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2549951/pdf/bmj00597-0048.pdf "Female genital mutilation in Britain"], ''British Medical Journal'', 310, 17 June 1995. |
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{{Further|Prevalence of female genital mutilation}} |
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*Hill, Amelia. [http://www.theguardian.com/society/2013/may/08/female-genital-mutilation-death-intimidation "Female genital mutilation campaigners face death threats and intimidation"], ''The Guardian'', 8 May 2013.</ref> The [[Prohibition of Female Circumcision Act 1985]] outlawed the procedure in the UK, and the [[Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003]] and [[Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation (Scotland) Act 2005]] made it an offence to arrange it outside the country for British citizens or permanent residents.<ref>McVeigh, Tracy and Sutton, Tara. [http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2010/jul/25/female-circumcision-children-british-law "British girls undergo horror of genital mutilation despite tough laws"], ''The Guardian'', 25 July 2010.</ref> In June 2013 the British [[National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children]] launched a 24-hour helpline for children at risk, and in March 2014 charges against two physicians were announced after they repaired FGM on a patient in London who had given birth.<ref>Newman, Cathy. [http://www.telegraph.co.uk/women/womens-politics/10141355/UKs-first-Female-Genital-Mutilation-helpline-finally-openly-tackles-the-horrific-problem.html "UK's first Female Genital Mutilation helpline finally openly tackles the horrific problem"], ''The Daily Telegraph'', 25 June 2013. |
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Immigration spread the practice to Australia, [[Female genital mutilation in New Zealand|New Zealand]], Europe, and North America, all of which outlawed it entirely or restricted it to consenting adults.<ref>Australia: [http://www.ag.gov.au/Publications/Documents/ReviewofAustraliasfemalegenitalmutilationlegalframework/Review%20of%20Australias%20female%20genital%20mutilation%20legal%20framework.pdf "Review of Australia's Female Genital Mutilation Legal Framework"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160305202920/https://www.ag.gov.au/Publications/Documents/ReviewofAustraliasfemalegenitalmutilationlegalframework/Review%20of%20Australias%20female%20genital%20mutilation%20legal%20framework.pdf |date=5 March 2016 }}, Attorney General's Department, Government of Australia.{{pb}} |
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*Owen Bowcott, [http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2014/mar/21/fgm-female-genital-mutilation-men-charged "Two men first to be charged in UK under FGM Act"], ''The Guardian'', 21 March 2014. |
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New Zealand: [http://www.legislation.govt.nz/act/public/1961/0043/latest/DLM329734.html#DLM329734 "Section 204A – Female genital mutilation – Crimes Act 1961"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111123061721/http://www.legislation.govt.nz/act/public/1961/0043/latest/DLM329734.html#DLM329734 |date=23 November 2011 }}, New Zealand Parliamentary Counsel Office.{{pb}} |
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*For the NSPCC helpline, see [http://www.nspcc.org.uk/news-and-views/our-news/child-protection-news/female-genital-mutilation-helpline/fgm-helpline-launched_wda96863.html "Female genital mutilation helpline launched"], NSPCC, accessed 6 September 2013.</ref> |
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Europe: [http://ec.europa.eu/justice/gender-equality/gender-violence/eliminating-female-genital-mutilation/index_en.htm "Eliminating female genital mutilation"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140808183953/http://ec.europa.eu/justice/gender-equality/gender-violence/eliminating-female-genital-mutilation/index_en.htm |date=8 August 2014 }}, European Commission.{{pb}} |
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United States: [http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/116 "18 U.S. Code § 116 – Female genital mutilation"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140803012933/http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/116 |date=3 August 2014 }}, Legal Information Institute, Cornell University Law School.{{pb}} |
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Canada: [http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/C-46/section-268.html Section 268], Criminal Code, Justice Laws website, Government of Canada.</ref> Sweden outlawed FGM in 1982 with the ''Act Prohibiting the Genital Mutilation of Women'', the first Western country to do so.<ref name=EigeSweden>[http://eige.europa.eu/sites/default/files/documents/current_situation_and_trends_of_female_genital_mutilation_in_sweden_en.pdf "Current situation of female genital mutilation in Sweden"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170319112455/http://eige.europa.eu/sites/default/files/documents/current_situation_and_trends_of_female_genital_mutilation_in_sweden_en.pdf |date=19 March 2017 }}, European Institute for Gender Equality, European Union.</ref> Several former colonial powers, including Belgium, Britain, France, and the Netherlands, introduced new laws or made clear that it was covered by existing legislation.{{sfn|Boyle|2002|loc=97}} {{As of|2013}}, legislation banning FGM had been passed in 33 countries outside Africa and the Middle East.<ref name=UNICEF2013p8/> |
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====North America==== |
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{{Further|Female genital mutilation in the United States}} |
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In the United States, an estimated 513,000 women and girls had experienced FGM or were at risk as of 2012.<ref name=CDC2016>[http://www.publichealthreports.org/documents/fgmutilation.pdf "Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting in the United States: Updated Estimates of Women and Girls at Risk, 2012"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171221153549/http://www.publichealthreports.org/documents/fgmutilation.pdf |date=21 December 2017 }}. ''Public Health Reports''. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. March–April 2016, 131.</ref><ref>Turkewitz, Julie (6 February 2015). [https://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/06/us/genital-cutting-cases-seen-more-as-immigration-rises.html "Effects of Ancient Custom Present New Challenge to U.S. Doctors: Genital Cutting Cases Seen More as Immigration Rises"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180131004639/https://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/06/us/genital-cutting-cases-seen-more-as-immigration-rises.html |date=31 January 2018 }}. ''The New York Times''.</ref>{{efn|The Centers for Disease Control's previous estimate was 168,000 as of 1990.{{sfn|Jones|Smith|Kieke|Wilcox|1997|loc=372}}}} A Nigerian woman successfully contested deportation in March 1994, asking for "cultural asylum" on the grounds that her young daughters (who were American citizens) might be cut if she took them to Nigeria,<ref>Rudloff, Patricia Dysart (1995). [https://web.archive.org/web/20010220043053/http://www.law-lib.utoronto.ca/Diana/fulltext/rudl.htm "In Re: Oluloro: Risk of female genital mutilation as 'extreme hardship' in immigration proceedings"]. ''Saint Mary's Law Journal'', 877.{{pb}} |
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{{Cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1994/03/04/us/an-ancient-ritual-and-a-mother-s-asylum-plea.html|title=An Ancient Ritual and a Mother's Asylum Plea|last=Egan|first=Timothy|date=4 March 1994|work=The New York Times|access-date=28 November 2019|archive-date=3 September 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200903094757/https://www.nytimes.com/1994/03/04/us/an-ancient-ritual-and-a-mother-s-asylum-plea.html|url-status=live}}</ref> and in 1996 [[Matter of Kasinga|Fauziya Kasinga]] from [[Togo]] became the first to be officially granted asylum to escape FGM.<ref>Dugger, Celia W. (16 June 1996). [https://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C05E1DB1439F935A25755C0A960958260 "June 9–15; Asylum From Mutilation"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200621232551/https://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html%3Fres%3D9C05E1DB1439F935A25755C0A960958260 |date=21 June 2020 }}. ''The New York Times''.{{pb}} |
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[https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/eoir/legacy/2000/03/28/kasinga7.pdf "In re Fauziya KASINGA, file A73 476 695"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170304040921/https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/eoir/legacy/2000/03/28/kasinga7.pdf |date=4 March 2017 }}. U.S. Department of Justice. Executive Office for Immigration Review, decided 13 June 1996.</ref> In 1996 the Federal Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Act made it illegal to perform FGM on minors for non-medical reasons, and in 2013 the Transport for Female Genital Mutilation Act prohibited transporting a minor out of the country for the purpose of FGM.<ref name=CDC2016/>{{rp|2}} The first FGM conviction in the US was in 2006, when [[Khalid Adem]], who had emigrated from Ethiopia, was sentenced to ten years for aggravated battery and cruelty to children after severing his two-year-old daughter's clitoris with a pair of scissors.<ref>[http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/nation/2006-11-01-georgia_x.htm "Man gets 10-year sentence for circumcision of 2-year-old daughter"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170902134855/http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/nation/2006-11-01-georgia_x.htm |date=2 September 2017 }}. Associated Press, 1 November 2006.</ref> A federal judge ruled in 2018 that the 1996 Act was unconstitutional, arguing that FGM is a "local criminal activity" that should be regulated by states.<ref name=Schmidt21Nov2018>Schmidt, Samantha (21 November 2018). [https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/social-issues/judge-rules-that-federal-law-banning-female-genital-mutilation-is-unconstitutional/2018/11/21/a9455728-edd2-11e8-96d4-0d23f2aaad09_story.html "Judge rules that federal law banning female genital mutilation is unconstitutional"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200820223532/https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/social-issues/judge-rules-that-federal-law-banning-female-genital-mutilation-is-unconstitutional/2018/11/21/a9455728-edd2-11e8-96d4-0d23f2aaad09_story.html |date=20 August 2020 }}. ''The Washington Post''.</ref>{{efn|The judge made his ruling during a case against members of the [[Dawoodi Bohra]] community in Michigan accused of carrying out FGM.<ref name=Schmidt21Nov2018/>}} Twenty-four states had legislation banning FGM as of 2016,<ref name=CDC2016/>{{rp|2}} and in 2021 the STOP FGM Act of 2020 was signed into federal law.<ref>Batha, Emma (7 January 2021). [https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-law-fgm/us-toughens-ban-on-abhorrent-female-genital-mutilation-idUSKBN29C2OF "U.S. toughens ban on 'abhorrent' female genital mutilation"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210108140215/https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-law-fgm/us-toughens-ban-on-abhorrent-female-genital-mutilation-idUSKBN29C2OF |date=8 January 2021 }}. Reuters.</ref> The [[American Academy of Pediatrics]] opposes all forms of the practice, including pricking the clitoral skin.{{efn|In 2010 the American Academy of Pediatrics suggested that "pricking or incising the clitoral skin" was a harmless procedure that might satisfy parents, but it withdrew the statement after complaints.<ref>{{cite journal|url=http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/102/1/153.full|title=Female Genital Mutilation|journal=Pediatrics|volume=102|issue=1|date=1 July 1998|pages=153–156|doi=10.1542/peds.102.1.153|pmid=9651425|doi-access=free|access-date=22 October 2016|archive-date=18 February 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130218221435/http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/102/1/153.full|url-status=live}}{{pb}} |
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Withdrawn policy: {{cite journal|url=http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/125/5/1088.full|title=Ritual Genital Cutting of Female Minors|journal=Pediatrics|volume=125|issue=5|date=1 May 2010|pages=1088–1093|pmid=20421257|doi=10.1542/peds.2010-0187|doi-access=free|author1=American Academy of Pediatrics Board of Directors|access-date=27 October 2014|archive-date=20 October 2014|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141020034936/http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/125/5/1088.full|url-status=live}}{{pb}} |
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Pam Belluck, [https://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/07/health/policy/07cuts.html "Group Backs Ritual 'Nick' as Female Circumcision Option"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180118095546/http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/07/health/policy/07cuts.html |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20220102/http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/07/health/policy/07cuts.html |archive-date=2022-01-02 |url-access=limited |url-status=live |date=18 January 2018 }}{{cbignore}}, ''The New York Times'', 6 May 2010.</ref>}} |
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Canada recognized FGM as a form of persecution in July 1994, when it granted refugee status to Khadra Hassan Farah, who had fled Somalia to avoid her daughter being cut.<ref name=Farnsworth1994>Farnsworth, Clyde H. (21 July 1994). [https://www.nytimes.com/1994/07/21/world/canada-gives-somali-mother-refugee-status.html "Canada Gives Somali Mother Refugee Status"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170813224305/http://www.nytimes.com/1994/07/21/world/canada-gives-somali-mother-refugee-status.html |date=13 August 2017 }}. ''The New York Times''.</ref> In 1997 section 268 of its [[Criminal Code (Canada)|Criminal Code]] was amended to ban FGM, except where "the person is at least eighteen years of age and there is no resulting bodily harm".<ref>[http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/C-46/section-268.html Section 268] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190502191321/https://www.ag.gov.au/Publications/Documents/ReviewofAustraliasfemalegenitalmutilationlegalframework/Review%20of%20Australias%20female%20genital%20mutilation%20legal%20framework.pdf |date=2 May 2019 }}. Criminal Code of Canada.</ref><ref name=UNICEF2013p8/> {{As of|2019|2}}, there had been no prosecutions. Officials have expressed concern that thousands of Canadian girls are at risk of being taken overseas to undergo the procedure, so-called "vacation cutting".<ref>Portenier, Giselle (6 February 2019). [https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-when-will-canada-take-action-for-girls-who-endure-fgm/ "When will Canada take action for girls who endure FGM?"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201202074503/https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-when-will-canada-take-action-for-girls-who-endure-fgm/ |date=2 December 2020 }}. ''The Globe and Mail''.</ref> |
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In the United States the [[Centers for Disease Control]] estimated in 1997 that 168,000 girls living there had undergone FGM or were at risk.<ref name=DuPont1998p85>Cullen-DuPont, Kathryn. "Female genital mutilation," ''Encyclopedia of Women's History in America'', Da Capo Press, 1998, [http://books.google.com/books?id=oIro7MtiFuYC&pg=PA85 p. 85].</ref> [[Matter of Kasinga|Fauziya Kasinga]], a 19-year-old woman from Togo and member of the [[Tchamba|Tchamba-Kunsuntu]] ethnic group, was granted asylum in 1996 after leaving an arranged marriage to escape FGM, setting a precedent in US immigration law.<ref>Nussbaum 1999, pp. 118–119. |
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*Also see Dugger, Celia W. [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C05E1DB1439F935A25755C0A960958260 "June 9-15; Asylum From Mutilation"],''The New York Times'', 16 June 1996. |
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*[http://www.justice.gov/eoir/efoia/kasinga7.pdf "In re Fauziya KASINGA, file A73 476 695], U.S. Department of Justice, Executive Office for Immigration Review, decided 13 June 1996. |
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*Dugger, Celia W. [http://www.nytimes.com/1996/04/15/nyregion/woman-s-plea-for-asylum-puts-tribal-ritual-on-trial.html "Woman's Plea for Asylum Puts Tribal Ritual on Trial"], ''The New York Times'', 15 April 1996.</ref> Performing FGM on anyone under the age of 18 became illegal in 1997 with the Federal Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Act.<ref>Zabus 2004, p. 110. |
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*Also see Ross, Susan Deller. ''Women's Human Rights: The International and Comparative Law Casebook'', Vantage Press, 2008, [http://books.google.com/books?id=1TmUgmeGziUC&pg=PA509 p. 509ff]; and [http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGCM_Lo_res.pdf UNICEF 2013], p. 8.</ref> The Transport for Female Genital Mutilation Act was passed in January 2013 and prohibits knowingly transporting a girl out of the country for the purpose of undergoing FGM.<ref>Hassan, Yasmeen. [http://www.huffingtonpost.com/yasmeen-hassan/new-wins-speed-gains_b_2403941.html "As Global Consensus Accelerates, Obama Strengthens Federal Law Protecting Girls in the Fight Against Female Genital Mutilation"],''The Huffington Post'', 3 January 2013.</ref> [[Khalid Adem]], who emigrated from Ethiopia to Atlanta, Georgia, became the first person in the US to be convicted in an FGM case; he was sentenced to ten years in 2006 for having severed his two-year-old daughter's clitoris with a pair of scissors.<ref>[http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/nation/2006-11-01-georgia_x.htm "Man gets 10-year sentence for circumcision of 2-year-old daughter"], Associated Press, 1 November 2006.</ref> |
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====Europe==== |
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==Criticism of the opposition== |
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{{Further|Female genital mutilation in the United Kingdom}} |
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According to the European Parliament, 500,000 women in Europe had undergone FGM {{as of|2009|03|lc=y}}.{{sfn|Yoder|Wang|Johansen|2013|loc=195}} In France up to 30,000 women were thought to have experienced it as of 1995. According to Colette Gallard, a family-planning counsellor, when FGM was first encountered in France, the reaction was that Westerners ought not to intervene. It took the deaths of two girls in 1982, one of them three months old, for that attitude to change.{{sfn|Gallard|1995|loc=1592}}<ref name=Rowling/> In 1991 a French court ruled that the [[Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees]] offered protection to FGM victims; the decision followed an asylum application from [[Aminata Diop]], who fled an FGM procedure in Mali.<ref>Jana Meredyth Talton, "Asylum for Genital-Mutilation Fugitives: Building a Precedent", [[Ms. (magazine)|Ms.]], January/February 1992, 17.</ref> The practice is outlawed by several provisions of France's penal code that address bodily harm causing permanent mutilation or torture.<ref>[http://eige.europa.eu/sites/default/files/documents/current_situation_and_trends_of_female_genital_mutilation_in_france_en.pdf "Current situation of female genital mutilation in France"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160207130739/http://eige.europa.eu/sites/default/files/documents/current_situation_and_trends_of_female_genital_mutilation_in_france_en.pdf |date=7 February 2016 }}, European Institute for Gender Equality, European Union.</ref><ref name=Rowling>Megan Rowling [http://news.trust.org//item/?map=france-reduces-genital-cutting-with-prevention-prosecutions-lawyer/ "France reduces genital cutting with prevention, prosecutions – lawyer"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170101055918/http://news.trust.org/item/?map=france-reduces-genital-cutting-with-prevention-prosecutions-lawyer%2F |date=1 January 2017 }}, Thomson Reuters Foundation, 27 September 2012.</ref><!--find source: All children under six who were born in France undergo medical examinations that include inspection of the genitals, and doctors are obliged to report FGM.--> The first civil suit was in 1982,{{sfn|Gallard|1995|loc=1592}} and the first criminal prosecution in 1993.<ref name=Farnsworth1994/> In 1999 a woman was given an eight-year sentence for having performed FGM on 48 girls.<ref>[[David Gollaher]], ''Circumcision: A History of the World's Most Controversial Surgery'', New York: Basic Books, 2000, 189.</ref> By 2014 over 100 parents and two practitioners had been prosecuted in over 40 criminal cases.<!--check source--><ref name=Rowling/> |
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Around 137,000 women and girls living in England and Wales were born in countries where FGM is practised, as of 2011.<ref>Alison Macfarlane and [[Efua Dorkenoo]], [http://www.equalitynow.org/sites/default/files/FGM%20EN%20City%20Estimates.pdf "Female Genital Mutilation in England and Wales"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150815112821/http://www.equalitynow.org/sites/default/files/FGM%20EN%20City%20Estimates.pdf |date=15 August 2015 }}, [[City University of London]] and [[Equality Now]], 21 July 2014, 3.{{pb}} |
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===Challenges to the mainstream position=== |
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[http://eige.europa.eu/sites/default/files/documents/Study%20to%20map%20the%20current%20situation%20and%20trends%20on%20FGM%20-Country%20reports%20-%20MH3212540ENN.pdf "Country Report: United Kingdom"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170319112338/http://eige.europa.eu/sites/default/files/documents/Study%20to%20map%20the%20current%20situation%20and%20trends%20on%20FGM%20-Country%20reports%20-%20MH3212540ENN.pdf |date=19 March 2017 }}, ''Study to map the current situation and trends of FGM: Country reports'', European Institute for Gender Equality, Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2013, 487–532.{{pb}} |
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[[File:Alice Walker, 1989.jpg|thumb|200px|alt=photograph|FGM eradicationists, including novelist [[Alice Walker]], have been criticized for failing to respect the women's own desires and interests.]] |
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For an early article on FGM in the UK, see {{harvnb|Black|Debelle|1995}}</ref> Performing FGM on children or adults was outlawed under the [[Prohibition of Female Circumcision Act 1985]].<ref><!--add secondary source-->[http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1985/38/contents ''Prohibition of Female Circumcision Act 1985''] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170101055729/http://www.ccsenet.org/journal/index.php/ilr/article/view/36076 |date=1 January 2017 }}, legislation.gov.uk, The National Archives.</ref> This was replaced by the [[Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003]] and [[Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation (Scotland) Act 2005]], which added a prohibition on arranging FGM outside the country for British citizens or permanent residents.<ref>[http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2003/31 Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170714134537/http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2003/31 |date=14 July 2017 }} and [http://www.legislation.gov.uk/asp/2005/8/contents "Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation (Scotland) Act 2005"], legislation.gov.uk.</ref>{{efn|[[Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003]]: "A person is guilty of an offence if he excises, infibulates or otherwise mutilates the whole or any part of a girl's labia majora, labia minora or clitoris", unless "necessary for her physical or mental health". Although the legislation refers to girls, it applies to women too.<ref>[http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2003/31 "Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170714134537/http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2003/31 |date=14 July 2017 }}, legislation.gov.uk, and [http://www.cps.gov.uk/legal/d_to_g/female_genital_mutilation/#a02 "Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130908183829/http://www.cps.gov.uk/legal/d_to_g/female_genital_mutilation/#a02 |date=8 September 2013 }} (legal guidance), Crown Prosecution Service: "The Act refers to 'girls', though it also applies to women."</ref>}} The United Nations [[Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women|Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women]] (CEDAW) asked the government in July 2013 to "ensure the full implementation of its legislation on FGM".<ref>[[#CEDAW2013|CEDAW, July 2013]], 6, paras 36, 37.</ref> The first charges in England and Wales were brought in 2014 against a physician and another man; the physician had stitched an infibulated woman after opening her for childbirth. Both men were acquitted in 2015.<ref>Sandra Laville, [https://www.theguardian.com/society/2015/feb/04/doctor-not-guilty-fgm-dhanuson-dharmasena "Doctor found not guilty of FGM on patient at London hospital"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180206042151/https://www.theguardian.com/society/2015/feb/04/doctor-not-guilty-fgm-dhanuson-dharmasena |date=6 February 2018 }}, ''The Guardian'', 4 February 2015.</ref> The first successful conviction was that of a Ugandan mother, who was found guilty at the Central Criminal Court of England and Wales on 1 February 2019.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-47094707|title=FGM: Mother guilty of genital mutilation of daughter|publisher=BBC News|date=1 February 2019|accessdate=1 February 2019}}</ref> On 8 March 2019, she was sentenced to 11 years in prison.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-london-47502089|title=Mother jailed for 11 years over FGM|publisher=BBC News|date=8 March 2019|accessdate=8 March 2019}}</ref> The second successful conviction was another mother, 39-year-old Amina Noor, a Kenyan woman living in [[Harrow, London|Harrow]], [[North London]], who had taken her (then) 3-year-old daughter to Kenya for mutilation in 2006, when the mother was aged 22. As of February 2024, she was sentenced to 7 years in prison. She was the first convicted person to have taken someone abroad for the act; she had herself been subjected to Female Genital Mutilation when she was 6 years old.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c4ngz2redmdo.amp|title=FGM: Woman jailed for taking girl, 3, for mutilation loses appeal|date=4 July 2024|website=BBC News}}</ref> |
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<!--add Yael Tamir-->Anthropologist [[Eric Silverman]] wrote in 2004 that FGM was one of the "central moral topics of contemporary anthropology."<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064860 Silverman 2004], pp. 427–428.</ref> Anthropologists have been criticized for adopting a [[Cultural pluralism|pluralist]] or [[Cultural relativism|relativist]] stance rather than defending human rights, while eradicationists stand accused of cultural colonialism.<ref>[http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064860 Silverman 2004], p. 420.</ref> |
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<!--NOTE: PLEASE CONSIDER ADDING EXTRA DETAILS ABOUT THE UK TO [[Female genital mutilation in the United Kingdom]]. MANY THANKS!--> |
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==Criticism of opposition== |
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Ugandan law professor [[Sylvia Tamale]] argued in 2011 that the early Western opposition stemmed from a [[Judeo-Christian]], voyeuristic judgment that African sexual culture, including not only FGM but also [[dry sex]], [[polygyny]] and [[levirate marriage]], consisted of primitive practices that required correction.<ref>[[Sylvia Tamale|Tamale, Sylvia]]. "Researching and theorising sexualities" (hereafter Tamale 2011), in Sylvia Tamale (ed.), ''African Sexualities: A Reader'', Fahamu/Pambazuka, 2011, pp. 19–20. |
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===Tolerance versus human rights=== |
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*Abusharaf, Rogaia Mustafa. "Revisiting Feminist Discourses on Inbulation: The Hosken Report," in Shell-Duncan and Hernlund 2000, [http://books.google.com/books?id=rhhRXiJIGEcC&pg=PA160 pp. 160–163].</ref> Following the publication of Fran Hosken's report in 1979, Tamale wrote, opposition to FGM became an obsession of anthropologists and women's rights activists, who "flocked to the continent with the zeal of missionaries."<ref>Tamale 2011, p. 19.</ref> She cautioned that African feminists object to the "imperialist, racist and dehumanising infantilization of African women."<ref>Tamale 2011, [http://books.google.com/books?id=xSqIrrswbG0C&pg=PA20 p. 20]. |
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[[File:Obioma Nnaemeka.jpg|thumb|upright=0.9|alt=photograph|[[Obioma Nnaemeka]] criticized the renaming of female circumcision to female genital mutilation.{{sfn|Nnaemeka|2005|loc=[https://conifer.rhizome.org/Germinal/wikipedia/20180527025854/https://books.google.com/books?id=XjctVvOzzcQC&pg=PA34 34]{{cbignore}}}}]] |
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*Historian Chima Korieh cites, as an example of the objectification of African women by opponents of FGM, the publication by 12 American newspapers of the circumcision ceremony of a 16-year-old girl in Kenya in 1996. The photographs won the [[Pulitzer Prize for Feature Photography]], but according to Korieh the girl had not given permission for images of her naked body to be published or even taken. For the winning photographs, see [http://www.pulitzer.org/works/1996-Feature-Photography "Stephanie Welsh"], 1996 Pulitzer Prize winners. See Korieh, Chima. "'Other' Bodies: Western Feminism, Race and Representation in Female Circumcision Discourse," in Obioma Nnaemeka (ed.), ''Female Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge: African Women in Imperialist Discourses'', Praeger, 2005, [http://books.google.com/books?id=XjctVvOzzcQC&pg=PA121 pp. 121–122].</ref> African-American feminists have also come into conflict with each other over FGM: [[Stanlie James]] criticized the writer and anti-FGM campaigner [[Alice Walker]], calling her "'possessed' of the pernicious notion" that she has to save the African women from themselves.<ref name=James2002p89>James, Stanlie M. "Listening to Other(ed) Voices: Reflections around Female Genital Cutting," in Stanlie M. James and Claire C. Robertson (eds.), ''Genital Cutting and Transnational Sisterhood'', University of Illinois Press, 2002, p. 89.</ref> |
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Anthropologists{{who|date=March 2024}} have accused FGM eradicationists of [[cultural imperialism|cultural colonialism]], and have been criticized in turn for their [[moral relativism]] and failure to defend the idea of universal human rights.{{sfn|Silverman|2004|loc=420}} According to critics of the eradicationist position, the [[Reductionism#In science|biological reductionism]] of the opposition to FGM, and the failure to appreciate FGM's cultural context, serves to "[[Othering|other]]" practitioners and undermine their agency—in particular when parents are referred to as "mutilators".{{sfn|Kirby|2005|loc=83}} |
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{{Medical anthropology}} |
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Several anthropologists have challenged the international opposition to FGM, including [[Richard Shweder]], [[Janice Boddy]], [[Carla Obermeyer]] and [[Fuambai Ahmadu]], who was herself cut as an adult when she was initiated into the [[Sande society|Bundu]] secret society in Sierra Leone.<ref>Shweder 2002, pp. 217–218; Boddy 2007, p. 3; [http://www.jstor.org/stable/649659 Obermeyer 1999], pp. 92–93; Shell-Duncan and Hernlund 2000, p. 2; and [[Fuambai Ahmadu|Ahmadu, Fuambai]]. "Rites and Wrongs: An Insider/Outsider Reflects on Power and Excision," in Shell-Duncan and Hernlund 2000, [http://books.google.com/books?id=rhhRXiJIGEcC&pg=PA283 p. 283ff].</ref> Shweder argues that anthropologists who specialize in gender issues in Africa have long been aware of the discrepancies between their own experiences and the global discourse on FGM, which in his view has replaced critical thinking with political activism. The accuracy of the factual and moral claims against FGM are taken for granted to such an extent, he argues, that the practice has become an "obvious counterargument to cultural pluralism."<ref name=Shweder2002p218/> |
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Africans who object to the tone of FGM opposition risk appearing to defend the practice. The feminist theorist [[Obioma Nnaemeka]], herself strongly opposed to FGM, argued in 2005 that renaming the practice ''female genital mutilation'' had introduced "a subtext of barbaric African and Muslim cultures and the West's relevance (even indispensability) in purging [it]".{{sfn|Nnaemeka|2005|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=XjctVvOzzcQC&pg=PA33 33]}} According to Ugandan law professor [[Sylvia Tamale]], the early Western opposition to FGM stemmed from a Judeo-Christian judgment that African sexual and family practices, including not only FGM but also [[dry sex]], [[polygyny]], [[bride price]] and [[levirate marriage]], required correction. African feminists "take strong exception to the imperialist, racist and dehumanising infantilization of African women", she wrote in 2011.{{sfn|Tamale|2011|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=xSqIrrswbG0C&pg=PA19 19–20]}} Commentators highlight the voyeurism in the treatment of women's bodies as exhibits. Examples include images of women's vulvas after FGM or girls undergoing the procedure.{{sfn|Nnaemeka|2005|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=XjctVvOzzcQC&pg=PA30 30–33]}} The 1996 [[#Pulitzer|Pulitzer-prize-winning photographs]] of a 16-year-old Kenyan girl experiencing FGM were published by 12 American newspapers, without her consent either to be photographed or to have the images published.<ref>{{harvnb|Korieh|2005|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=XjctVvOzzcQC&pg=PA121 121–122]}}; for the photographs, see {{cite web |title=Stephanie Welsh. The 1996 Pulitzer Prize Winners: Feature Photography |url=http://www.pulitzer.org/works/1996-Feature-Photography |publisher=The Pulitzer Prizes|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151007101527/http://www.pulitzer.org/works/1996-Feature-Photography |archive-date=7 October 2015 |date=1996|url-status=live}}</ref> |
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Shweder opposes the view of FGM as a human rights violation, arguing that there are no such things as [[Natural and legal rights|natural rights]], but maintains that if a rights perspective is adopted, it must take other rights into account, such as the right to self-determination, autonomy and freedom of religion. He highlights the [[Mandinka people|Mandinka]] of Guinea-Bissau, for whom bodily integrity and purity are required for prayer, and are achieved by circumcision.<ref>Shweder 2005, pp. 190–191, 193.</ref> He argues further that the medical evidence does not support the view of FGM as invariably harmful, citing reviews of the medical literature in 1999, 2003 and 2005 by medical anthropologist and epidemiologist Carla Obermeyer of [[Harvard University]], who suggested that the more serious medical complications are relatively infrequent.<ref name=Shweder2002p218>Shweder 2002, pp. 218–219. |
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*[http://www.jstor.org/stable/649659 Obermeyer 1999], pp. 92–93 (also [http://csde.washington.edu/fogarty/casestudies/shellduncanmaterials/day%202/Obermeyer,%20C.%20%281999%29%20Female%20genital%20surgeries.pdf here]): "On the basis of the vast literature on the harmful effects of genital surgeries, one might have anticipated finding a wealth of studies that document considerable increases in mortality and morbidity. This review could find no incontrovertible evidence on mortality, and the rate of medical complications suggests that they are the exception rather than the rule." |
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*Obermeyer, Carla. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3655391 "The Health Consequences of Female Circumcision: Science, Advocacy, and Standards of Evidence"], ''Medical Anthropology Quarterly'', 17(3), September 2003. |
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*Obermeyer, Carla. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/4005474 "The Consequences of Female Circumcision for Health and Sexuality: An Update on the Evidence"], ''Medical Anthropology Quarterly'', 7(5), September–October 2005. |
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*More from Shweder in Tierney, John. [http://tierneylab.blogs.nytimes.com/2007/12/05/circumcision-or-mutilation-and-other-questions-about-a-rite-in-africa "'Circumcision' or 'Mutilation'? And Other Questions About a Rite in Africa"], ''The New York Times'', 5 October 2007.</ref> Shweder also cites a 2001 study by Linda Morison of the [[London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine]] that looked at the reproductive health consequences of Type II FGM in the Gambia; Morison concluded that there were few differences between the circumcised and uncircumcised women.<ref>Sweder 2005, pp. 187, 188–189. |
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*Morison, Linda et al. [http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1046/j.1365-3156.2001.00749.x/full "The long-term reproductive health consequences of female genital cutting in rural Gambia: a community-based survey"], ''Tropical Medicine & International Health'', 6(8), August 2001, pp. 643–653.</ref> |
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The debate has highlighted a tension between anthropology and feminism, with the former's focus on tolerance and the latter's on equal rights for women. According to the anthropologist Christine Walley, a common position in anti-FGM literature has been to present African women as victims of [[false consciousness]] participating in their own oppression, a position promoted by feminists in the 1970s and 1980s, including Fran Hosken, [[Mary Daly]] and Hanny Lightfoot-Klein.{{sfn|Walley|2002|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=t_5a39rTNB8C&pg=PA18 18], 34, 43, [https://books.google.com/books?id=t_5a39rTNB8C&pg=PA60 60]}} It prompted the French Association of Anthropologists to issue a statement in 1981, at the height of the early debates, that "a certain feminism resuscitates (today) the moralistic arrogance of yesterday's colonialism".{{sfn|Bagnol|Mariano|2011|loc=281}} |
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{{anchor|comparison}} |
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===Comparison with other procedures=== |
===Comparison with other procedures{{anchor|comparison}}=== |
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====Cosmetic procedures==== |
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Obermeyer argues that FGM may be conducive to women's well-being within their communities in the same way that procedures such as [[breast implant]]s, [[rhinoplasty]] and male circumcision may help people in other cultures.<ref> |
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{{See also|Labiaplasty#Criticism}} |
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[http://www.jstor.org/stable/649659 Obermeyer 1999], p. 94 (also [http://csde.washington.edu/fogarty/casestudies/shellduncanmaterials/day%202/Obermeyer,%20C.%20%281999%29%20Female%20genital%20surgeries.pdf here]).</ref> The WHO does not include cosmetic procedures such as [[labiaplasty]] (reduction of the inner labia), [[vaginoplasty]] (tightening of the vaginal muscles) and [[clitoral hood reduction]] as examples of FGM; they write that some elective practices do fall within its categories, but its broad definition aims to avoid loopholes.<ref name=WHOelective>[http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241596442_eng.pdf WHO 2008], p. 28: "Some practices, such as genital cosmetic surgery and hymen repair, which are legally accepted in many countries and not generally considered to constitute female genital mutilation, actually fall under the definition used here. It has been considered important, however, to maintain a broad definition of female genital mutilation in order to avoid loopholes that might allow the practice to continue."</ref> Gynaecologist Birgitta Essén and anthropologist Sara Johnsdotter argue that this is a double standard, with adult African women (for example, those seeking reinfibulation after childbirth) viewed as mutilators trapped in a primitive culture, while other women seeking cosmetic genital surgery are viewed as exercising their right to control their own bodies.<ref>[http://www.hmb.utoronto.ca/HMB303H/Case_Studies/Kenya-FGM/FGM_%26_Cosmetic_Surgery.pdf Essén and Johnsdotter 2004], p. 613. |
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Nnaemeka argues that the crucial question, broader than FGM, is why the female body is subjected to so much "abuse and indignity", including in the West.{{sfn|Nnaemeka|2005|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=XjctVvOzzcQC&pg=PA38 38–39]}} Several authors have drawn a parallel between FGM and cosmetic procedures.<ref>{{harvnb|Johnsdotter|Essén|2010|loc=32}}; {{harvnb|Berer|2007|loc=1335}}.</ref> Ronán Conroy of the [[Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland]] wrote in 2006 that cosmetic genital procedures were "driving the advance" of FGM by encouraging women to see natural variations as defects.{{sfn|Conroy|2006}} Anthropologist [[Fadwa El Guindi]] compared FGM to [[Breast augmentation|breast enhancement]], in which the maternal function of the breast becomes secondary to men's sexual pleasure.{{sfn|El Guindi|2007|loc=[https://books.google.com/books?id=8VQxt634pfcC&pg=PA33 33]}} [[Benoîte Groult]], the French feminist, made a similar point in 1975, citing FGM and cosmetic surgery as sexist and patriarchal.{{sfn|Wildenthal|2012|loc=148}} Against this, the medical anthropologist [[Carla Obermeyer]] argued in 1999 that FGM may be conducive to a subject's social well-being in the same way that [[rhinoplasty]] and male circumcision are.<ref>[[Carla Obermeyer|Obermeyer, Carla]]. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/649659 "Female Genital Surgeries: The Known, the Unknown and the Unknowable"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200809185753/https://www.jstor.org/stable/649659 |date=9 August 2020 }}, ''Medical Anthropology Quarterly'', 31(1), 1999, pp. 79–106 (hereafter Obermeyer 1999), 94.</ref> Despite the 2007 ban in Egypt, Egyptian women wanting FGM for their daughters seek ''amalyet tajmeel'' (cosmetic surgery) to remove what they see as excess genital tissue.<ref>Sara Abdel Rahim, [http://timep.org/commentary/midwives-doctors-searching-safer-circumcisions-egypt# "From Midwives to Doctors: Searching for 'Safer' Circumcisions in Egypt?"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170730231539/http://timep.org/commentary/midwives-doctors-searching-safer-circumcisions-egypt |date=30 July 2017 }}, [[The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy]], 25 September 2014.</ref> |
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*For the health risks, see [http://web.archive.org/web/20071221161229/http://www.acog.org/from_home/publications/press_releases/nr09-01-07-1.cfm "ACOG Advises Against Cosmetic Vaginal Procedures Due to Lack of Safety and Efficacy Data"], American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, 1 September 2007. |
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*Also see Liao, Lih Mei and Creighton, Sarah M. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1877941/ "Requests for cosmetic genitoplasty: how should healthcare providers respond?"], ''British Medical Journal'', 334(7603), 26 May 2007, pp. 1090–1092. |
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*Davis, Rowenna. [http://www.guardian.co.uk/lifeandstyle/2011/feb/27/labiaplasty-surgery-labia-vagina-pornography "Labiaplasty surgery increase blamed on pornography"], ''The Observer'', 27 February 2011.</ref> |
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[[File:Martha Nussbaum wikipedia 10-10.jpg|thumb|left|alt=photograph|[[Martha Nussbaum]]: a key moral and legal issue with FGM is that it is mostly conducted on children using physical force.]] |
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Essén and Johnsdotter write that some doctors have drawn a parallel between cosmetic procedures and FGM.<ref name=Johnsdotter2010p32>[http://www.iscgmedia.com/uploads/6/0/9/7/6097060/johnsdotter_cvs.pdf Johnsdotter and Essén 2010], p. 32. |
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Cosmetic procedures such as [[labiaplasty]] and [[clitoral hood reduction]] do fall within the WHO's definition of FGM, which aims to avoid loopholes, but the WHO notes that these elective practices are generally not regarded as FGM.{{efn|WHO 2008: "Some practices, such as genital cosmetic surgery and hymen repair, which are legally accepted in many countries and not generally considered to constitute female genital mutilation, actually fall under the definition used here. It has been considered important, however, to maintain a broad definition of female genital mutilation in order to avoid loopholes that might allow the practice to continue."<ref>[[#WHO2008|WHO 2008]], 28.</ref>}} Some legislation banning FGM, such as in Canada and the United States, covers minors only, but several countries, including Sweden and the United Kingdom, have banned it regardless of consent. Sweden, for example, has banned operations "on the outer female sexual organs with a view to mutilating them or bringing about some other permanent change in them, regardless of whether or not consent has been given for the operation".<ref name=EigeSweden/> Gynaecologist Birgitta Essén and anthropologist Sara Johnsdotter argue that the law seems to distinguish between Western and African genitals, and deems only African women (such as those seeking reinfibulation after childbirth) unfit to make their own decisions.<ref>{{harvnb|Johnsdotter|Essén|2010|loc=33}}; {{harvnb|Essén|Johnsdotter|2004|loc=32}}.</ref> |
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*Farage, Samar A. "Female Genital Alteration: A Sociological Perspective," in Miranda A. Farage and Howard I. Maibach (eds.), ''The Vulva: Anatomy, Physiology, and Pathology'', CRC Press, 2006, [http://books.google.com/books?id=beenEjKmvPwC&pg=PA267 p. 267]: "Given the World Health Organization's definition of female genital mutilation ... then the conclusion that the Western history of female genital surgery should be considered genital mutilation is compelling. More troubling is the realization that the procedures now conducted in the name of elective genital enhancements in Western countries are no less a form of mutilation. Thus, genital mutilation is not a practice peculiar to far-away developing countries." |
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*Berer, Marge (editor, ''Reproductive Health Matters''). [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1906631/ "It's female genital mutilation and should be prosecuted"], ''British Medical Journal'', 334(7608), 30 June 2007, p. 1335. |
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*Bateson, Deborah (medical director of Family Planning NSW). [http://www.smh.com.au/lifestyle/life/female-genitalia-mutilation-and-modification-20120924-26gy7.html "Female genitalia: mutilation and modification"], ''The Sydney Morning Herald'', 26 September 2012.</ref> Ronán Conroy of the [[Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland]] argued in 2006 that cosmetic genital procedures are "driving the advance of female genital mutilation by promoting the fear in women that what is natural biological variation is a defect, a problem requiring the knife."<ref name=Conroy2006>Conroy, Ronán M. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1502236/ "Female genital mutilation: whose problem, whose solution?"], ''British Medical Journal'', 333(7559), 15 July 2006.</ref> |
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The philosopher [[Martha Nussbaum]] argues that a key concern with FGM is that it is mostly conducted on children using physical force. The distinction between social pressure and physical force is morally and legally salient, comparable to the distinction between seduction and rape. She argues further that the literacy of women in practising countries is generally poorer than in developed nations, which reduces their ability to make informed choices.{{sfn|Nussbaum|1999|loc=123–124}}<ref>Also see [[Yuli Tamir|Yael Tamir]], [http://new.bostonreview.net/BR21.3/Tamir.html "Hands Off Clitoridectomy"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140808051255/http://new.bostonreview.net/BR21.3/Tamir.html |date=8 August 2014 }}, ''Boston Review'', Summer 1996; [[Martha Nussbaum]], [http://new.bostonreview.net/BR21.5/nussbaum.html "Double Moral Standards?"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140808051257/http://new.bostonreview.net/BR21.5/nussbaum.html |date=8 August 2014 }}, ''Boston Review'', October/November 1996.</ref> |
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[[File:Martha Nussbaum wikipedia 10-10.jpg|thumb|200px|alt=photograph|[[Martha Nussbaum]] argues that the key moral and legal issue with FGM is that it is conducted on children using physical force.]] |
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Some of the legislation banning FGM would seem to cover cosmetic genital alteration. The law in Sweden, for example, bans operations "on the external female genital organs which are designed to mutilate them or produce other permanent changes in them ... regardless of whether consent ... has or has not been given."<ref>[http://www.iscgmedia.com/uploads/6/0/9/7/6097060/johnsdotter_cvs.pdf Johnsdotter and Essén 2010], p. 32. |
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*In the UK the [[Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003]] says: "A person is guilty of an offence if he excises, infibulates or otherwise mutilates the whole or any part of a girl's labia majora, labia minora or clitoris," unless "necessary for her physical or mental health." Although the legislation refers to girls, it applies to women too. See [http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2003/31 "Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003"], legislation.gov.uk, and [http://www.cps.gov.uk/legal/d_to_g/female_genital_mutilation/#a02 "Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003"] (legal guidance), Crown Prosecution Service: "The Act refers to 'girls', though it also applies to women."</ref> Because anti-FGM laws are not used to stop cosmetic genital procedures, Essén and Johnsdotter argue that it seems the law distinguishes between Western and African female genitals, and deems only African women unfit to make their own decisions. Where FGM is banned even if consent is given, physicians may end up having to ask of prospective patients whether they appear to be victims of African patriarchy before deciding whether to offer them genital alteration.<ref name=Johnsdotter2010p32/> |
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====Analogy to other genital-altering procedures ==== |
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Arguing against these parallels, philosopher [[Martha Nussbaum]] writes that the key issue with FGM is that it is mostly conducted on children using physical force. She argues that the distinction between social pressure, which might reduce autonomy, and physical force is always morally and legally salient, and is arguably comparable to the distinction between seduction and rape.<ref>Nussbaum 1999, p. 123.</ref> She also argues that the literacy of women in practising countries is generally poorer than that of women in the Western world, which reduces their ability to make informed choices.<ref>Nussbaum 1999, pp. 123–124.</ref> |
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{{Further|Intersex medical interventions|Circumcision|Gender-affirming surgery}} |
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FGM has been compared to other procedures that [[Genital modification and mutilation|modify the human genitalia]]. [[Conservatism in the United States|Conservatives]] in the United States during the late 2010s and early 2020s have argued that FGM is similar to [[gender-affirming surgery]] for [[transgender]] individuals, which has led to bills being drafted in Republican states equating the two. Criticism of these ideas include the fact that the gender-affirming surgeries are approved by American medical authorities, are rare for minors, and are done after reviews by multiple medical professionals.<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Cariboni |first1=Diana |last2=Bauer |first2=Sydney |date=2022-12-22 |title=US bill equates trans healthcare with 'genital mutilation' |url=https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/female-genital-mutilation-fgm-texas-trans-healthcare/ |access-date=2023-10-14 |website=openDemocracy |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Kearns |first=Madeleine |date=October 25, 2022 |title='Gender Affirmation': The New Female Genital Mutilation |url=https://www.nationalreview.com/2022/10/gender-affirmation-the-new-female-genital-mutilation/ |access-date=December 24, 2022 |website=National Review |language=en-US}}</ref> Formerly, FGM was widely referred to as "female circumcision" in the academic literature, but this "was rejected by international medical practitioners because it suggests a fallacious analogy to [[Circumcision|male circumcision]]."{{sfn|Nussbaum|1999|loc=119}} It has been argued that the genital alteration of [[intersex]] infants and children, who are born with anomalies that physicians choose to "fix", is analogous to FGM.<ref>Nancy Ehrenreich, Mark Barr, [http://www.law.harvard.edu/students/orgs/crcl/vol40_1/ehrenreich.pdf]{{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170517021052/http://www.law.harvard.edu/students/orgs/crcl/vol40_1/ehrenreich.pdf|date=17 May 2017}}<span> "Intersex Surgery, Female Genital Cutting, and the Selective Condemnation of 'Cultural Practices</span>{{' "}}, ''Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review'', 40(1), 2005 (71–140), 74–75.{{pb}} |
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Several commentators argue that children's rights are being violated in the West too, with the genital alteration of [[intersex]] children born with genital anomalies that physicians regard as in need of correction. Legal scholars Nancy Ehrenreich and Mark Barr write that thousands of these procedures take place every year in the United States, and argue that they are medically unnecessary, more extensive than FGM, and have more serious physical and mental consequences. They attribute the silence of anti-FGM campaigners about intersex procedures to white privilege and North American exceptionalism, a refusal to acknowledge that "similar and harmful genital cutting occurs in their own backyards."<ref>Ehrenreich, Nancy and Barr, Mark. [http://www.law.harvard.edu/students/orgs/crcl/vol40_1/ehrenreich.pdf "Intersex Surgery, Female Genital Cutting, and the Selective Condemnation of 'Cultural Practices'"], ''Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review'', 40(1), 2005, pp. 71–140 (hereafter Ehrenreich and Barr 2005), pp. 74–75. |
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{{cite news |last1=Gregorio |first1=I. W. |date=26 April 2017 |title=Should Surgeons Perform Irreversible Genital Surgery on Children? |url=http://www.newsweek.com/should-surgeons-perform-irreversible-genital-surgery-children-589353 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200806025114/https://www.newsweek.com/should-surgeons-perform-irreversible-genital-surgery-children-589353 |archive-date=6 August 2020 |access-date=9 April 2018 |work=Newsweek |ref=none}}</ref> |
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*Also see [[Cheryl Chase (activist)|Chase, Cheryl]]. "'Cultural Practice' or 'Reconstructive Surgery'? US Genital Cutting, the Intersex Movement, and Medical Double Standards," in Stanlie M. James and Claire C. Robertson (eds.), Genital Cutting and Transnational Sisterhood, University of Illinois Press, 2002, p. 126ff.</ref> |
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== |
==See also== |
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* ''[[Dishonour (film)|Dishonour]]'' (a short film on FGM) |
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:''Sources are listed in long form on first reference and short form thereafter.'' |
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* [[Emasculation]] |
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{{Reflist|2}} |
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* [[Genital modification and mutilation]] |
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* [[International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation]] |
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* [[No FGM Australia]] |
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==References== |
==References== |
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===Notes=== |
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:''Books and papers are listed in the Notes section and repeated below; other sources are in the Notes section only.''<!--Please do not add ISBN numbers; see WP:CITEVAR--> |
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{{notelist|26em}} |
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{{refbegin|2|normalfont=yes|indent=yes}} |
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:Abdalla, Raqiya Dualeh. "'My Grandmother Called it the Three Feminine Sorrows: The Struggle of Women Against Female Circumcision in Somalia," in Rogaia Mustafa Abusharaf (ed.), ''Female Circumcision: Multicultural Perspectives'', University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007. |
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===Citations=== |
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:Abdalla, Raqiya Haji Dualeh. ''Sisters in Affliction: Circumcision and Infibulation of Women in Africa Women in the Third World'', Zed Books, 1982. |
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{{Reflist|26em}} |
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:Abd el Salam, S. "A Comprehensive Approach for Communication about Female Genital Mutilation in Egypt," in George C. Denniston, Frederick Mansfield Hodges and Marilyn Fayre Milos, ''Male and Female Circumcision: Medical, Legal, and Ethical Considerations in Pediatric Practice'', Springer, 1999. |
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:Abdulcadira, Jasmine; Margairaz, C.; Boulvain, M; Irion, O. [http://www.smw.ch/content/smw-2011-13137/ "Care of women with female genital mutilation/cutting"], ''Swiss Medical Weekly'', 6(14), January 2011. |
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===Works cited=== |
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:Abusharaf, Rogaia Mustafa. "Introduction: The Custom in Question," in Rogaia Mustafa Abusharaf (ed.), ''Female Circumcision: Multicultural Perspectives'', University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007. |
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'''Books and book chapters''' |
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:Abusharaf, Rogaia Mustafa. "Revisiting Feminist Discourses on Inbulation: The Hosken Report," in Bettina Shell-Duncan and Ylva Hernlund (eds.), ''Female "Circumcision" in Africa: Culture, Controversy, and Change'', Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000. |
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{{refbegin|indent=yes|26em}} |
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:[[Peter Lewis Allen|Allen, Peter Lewis]]. ''The Wages of Sin: Sex and Disease, Past and Present'', University of Chicago Press, 2000. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Abusharaf|first1=Rogaia Mustafa|author-link=|editor1-last=Abusharaf|editor1-first=Rogaia Mustafa|title=Female Circumcision: Multicultural Perspectives|date=2007|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JO_SBQAAQBAJ|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|location=Philadelphia|chapter=Introduction: The Custom in Question|isbn=978-0-8122-0102-4|access-date=16 January 2019|archive-date=10 March 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210310102815/https://books.google.com/books?id=JO_SBQAAQBAJ|url-status=live}} |
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:[[Fuambai Ahmadu|Ahmadu, Fuambai]]. "'Ain't I a Woman too?': Challenging Myths of Sexual Dysfunction in Circumcised Women"], in Ylva Hernlund and Bettina Shell-Duncan (eds.), ''Transcultural Bodies: Female Genital Cutting in Global Context'', Rutgers University Press, 2007. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Abdalla|first1=Raqiya D.|author-link=Raqiya Haji Dualeh Abdalla|editor1-last=Abusharaf|editor1-first=Rogaia Mustafa|title=Female Circumcision: Multicultural Perspectives|date=2007|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|location=Philadelphia|chapter='My Grandmother Called it the Three Feminine Sorrows': The Struggle of Women Against Female Circumcision in Somalia}} |
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:Bagnol, Birgitte and Mariano, Esmeralda. "Politics of naming sexual practices," in [[Sylvia Tamale]] (ed.), ''African Sexualities: A Reader'', Pambazuka Press, 2011. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Ahmadu|first1=Fuambai|author-link=Fuambai Ahmadu|editor1-last=Shell-Duncan|editor1-first=Bettina|editor2-last=Hernlund|editor2-first=Ylva|title=Female "Circumcision" in Africa: Culture Controversy and Change|date=2000|publisher=Lynne Rienner Publishers|location=Boulder|chapter=Rites and Wrongs: An Insider/Outsider Reflects on Power and Excision|chapter-url=}} |
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:Banks, E. et al. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16753486 "Female genital mutilation and obstetric outcome: WHO collaborative prospective study in six African countries"], ''The Lancet'', 367(9525), 3 June 2006, pp. 1835–1841. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Allen|first1=Peter Lewis|author-link=Peter Lewis Allen|title=The Wages of Sin: Sex and Disease, Past and Present|url=https://archive.org/details/wagesofsinsexdis00alle|url-access=registration|date=2000|publisher=University of Chicago Press|location=Chicago|isbn=978-0-226-01460-9}} |
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:Barker Benfield, G.J. ''The Horrors of the Half-Known Life: Male Attitudes Toward Women and Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century America'', Routledge, 1999. |
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*{{Cite book|last1=Asmani|first1=Ibrahim Lethome|last2=Abdi|first2=Maryam Sheikh|date=2008|title=De-linking Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting from Islam|publisher=Frontiers in Reproductive Health, USAID|location=Washington|url=http://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/De-linking%20FGM%20from%20Islam%20final%20report.pdf|access-date=26 July 2015|archive-date=21 February 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170221230457/http://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/De-linking%20FGM%20from%20Islam%20final%20report.pdf|url-status=live}} |
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:Beck, Ann. [http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/cea_0008-0055_1966_num_6_22_3068 "Some Observations on Jomo Kenyatta in Britain, 1929–1930"], ''Cahiers d'études africaines'', 6(22), 1996, pp. 308–329. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Bagnol|first1=Brigitte|last2=Mariano|first2=Esmeralda|title=African Sexualities: A Reader|date=2011|publisher=Fahamu/Pambazuka|location=Cape Town|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xSqIrrswbG0C|chapter=Politics of Naming Sexual Practices|isbn=978-0-85749-016-2|access-date=27 August 2017|archive-date=1 August 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200801123522/https://books.google.com/books?id=xSqIrrswbG0C|url-status=live}} |
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:Bennett, Jane. "Subversion and resistance: activist initiatives," in [[Sylvia Tamale]] (ed.), ''African Sexualities: A Reader'', Fahamu/Pambazuka, 2011. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Barker-Benfield|first1=G. J.|author-link=|title=The Horrors of the Half-Known Life: Male Attitudes Toward Women and Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century America|date=1999|publisher=Routledge|location=New York}} |
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:Berga, Rigmor C. and Denisona Eva. [http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/07399332.2012.721417#tabModule "A Tradition in Transition: Factors Perpetuating and Hindering the Continuance of Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C) Summarized in a Systematic Review"], ''Health Care for Women International'', 34(10), 2013. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Berlin|first1=Adele|author-link=|title=The Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish Religion|date=2011|publisher=Oxford University Press|location=New York|chapter=Circumcision}} |
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:Bergrren, Vanja et al. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/17217115 "Being Victims or Beneficiaries? Perspectives on Female Genital Cutting and Reinfibulation in Sudan"], ''African Journal of Reproductive Health'', 10(2), August 2006. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Boddy|first1=Janice|author-link=Janice Boddy|title=Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan|date=2007|publisher=Princeton University Press|location=Princeton}} |
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:Bergrren, Vanja et al. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/15571879 "An explorative study of Sudanese midwives’ motives, perceptions and experiences of re-infibulation after birth"], ''Midwifery'', 20(4), December 2004, pp. 299–311. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Boddy|first1=Janice|author-link=Janice Boddy|title=Wombs and Alien Spirits: Women, Men, and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan|date=1989|publisher=University of Wisconsin Press|location=Madison}} |
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:Black, Donald Campbell. ''On the Functional Diseases of the Renal, Urinary and Reproductive Organs'', Lindsay & Blakiston, 1872. |
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*{{cite book |last1=Boyle |first1=Elizabeth Heger |title=Female Genital Cutting: Cultural Conflict in the Global Community |date=2002 |publisher=Johns Hopkins University Press |location=Baltimore }} |
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:Black, J.A. and Debelle, G.D. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2549951/pdf/bmj00597-0048.pdf "Female genital mutilation in Britain"], ''British Medical Journal'', 310, 17 June 1995. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Cohen|first1=Shaye J. D.|title=Why Aren't Jewish Women Circumcised? Gender and Covenant In Judaism|date=2005|publisher=University of California Press|location=Berkeley}} |
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:Black, John. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1296388/pdf/jrsocmed00038-0048.pdf "Female genital mutilation: a contemporary issue, and a Victorian obsession"], ''Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine'', 90, July 1997, pp. 402–405. |
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*{{cite book|last1=El Guindi|first1=Fadwa|author-link=Fadwa El Guindi|editor1-last=Abusharaf|editor1-first=Rogaia Mustafa|title=Female Circumcision: Multicultural Perspectives|date=2007|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JO_SBQAAQBAJ|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|location=Philadelphia|chapter=Had ''This'' Been Your Face, Would You Leave It as Is?|isbn=978-0-8122-0102-4|access-date=16 January 2019|archive-date=10 March 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210310102815/https://books.google.com/books?id=JO_SBQAAQBAJ|url-status=live}} |
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:[[Janice Boddy|Boddy, Janice]]. ''Wombs and Alien Spirits: Women, Men, and the Zar Cult in Northern Sudan'', University of Wisconsin Press, 1989. |
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*{{cite book|last1=El Dareer|first1=Asma|author-link=Asma El Dareer|title=Woman, Why Do You Weep: Circumcision and its Consequences|date=1982|publisher=Zed Books|location=London}} |
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:Boddy, Janice. ''Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan'', Princeton University Press, 2007. |
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*{{cite book |last1=Engelstein |first1=Laura |author-link=Laura Engelstein |editor1-last=Hara |editor1-first=Teruyuki |editor2-last=Matsuzato |editor2-first=Kimitaka |title=Empire and society: New approaches to Russian history |date=1997 |publisher=Slavic Research Center |location=Hokkaido University |isbn=9784938637118 |pages=1–22 |language=English |chapter=From heresy to harm: Self-castrators in the civic discourse of late Tsarist Russia |url=http://src-h.slav.hokudai.ac.jp/sympo/94summer/chapter1.pdf}} |
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:Boyle, Elizabeth Heger. ''Female Genital Cutting: Cultural Conflict in the Global Community'', Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Fiedler|first1=Klaus|author-link=|title=Christianity and African Culture|date=1996|publisher=Brill|location=Leiden}} |
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:[[Isaac Baker Brown|Brown, Isaac Baker]]. ''On the Curability of Certain Forms of Insanity, Epilepsy, Catalepsy, and Hysteria in Females'', Robert Hardwicke, 1866. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Gruenbaum|first1=Ellen|author-link=Ellen Gruenbaum|title=The Female Circumcision Controversy: An Anthropological Perspective|date=2001|publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press|location=Philadelphia}} |
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:[[Felix Bryk|Bryk, Felix]]. ''Circumcision in Man and Woman: Its History, Psychology, and Ethnology'', The Minerva Group, Inc., 2001. |
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:Caldwell, John C.; Orubuloye, I.O.; and Caldwell, Pat. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/40230269 "Female Genital Mutilation: Conditions of Decline"], ''Population Research and Policy Review'', 19(3), June 2000, pp. 233–254. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Hosken|first1=Fran|author-link=Fran Hosken|title=The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females|date=1994|orig-year=1979|publisher=Women's International Network|location=Lexington}} |
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:[[Cheryl Chase (activist)|Chase, Cheryl]]. "'Cultural Practice' or 'Reconstructive Surgery'? US Genital Cutting, the Intersex Movement, and Medical Double Standards," in [[Stanlie M. James]] and Claire C. Robertson (eds.), Genital Cutting and Transnational Sisterhood, University of Illinois Press, 2002. |
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:[[Efua Dorkenoo|Dorkenoo, Efua]]. "Combating Female Genital Mutilation: An Agenda for the Next Decade," in Mona Eliasson (ed.). ''Teaching about Violence Against Women'', Feminist Press at CUNY, 1999. |
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:Dorkenoo, Efua; Morison, Linda; and Macfarlane, Alison. [http://www.forwarduk.org.uk/download/96 "A Statistical Study to Estimate the Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation in England and Wales"], FORWARD, October 2007. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Mackie|first1=Gerry|author-link=Gerry Mackie|editor1-last=Shell-Duncan|editor1-first=Bettina|editor2-last=Hernlund|editor2-first=Ylva|title=Female "Circumcision" in Africa: Culture Controversy and Change|date=2000|publisher=Lynne Rienner Publishers|location=Boulder|chapter=Female Genital Cutting: The Beginning of the End|chapter-url=http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/BeginningOfEndMackie2000.pdf|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131029210333/http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/BeginningOfEndMackie2000.pdf|archive-date=29 October 2013}} |
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:Ehrenreich, Nancy and Barr, Mark. [http://www.law.harvard.edu/students/orgs/crcl/vol40_1/ehrenreich.pdf "Intersex Surgery, Female Genital Cutting, and the Selective Condemnation of 'Cultural Practices'"], ''Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review'', 40(1), 2005, pp. 71–140. |
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:Elchalal, Uriel et al.[http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/9326757 "Ritualistic Female Genital Mutilation: Current Status and Future Outlook"], ''Obstetrical & Gynecological Survey'', 52(10), October 1997, pp. 643–651. |
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:El Dareer, Asma. ''Woman, Why Do You Weep?: Circumcision and its Consequences'', Zed Books, 1982. |
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*{{cite book|last=Nnaemeka|first=Obioma|author-link=Obioma Nnaemeka|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XjctVvOzzcQC|title=Female Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge: African Women in Imperialist Discourses|publisher=Praeger|location=Westport, Conn and London|editor-last=Nnaemeka|editor-first=Obioma|year=2005|chapter=African Women, Colonial Discourses, and Imperialist Interventions: Female Circumcision as Impetus|pages=27–46|isbn=978-0-89789-864-5|access-date=27 August 2017|archive-date=23 December 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161223225344/https://books.google.com/books?id=XjctVvOzzcQC|url-status=live}} |
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:El Dareer, Asma. [http://ije.oxfordjournals.org/content/12/2/138.abstract "Attitudes of Sudanese People to the Practice of Female Circumcision"], ''International Journal of Epidemiology'', 1983, 12(2), pp. 138–144. |
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:El Hadi, Amal Abd. "Female Genital Mutilation in Egypt" in Meredeth Turshen (ed.), ''African Women's Health'', Africa World Press, 2000. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Nzegwu|first1=Nkiru|title=African Sexualities: A Reader|date=2011|publisher=Fahamu/Pambazuka|location=Cape Town|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xSqIrrswbG0C|chapter='Osunality' (or African eroticism)|isbn=978-0-85749-016-2|access-date=27 August 2017|archive-date=1 August 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200801123522/https://books.google.com/books?id=xSqIrrswbG0C|url-status=live}} |
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:Elmusharaf, Susan; Elhadi, Nagla; and Almroth, Lars. [http://www.bmj.com/content/333/7559/124.full "Reliability of self reported form of female genital mutilation and WHO classification: cross sectional study"], ''British Medical Journal'', 332(7559), 27 June 2006. |
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*{{cite book |last1=Peterson |first1=Derek R. |title=Ethnic Patriotism and the East African Revival: A History of Dissent, c. 1935–1972 |date=2012 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=New York }} |
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:Essén, Birgitta and Johnsdotter, Sara. [http://web.archive.org/web/20130414232252/http://www.hmb.utoronto.ca/HMB303H/Case_Studies/Kenya-FGM/FGM_%26_Cosmetic_Surgery.pdf "Female Genital Mutilation in the West: Traditional Circumcision versus Genital Cosmetic Surgery"], ''Acta Obstetricia Gynecologica Scandinavica'', 83(7), July 2004, pp. 611–613. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Roald|first1=Ann-Sofie|title=Women in Islam: The Western Experience|date=2003|publisher=Routledge|location=London}} |
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:Farage, Samar A. "Female Genital Alteration: A Sociological Perspective," in Miranda A. Farage and Howard I. Maibach (eds.), ''The Vulva: Anatomy, Physiology, and Pathology'', CRC Press, 2006. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Robert|first1=Dana Lee|title=American Women in Mission: A Social History of Their Thought and Practice|date=1996|publisher=Mercer University Press|location=Macon}} |
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:Fee, Elizabeth. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3173844 "Review of ''The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females'' by Fran P. Hosken"], ''Signs'', 5(4), Summer 1980, pp. 807–809. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Rodriguez|first1=Sarah B.|title=Female Circumcision and Clitoridectomy in the United States: A History of a Medical Treatment|date=2014|publisher=University of Rochester Press|location=Rochester, NY}} |
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:Gallard, Colette. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2549952/?page=1 "Female genital mutilation in France"], ''British Medical Journal'', 310, 17 June 1995. |
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:Gallo, Pia Grassivaro; Tita Eleanora; and Viviani, Franco. "At the Roots of Ethnic Female Genital Modification," in George C. Denniston and Pia Grassivaro Gallo (eds.). ''Bodily Integrity and the Politics of Circumcision'', Springer, 2006. |
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:[[Ellen Gruenbaum|Gruenbaum, Ellen]]. ''The Female Circumcision Controversy'', University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Strayer|first1=Robert|last2=Murray|first2=Jocelyn|editor1-last=Strayer|editor1-first=Robert|title=The Making of Missionary Communities in East Africa|date=1978|publisher=State University of New York Press|location=New York|chapter=The CMS and Female Circumcision}} |
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:Hicks, Esther K. ''Infibulation: Female Mutilation in Islamic Northeastern Africa'', Transaction Publishers, 1996. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Tamale|first1=Sylvia|author-link=Sylvia Tamale|editor1-last=Tamale|editor1-first=Sylvia|title=African Sexualities: A Reader|url=https://archive.org/details/africansexualiti00tama|url-access=limited|date=2011|publisher=Pambazuka Press/Fahamu|pages=[https://archive.org/details/africansexualiti00tama/page/n179 11]–36|chapter=Researching and theorising sexualities in Africa|isbn=978-0-85749-016-2}} |
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:Holding, E. Mary. [http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1758-6631.1942.tb04294.x/abstract "Women's Institutions and the African Church"], ''International Review of Mission'', 31(3), July 1942, pp. 290–300. |
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:[[Fran Hosken|Hosken, Fran]]. ''The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females'', Women's International Network, 1979. |
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:Izett, Susan and [[Nahid Toubia|Toubia, Nahid]]. [https://apps.who.int/dsa/cat98/fgmbook.htm "Female Genital Mutilation: An Overview"], World Health Organization, 1998. |
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:[[Stanlie M. James|James, Stanlie M.]] "Female Genital Mutilation," in Bonnie G. Smith (ed.). ''The Oxford Encyclopaedia of Women in World History'', Oxford University Press, 2008. |
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*{{cite book |last1=wa Kihurani |first1=Nyambura |last2=Warigia wa Johanna |first2=Raheli |last3=Murigo wa Meshak |first3=Alice |editor1-last=Lihamba |editor1-first=Amandina |editor2-last=Moyo |editor2-first=Fulata L.|editor2-link=Fulata Moyo |editor3-last=Mulokozi |editor3-first=Mugaybuso M. |editor4-last=Shitemi |editor4-first=Naomi L. |editor5-last=Yahya-Othman |editor5-first=Saida |title=Women Writing Africa: The Eastern Region |date=2007 |publisher=The Feminist Press at the City University of New York |location=New York |isbn=978-1-55861-534-2 |pages=118–120 |chapter=Letter Opposing Female Circumcision}} |
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:James, Stanlie M. "Listening to Other(ed) Voices: Reflections around Female Genital Cutting," in Stanlie M. James and Claire C. Robertson (eds.), ''Genital Cutting and Transnational Sisterhood'', University of Illinois Press, 2002. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Walley|first1=Christine J.|editor1-last=James|editor1-first=Stanlie M.|editor2-last=Robertson|editor2-first=Claire C.|title=Genital Cutting and Transnational Sisterhood|date=2002|publisher=University of Illinois Press|location=Urbana|pages=54–86|chapter="Searching for 'Voices': Feminism, Anthropology, and the Global Over Female Genital Operations"}} |
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:J.F.C. [http://books.google.com/books?id=gZ4EAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA155 "Isaac Baker Brown, F.R.C.S."], ''Medical Times and Gazette'', 8 February 1873. |
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:Johnsdotter, Sara and Essén, Birgitta. [http://www.iscgmedia.com/uploads/6/0/9/7/6097060/johnsdotter_cvs.pdf "Genitals and ethnicity: the politics of genital modifications"], ''Reproductive Health Matters'', 18(35), 2010, pp. 29–37. |
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*{{cite encyclopedia |author-last=Wensinck |author-first=A. J. |year=2012 |orig-date=1986 |title=K̲h̲itān |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cJQ3AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA20 |editor1-last=Bosworth |editor1-first=C. E. |editor1-link=Clifford Edmund Bosworth |editor2-last=van Donzel |editor2-first=E. J. |editor2-link=Emeri Johannes van Donzel |editor3-last=Lewis |editor3-first=B. |editor4-last=Heinrichs |editor4-first=W. P. |editor4-link=Wolfhart Heinrichs |editor5-last=Pellat |editor5-first=Ch. |editor5-link=Charles Pellat |encyclopedia=[[Encyclopaedia of Islam#2nd edition, EI2|Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition]] |location=[[Leiden]] and [[Boston]] |publisher=[[Brill Publishers]] |volume=5 |pages=20–22 |doi=10.1163/1573-3912_islam_SIM_4296 |isbn=978-90-04-07819-2 |access-date=2020-02-07 |archive-date=2021-09-30 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210930010842/https://books.google.com/books?id=cJQ3AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA20 |url-status=live }} |
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:Kaplan, Adriana et al. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3723317/ "Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: The Secret World of Women as Seen by Men"], ''Obstetrics and Gynecology International'', 2013: 643780. |
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*{{cite book|last1=Zabus|first1=Chantal|author-link=|editor1-last=Borch|editor1-first=Merete Falck|title=Bodies and Voices: The Force-field of Representation and Discourse in Colonial and Postcolonial Studies|date=2008|publisher=Rodopi|location=New York|pages=|chapter=The Excised Body in African Texts and Contexts}} |
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:Kelly, Elizabeth, and Hillard, Paula J. Adams. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16141763 "Female genital mutilation"], ''Current Opinion in Obstetrics & Gynecology'', 17(5), October 2005, pp. 490–494 (review). |
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*{{cite book|last1=Zabus|first1=Chantal|author-link=|editor1-last=Bertacco|editor1-first=Simon|title=Language and Translation in Postcolonial Literatures|date=2013|publisher=Routledge|location=New York|pages=|chapter='Writing with an Accent': From Early Decolonization to Contemporary Gender Issues in the African Novel in French, English, and Arabic}} |
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:Kirby, Vicki. "Out of Africa: 'Our Bodies Ourselves'?" in Obioma Nnaemeka (ed.), ''Female Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge: African Women in Imperialist Discourses'', Praeger, 2005. |
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{{refend}} |
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:Knight, Mary. [http://rbedrosian.com/Sex/Knight_2001_Circumcision.pdf "Curing Cut or Ritual Mutilation?: Some Remarks on the Practice of Female and Male Circumcision in Graeco-Roman Egypt"], ''Isis'', 92(2), June 2001, pp. 317–338. |
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:Korieh, Chima. "'Other' Bodies: Western Feminism, Race and Representation in Female Circumcision Discourse," in Obioma Nnaemeka (ed.), ''Female Circumcision and the Politics of Knowledge: African Women in Imperialist Discourses'', Praeger, 2005. |
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'''Journal articles''' |
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:Kouba, Leonard J. and Muasher, Judith. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/524569 "Female Circumcision in Africa: An Overview"], ''African Studies Review'', 28(1), March 1985, pp. 95–110. |
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{{refbegin|indent=yes|26em}} |
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:Lane, Sandra D. and [[Robert A. Rubinstein|Rubinstein, Robert A.]] [http://faculty.maxwell.syr.edu/rar/Papers/1996%20Judging%20the%20other--Responding.pdf "Judging the Other: Responding to Traditional Female Genital Surgeries"], ''Hastings Center Report'', 26(3), May–June 1996, pp. 31–40. |
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*{{Cite journal|last1=Abdulcadir|first1=Jasmine|last2=Margairaz|first2=Christiane|last3=Boulvain|first3=Michel|last4=Irion|first4=Olivier|date=6 January 2011|title=Care of women with female genital mutilation/cutting|url=|journal=Swiss Medical Weekly|volume=140|pages=w13137|doi=10.4414/smw.2011.13137|issn=1424-3997|pmid=21213149|doi-access=free}} |
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:Liao, Lih Mei and Creighton, Sarah M. [http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1877941/ "Requests for cosmetic genitoplasty: how should healthcare providers respond?"], ''British Medical Journal'', 334(7603), 26 May 2007, pp. 1090–1092. |
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*{{Cite journal|last1=Abdulcadir|first1=Jasmine|last2=Catania|first2=Lucrezia|last3=Hindin|first3=Michelle Jane|last4=Say|first4=Lale|last5=Petignat|first5=Patrick|last6=Abdulcadir|first6=Omar|date=November 2016|title=Female Genital Mutilation: A Visual Reference and Learning Tool for Health Care Professionals|url=|journal=Obstetrics & Gynecology|volume=128|issue=5|pages=958–963|doi=10.1097/AOG.0000000000001686|issn=1873-233X|pmid=27741194|s2cid=46830711}} |
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:Lightfoot-Klein, Hanny. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/3812643 "The Sexual Experience and Marital Adjustment of Genitally Circumcised and Infibulated Females in The Sudan"], ''The Journal of Sex Research'', 26(3), 1989, pp. 375–392. |
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*{{Cite journal|last1=Sibiani|first1=Sharifa A.|last2=Rouzi|first2=Abdulrahim A.|date=September 2008|title=Sexual function in women with female genital mutilation|url=http://www.fertstert.org/article/S0015-0282%2808%2901813-X/fulltext|journal=Fertility and Sterility|volume=93|issue=3|pages=722–724|doi=10.1016/j.fertnstert.2008.10.035|issn=1556-5653|pmid=19028385|access-date=28 October 2014|archive-date=28 August 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210828084004/https://www.fertstert.org/article/S0015-0282%2808%2901813-X/fulltext|url-status=live|doi-access=free}} |
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:Lightfoot-Klein, Hanny. ''Prisoners of Ritual: An Odyssey Into Female Genital Circumcision in Africa'', Routledge, 1989. |
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*{{Cite journal|last=American Academy of Pediatrics, Committee on Bioethics|date=July 1998|title=Female genital mutilation|url=|journal=Pediatrics|volume=102|issue=1 Pt 1|pages=153–156|issn=0031-4005|pmid=9651425|ref=hrav|doi=10.1542/peds.102.1.153|doi-access=free}} |
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:[[Gerry Mackie|Mackie, Gerry]]. [http://www.jstor.org/stable/2096305 "Ending Footbinding and Infibulation: A Convention Account"], ''American Sociological Review'', 61(6), December 1996, (pp. 999–1017), pp. 99–1000 (also [http://dss.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/MackieASR.pdf here]). |
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*{{Cite journal|last=American Academy of Pediatrics Board of Directors|date=July 2010|title=Ritual genital cutting of female minors [withdrawn] |journal=Pediatrics|volume=126|issue=1|pages=191|doi=10.1542/peds.2010-1568|issn=1098-4275|pmid=20530070|doi-access=free|ref=none}} |
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:Toubia, Nahid and Sharief, Eiman Hussein. [http://www.ijgo.org/article/S0020-7292%2803%2900229-7/fulltext "Female genital mutilation: have we made progress?"], ''International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics'', 82(3), September 2003, pp. 251–261. |
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*{{Cite journal |last=Nour |first=Nawal M. |date=2008 |title=Female Genital Cutting: A Persisting Practice |journal=Reviews in Obstetrics and Gynecology |volume=1 |issue=3 |pages=135–139|pmc=2582648 |pmid=19015765}} |
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:Wangila, Mary Nyangweso. ''Female Circumcision: The Interplay of Religion, Culture and Gender in Kenya'', Orbis Books, 2007. |
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*{{Cite journal|last1=Okeke|first1=T. C.|last2=Anyaehie|first2=Usb|last3=Ezenyeaku|first3=C. C. K.|date=January 2012|title=An overview of female genital mutilation in Nigeria|url=|journal=Annals of Medical and Health Sciences Research|volume=2|issue=1|pages=70–73|doi=10.4103/2141-9248.96942|doi-broken-date=22 November 2024 |issn=2141-9248|pmc=3507121|pmid=23209995 |doi-access=free }} |
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:Werblowsky, R.J. Zwi; Wigoder, R.J. and Geoffrey (eds.). ''The Oxford Dictionary of the Jewish Religion'', Oxford University Press, 1997. |
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*{{Cite journal|last=O'Rourke|first=Paul F.|date=1 February 2007|title=The 'm't-Woman|url=https://www.degruyter.com/dg/viewarticle/j$002fzaes.2007.134.issue-2$002fzaes.2007.134.2.166$002fzaes.2007.134.2.166.xml|journal=Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde|language=en|volume=134|issue=2|pages=166–172|doi=10.1524/zaes.2007.134.2.166|s2cid=141166451|issn=2196-713X|access-date=15 October 2017|archive-date=2 May 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190502191030/https://www.degruyter.com/dg/viewarticle/j$002fzaes.2007.134.issue-2$002fzaes.2007.134.2.166$002fzaes.2007.134.2.166.xml|url-status=dead}} |
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:Yasin, Berivan A. et al. [http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2458/13/809/abstract# "Female genital mutilation among Iraqi Kurdish women: a cross-sectional study from Erbil city"], ''BMC Public Health'', 13, September 2013. |
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*{{Cite journal|last1=Rasheed|first1=Salah M.|last2=Abd-Ellah|first2=Ahmed H.|last3=Yousef|first3=Fouad M.|date=July 2011|title=Female genital mutilation in Upper Egypt in the new millennium|url=|journal=International Journal of Gynaecology and Obstetrics|volume=114|issue=1|pages=47–50|doi=10.1016/j.ijgo.2011.02.003|issn=1879-3479|pmid=21513937|s2cid=28600501}} |
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:Yoder, Stanley P. and Khan, Shane. [http://www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/WP39/WP39.pdf "Numbers of women circumcised in Africa"], USAID, March 2008. |
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*{{Cite journal |last1=Rashid |first1=Mumtaz |last2=Rashid |first2=Mohammed H |date=April 2007|title=Obstetric management of women with female genital mutilation |journal=The Obstetrician & Gynaecologist |language=en |volume=9 |issue=2 |pages=95–101 |doi=10.1576/toag.9.2.095.27310|s2cid=58404665 |doi-access=free }} |
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:Zabus, Chantal. "Between Rites and Rights: Excision on Trial in African Women's Texts and Human Contexts," in Peter H. Marsden and Geoffrey V. Davis (eds.), ''Towards a Transcultural Future: Literature and Human Rights in a ' Post'-Colonial World'', Rodopi, 2004. |
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*{{Cite journal|last1=Reisel|first1=Dan|last2=Creighton|first2=Sarah M.|date=January 2015|title=Long term health consequences of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)|url=|journal=Maturitas|volume=80|issue=1|pages=48–51|doi=10.1016/j.maturitas.2014.10.009|issn=1873-4111|pmid=25466303|s2cid=40413987 }} |
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:Zabus, Chantal. "The Excised Body in African Texts and Contexts," in Merete Falck Borch (ed.), ''Bodies and Voices: The Force-field of Representation and Discourse in Colonial and Postcolonial Studies'', Rodopi, 2008. |
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*{{Cite journal|last=Rodriguez|first=Sarah|date=July 2008|title=Rethinking the history of female circumcision and clitoridectomy: American medicine and female sexuality in the late nineteenth century|url=|journal=Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences|volume=63|issue=3|pages=323–347|doi=10.1093/jhmas/jrm044|issn=1468-4373|pmid=18065832|s2cid=9234753}} |
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*{{Cite journal|last=Rushwan|first=Hamid|title=Female genital mutilation: A tragedy for women's reproductive health|date=September 2013|journal=African Journal of Urology|volume=19|issue=3|pages=130–133|doi=10.1016/j.afju.2013.03.002|doi-access=free}} |
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<!--*{{Cite journal|last=Serour|first=Gamal I.|date=May 2010|title=The issue of reinfibulation|url=|journal=International Journal of Gynaecology and Obstetrics|volume=109|issue=2|pages=93–96|doi=10.1016/j.ijgo.2010.01.001|issn=1879-3479|pmid=20138274}}--> |
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*{{Cite journal|last=Sheehan|first=E.|date=August 1981|title=Victorian clitoridectomy: Isaac Baker Brown and his harmless operative procedure|url=|journal=Medical Anthropology Newsletter|volume=12|issue=4|pages=9–15|issn=0543-2499|pmid=12263443|jstor=647794|doi=10.1525/maq.1981.12.4.02a00120|doi-access=free}} |
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*{{Cite journal|last=Shell-Duncan|first=Bettina|date=June 2008|title=From Health to Human Rights: Female Genital Cutting and the Politics of Intervention|url=|journal=American Anthropologist|volume=110|issue=2|pages=225–236|doi=10.1111/j.1548-1433.2008.00028.x|jstor=27563985}} |
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*{{cite journal |last1=Silverman |first1=Eric K. |title=Anthropology and Circumcision |journal=Annual Review of Anthropology |date=2004 |volume=33 |issue= |pages=419–445|jstor=25064860 |doi=10.1146/annurev.anthro.33.070203.143706 }} |
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*{{cite journal |last1=Thomas |first1=Lynn M. |title='Ngaitana (I will circumcise myself)': The Gender and Generational Politics of the 1956 Ban on Clitoridectomy in Meru, Kenya |journal=Gender and History |date=November 1996 |volume=8 |issue=3 |pages=338–363 |doi=10.1111/j.1468-0424.1996.tb00062.x |pmid=12322506 }} |
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*{{Cite journal|last1=Toubia|first1=Nadia F.|last2=Sharief|first2=E. H.|date=September 2003|title=Female genital mutilation: have we made progress?|journal=International Journal of Gynaecology and Obstetrics|volume=82|issue=3|pages=251–261|issn=0020-7292|pmid=14499972|doi=10.1016/S0020-7292(03)00229-7|s2cid=39607405|doi-access=free}} |
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*{{Cite journal|last=Toubia|first=Nadia|date=15 September 1994|title=Female Circumcision as a Public Health Issue|url=|journal=The New England Journal of Medicine|volume=331|issue=11|pages=712–716|doi=10.1056/NEJM199409153311106|issn=0028-4793|pmid=8058079|doi-access=free}} |
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*{{Cite journal|last=Wakabi|first=Wairagala|date=31 March 2007|title=Africa battles to make female genital mutilation history|url=http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(07)60508-X/fulltext|journal=Lancet|volume=369|issue=9567|pages=1069–1070|doi=10.1016/S0140-6736(07)60508-X|pmid=17405200|s2cid=29006442|access-date=24 April 2013|archive-date=14 May 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130514171022/http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(07)60508-X/fulltext|url-status=live}} |
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*{{Cite journal|last1=Yasin|first1=Berivan A.|last2=Al-Tawil|first2=Namir G.|last3=Shabila|first3=Nazar P.|last4=Al-Hadithi|first4=Tariq S.|date=8 September 2013|title=Female genital mutilation among Iraqi Kurdish women: A cross-sectional study from Erbil city|journal=BMC Public Health|volume=13|pages=809|doi=10.1186/1471-2458-13-809|issn=1471-2458|pmc=3844478|pmid=24010850 |doi-access=free }} |
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*{{Cite journal|last1=Yoder|first1=P. Stanley|last2=Wang|first2=Shanxiao|last3=Johansen|first3=Elise|date=June 2013|title=Estimates of female genital mutilation/cutting in 27 African countries and Yemen|url=|journal=Studies in Family Planning|volume=44|issue=2|pages=189–204|doi=10.1111/j.1728-4465.2013.00352.x|issn=0039-3665|pmid=23720002}} |
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*{{Cite journal|last1=Yoder|first1=P. Stanley|last2=Khan|first2=Shane|date=March 2008|title=Numbers of women circumcised in Africa: The Production of a Total|url=http://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/WP39/WP39.pdf|publisher=USAID|journal=DHS Working Papers|volume=|issue=39|access-date=29 July 2014|archive-date=22 November 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171122012927/https://dhsprogram.com/pubs/pdf/WP39/WP39.pdf|url-status=live}} |
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{{refend}} |
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'''United Nations reports''' |
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{{refbegin|indent=yes|26em}} |
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*{{wikicite| ref=UNICEF2013 |reference = Cappa, Claudia, et al. [http://data.unicef.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/FGMC_Lo_res_Final_26.pdf ''Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A Statistical Overview and Exploration of the Dynamics of Change''], New York: United Nations Children's Fund, July 2013.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=WHO2014|reference = [https://web.archive.org/web/20140114180518/http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/topics/fgm/overview/en/ ''Classification of female genital mutilation''], Geneva: World Health Organization, 2014.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=CEDAW2013|reference=[https://web.archive.org/web/20131003080552/http://www.scottishhumanrights.com/application/resources/documents/ConcObsCEDAW.doc "Concluding observations on the seventh periodic report of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland"], United Nations Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), 26 July 2013 ([https://web.archive.org/web/20131003080552/http://www.scottishhumanrights.com/application/resources/documents/ConcObsCEDAW.doc WebCite]).}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=Diop2008|reference = Diop, Nafissatou J.; Moreau, Amadou; Benga, Hélène. [http://www.unicef.org/wcaro/wcaro_SEN_TOSTAN_EarlyMarriage.pdf "Evaluation of the Long-term Impact of the TOSTAN Program on the Abandonment of FGM/C and Early Marriage: Results from a qualitative study in Senega"], UNICEF, January 2008.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNICEFDjibouti2013|reference=[https://web.archive.org/web/20141030110609/http://data.unicef.org/corecode/uploads/document6/uploaded_country_profiles/corecode/30/Countries/FGMC_DJI.pdf "Djibouti"], Statistical profile on female genital mutilation/cutting, UNICEF, December 2013.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=WHO2008|reference = [http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241596442_eng.pdf ''Eliminating Female genital mutilation: An Interagency Statement''], Geneva: World Health Organization, 2008.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNICEFEritrea|reference=[https://web.archive.org/web/20141030113629/http://data.unicef.org/corecode/uploads/document6/uploaded_country_profiles/corecode/30/Countries/FGMC_ERI.pdf "Eritrea"], Statistical profile on female genital mutilation/cutting, UNICEF, July 2014.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=WHO2018|reference=[http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs241/en/ "Female genital mutilation"], Geneva: World Health Organization, 31 January 2018.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNICEF2016|reference = [http://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGMC_2016_brochure_final_UNICEF_SPREAD.pdf ''Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A Global Concern''], New York: United Nations Children's Fund, February 2016.}} |
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*{{wikicite| ref=WHO2005 |reference = [https://web.archive.org/web/20140428022806/http://www.who.int/gender/other_health/teachersguide.pdf ''Female Genital Mutilation: A Teachers' Guide''], Geneva: World Health Organization, 2005.}} |
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<!--*{{cite book|title=Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A statistical overview and exploration of the dynamics of change|url=http://data.unicef.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/FGMC_Lo_res_Final_26.pdf|publisher=UNICEF|location=New York|date=2013}}--> |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNICEF2014|reference = [https://www.unicef.org/media/files/FGM-C_Report_7_15_Final_LR.pdf ''Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: What Might the Future Hold?''], New York: UNICEF, 22 July 2014.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNICEFpress2July2007|reference=[https://www.unicef.org/media/media_40168.html<!--https://web.archive.org/web/20080520160125/http://www.unicef.org/egypt/media_3875.html--> "Fresh progress toward the elimination of female genital mutilation and cutting in Egypt"], UNICEF press release, 2 July 2007.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UN2010|reference = [http://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/10665/70264/1/WHO_RHR_10.9_eng.pdf ''Global strategy to stop health-care providers from performing female genital mutilation''], UNAIDS, UNDP, UNFPA, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM, WHO, FIGO, ICN, IOM, MWIA, WCPT, WMA, Geneva: World Health Organization, 2010.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNICEFIndonesia2016|reference = [https://data.unicef.org/wp-content/uploads/country_profiles/Indonesia/FGMC_IDN.pdf "Indonesia"], Statistical profile on female genital mutilation/cutting, UNICEF, February 2016.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNresolution2012|reference=[http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/67/146 "67/146. Intensifying global efforts for the elimination of female genital mutilations"], United Nations General Assembly, adopted 20 December 2012.}} |
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*{{wikicite| ref=IzettToubia1932 |reference = Izett, Susan; Toubia, Nahid. [https://web.archive.org/web/20130921053613/https://apps.who.int/dsa/cat98/fgmbook.htm ''Female Genital Mutilation: An Overview''], Geneva: World Health Organization, 1998.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNFPA2013|reference = ''Joint Evaluation. UNFPA-UNICEF Joint Program on Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: Accelerating Change, 2008–2012'', [http://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/admin-resource/FGM-report%2012_4_2013.pdf Volume 1], [http://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/admin-resource/FGMC_Final%20Evaluation%20Report_Volume%20II_September09.pdf Volume 2], [http://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/admin-resource/ENG_FGM%20executive%20summary%20proof%205.pdf "Executive Summary"], New York: UNFPA, UNICEF, September 2013.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNFPA–UNICEF2012|reference = [http://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/UNICEF-UNFPA%20Joint%20Programme%20AR_final_v14.pdf ''Joint Program on Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: Accelerating Change''], Annual report 2012, New York: UNFPA–UNICEF, 2012.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=MackieLeJeune2008|reference=[[Gerry Mackie|Mackie, Gerry]]; LeJeune, John. [https://web.archive.org/web/20131014151512/http://www.polisci.ucsd.edu/~gmackie/documents/UNICEF.pdf "Social Dynamics of Abandonment of Harmful Practices: A New Look at the Theory"], Innocenti Working Paper No. XXX, Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, 2008.}} |
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*{{wikicite| ref=UNICEF2005 |reference = Miller, Michael; Moneti, Francesca. [http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_eng.pdf ''Changing a harmful social convention: Female genital cutting/mutilation''], Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, 2005.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNICEF2010|reference = Moneti, Francesca; Parker, David. [http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_insight_eng.pdf ''The Dynamics of Social Change''], Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, October 2010.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNICEFNigeria|reference=[https://data.unicef.org/wp-content/uploads/country_profiles/Nigeria/FGMC_NGA.pdf "Nigeria"], Statistical profile on female genital mutilation/cutting, UNICEF, July 2014.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=UNICEFSomalia|reference=[https://data.unicef.org/wp-content/uploads/country_profiles/Somalia/FGMC_SOM.pdf "Somalia"], Statistical profile on female genital mutilation/cutting, UNICEF, December 2013.}} |
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*{{wikicite|ref=WHO2016|reference = [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK368483/ ''WHO Guidelines on the Management of Health Complications from Female Genital Mutilation''], Geneva: World Health Organization, 2016. {{PMID|27359024}}}} |
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{{refend}} |
{{refend}} |
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==Further reading== |
==Further reading== |
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* [https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/578531-fgm-survivors-narrate-experiences-dealing-with-absence-of-the-clitoris.html FGM: Survivors narrate experiences dealing with absence of the clitoris.] |
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{{Commons category|Female genital cutting}} |
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* [https://web.archive.org/web/20150702080920/http://www.kinseyinstitute.org/library/Pdf/CIRCUMCISION%2C%20FEMALE1960-1980.pdf "Circumcision, female"], The Kinsey Institute (bibliography 1960s–1980s). |
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;Resources |
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* [https://www.theguardian.com/society/female-genital-mutilation FGM archive], ''The Guardian''. |
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*[http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs241/en/ "Factsheet on FGM"], World Health Organization, February 2013. |
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* Haworth, Abigail (18 November 2012). [https://www.theguardian.com/society/2012/nov/18/female-genital-mutilation-circumcision-indonesia "The day I saw 248 girls suffering genital mutilation"], ''The Observer''. |
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*[http://www.endfgm.eu/en/ End FGM campaign], Amnesty International. |
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* Lightfoot-Klein, Hanny (1989). ''Prisoners of Ritual: An Odyssey Into Female Genital Circumcision in Africa''. New York: Routledge. |
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*British [[National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children]] 24-hour national helpline for children at risk of FGM: 0800 028 3550 |
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* Westley, David M. (1999). [https://web.archive.org/web/20100706041625/http://ir.uiowa.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1009&context=ejab "Female circumcision and infibulation in Africa"], ''Electronic Journal of Africana Bibliography'', 4 (bibliography up to 1997). |
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*[http://www.forwarduk.org.uk/about FORWARD], London, charity specializing in FGM research (FORWARD's list of [http://www.forwarduk.org.uk/resources/support/well-woman-clinics hospitals and clinics in the UK offering specialist FGM services]). |
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*[http://www.desertflowerfoundation.org/ Desert Flower Foundation] ([http://www.desertflowerfoundation.org/en/first-desert-flower-center-opens-in-berlin/ "First Desert Flower Center opens in Berlin"], 16 September 2013; first dedicated FGM clinic in Europe). |
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*[http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/48/a48r104.htm A/RES/48/104. Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women]: Article 2: section (a)—[[Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women]] |
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'''Personal stories''' |
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;Bibliographies |
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* [[Nawal El Saadawi|El Saadawi, Nawal]] (1975). ''[[Woman at Point Zero]]''. London: Zed Books. |
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*[http://www.kinseyinstitute.org/library/Pdf/CIRCUMCISION,%20FEMALE1960-1980.pdf "Circumcision, female"], The Kinsey Institute (bibliography 1960s–1980s). |
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* [[Waris Dirie|Dirie, Waris]] and Miller, Cathleen (1998). ''[[Desert Flower]]''. New York: William Morrow. |
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*Westley, David M. [http://ir.uiowa.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1009&context=ejab "Female circumcision and infibulation in Africa"], ''Electronic Journal of Africana Bibliography'', 4, 1999 (bibliography up to 1997). |
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* [[Fauziya Kassindja|Kassindja, Fauziya]] and [[Layli Miller-Muro|Miller-Muro, Layli]] (1998). ''Do They Hear You When You Cry''. New York: Delacorte Press. |
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* [[Ayaan Hirsi Ali|Ali, Ayaan Hirsi]] (2007). ''[[Infidel: My Life]]''. New York: Simon & Schuster. |
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==External links== |
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;Books and news |
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*{{Commons category-inline}} |
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*[[David Gollaher|Gollaher, David]]. ''Circumcision: A History of the World's Most Controversial Surgery'', Basic Books, 2000. |
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*{{Wikiquote-inline}} |
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*CNN. [http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qXM0CVBQltI Report on FGM in Egypt], February 2009. |
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* Film: [http://www.dishonour.ca Dishonour.ca] |
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*''Guardian''. [http://www.theguardian.com/society/female-genital-mutilation FGM archive]; [http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/interactive/2013/jul/22/female-genital-mutilation-interactive ''Guardian'' interactive], 22 July 2013. |
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*Haworth, Abigail. [http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2012/nov/18/female-genital-mutilation-circumcision-indonesia "The day I saw 248 girls suffering genital mutilation"], ''The Guardian'', 18 November 2012. |
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*[[Ousmane Sembène|Sembène, Ousmane]]. ''[[Moolaadé]]'', 2004, a film about abandoning FGM. |
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*Sinclair, Stephanie. '[http://www.nytimes.com/slideshow/2008/01/20/magazine/20080120_CIRCUMCISION_SLIDESHOW_index.html "Inside a Female-Circumcision Ceremony"], ''The New York Times'' magazine, April 2006, slideshow of images from Indonesia ([http://www-nc.nytimes.com/2008/01/20/magazine/20circumcision-t.html article]). |
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*[[Alice Walker|Walker, Alice]]. ''[[Possessing the Secret of Joy]]'', New Press, 1993 (novel). |
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*UNICEF. [http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/fgm_insight_eng.pdf "Towards the abandonment of female genital mutilation in five African countries"], October 2010. |
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{{Female genital mutilation}} |
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;Personal stories |
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*[[Ayaan Hirsi Ali|Ali, Ayaan Hirsi]]. ''[[Infidel: My Life]]'', Simon & Schuster, 2007: Ali experiences FGM at the hands of her grandmother. |
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*[[Waris Dirie|Dirie, Waris]]. ''[[Desert Flower]]'', Harper Perennial, 1999: autobiographical novel. |
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*Dirie, Waris. ''Desert Dawn'', Little, Brown, 2003: Dirie's work as UN Special Ambassador against FGM. |
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*Dirie, Waris. ''Desert Children'', Virago, 2007: FGM in Europe |
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*[[Fauziya Kassindja|Kasinga, Fauziya]], and [[Layli Miller-Muro|Bashir, Layli Miller]]. ''Do They Hear You When You Cry'', Delacorte Press, 1998. |
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*[[Nawal El Saadawi|El Saadawi, Nawal]]. ''[[Woman at Point Zero]]'', Zed Books, 1975. |
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<br/> |
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{{Female genital mutilation|state=uncollapsed}} |
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{{Violence against women/end}} |
{{Violence against women/end}} |
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{{Countries of Africa}} |
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{{Urogenital surgical and other procedures}} |
{{Urogenital surgical and other procedures}} |
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{{Feminism}} |
{{Feminism}} |
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{{Women's health}} |
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{{Authority control}} |
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{{DEFAULTSORT:Female genital mutilation}} |
{{DEFAULTSORT:Female genital mutilation}} |
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[[Category:Genital modification and mutilation]] |
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[[Category:Female genital mutilation| ]] |
[[Category:Female genital mutilation| ]] |
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[[Category:Female genital modification|Female genital modification]] |
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[[Category:Feminism]] |
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[[Category:Gender-based violence]] |
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[[Category:Genital modification]] |
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[[Category:Sexuality in Africa]] |
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[[Category:Women's health]] |
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[[Category:Women's rights]] |
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[[Category:Violence against women]] |
[[Category:Violence against women]] |
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[[Category:Violence against women in Africa]] |
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[[Category:Violence against women in Asia]] |
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{{Link GA|fa}} |
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[[Category:Vulva]] |
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[[Category:Wikipedia medicine articles ready to translate]] |
Latest revision as of 08:20, 2 December 2024
Definition | "Partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons" (WHO, UNICEF, and UNFPA, 1997).[1] | ||||
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Areas | Africa, Southeast Asia, Middle East, and within communities from these areas[2] | ||||
Numbers | Over 230 million women and girls worldwide: 144 million in Africa, 80 million in Asia, 6 million in Middle East, and 1-2 million in other parts of the world (as of 2024)[3][4] | ||||
Age | Days after birth to puberty[5] | ||||
Prevalence | |||||
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Female genital mutilation (FGM) (also known as female genital cutting, female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) and female circumcision[a]) is the cutting or removal of some or all of the vulva for non-medical reasons. FGM prevalence varies worldwide, but is majorly present in some countries of Africa, Asia and Middle East, and within their diasporas. As of 2024[update], UNICEF estimates that worldwide 230 million girls and women (144 million in Africa, 80 million in Asia, 6 million in Middle East, and 1-2 million in other parts of the world) had been subjected to one or more types of FGM.[3]
Typically carried out by a traditional cutter using a blade, FGM is conducted from days after birth to puberty and beyond. In half of the countries for which national statistics are available, most girls are cut before the age of five.[7] Procedures differ according to the country or ethnic group. They include removal of the clitoral hood (type 1-a) and clitoral glans (1-b); removal of the inner labia (2-a); and removal of the inner and outer labia and closure of the vulva (type 3). In this last procedure, known as infibulation, a small hole is left for the passage of urine and menstrual fluid, the vagina is opened for intercourse and opened further for childbirth.[8]
The practice is rooted in gender inequality, attempts to control female sexuality, religious beliefs and ideas about purity, modesty, and beauty. It is usually initiated and carried out by women, who see it as a source of honour, and who fear that failing to have their daughters and granddaughters cut will expose the girls to social exclusion.[9] Adverse health effects depend on the type of procedure; they can include recurrent infections, difficulty urinating and passing menstrual flow, chronic pain, the development of cysts, an inability to get pregnant, complications during childbirth, and fatal bleeding.[8] There are no known health benefits.[10]
There have been international efforts since the 1970s to persuade practitioners to abandon FGM, and it has been outlawed or restricted in most of the countries in which it occurs, although the laws are often poorly enforced. Since 2010, the United Nations has called upon healthcare providers to stop performing all forms of the procedure, including reinfibulation after childbirth and symbolic "nicking" of the clitoral hood.[11] The opposition to the practice is not without its critics, particularly among anthropologists, who have raised questions about cultural relativism and the universality of human rights.[12] According to the UNICEF, international FGM rates have risen significantly in recent years, from an estimated 200 million in 2016 to 230 million in 2024, with progress towards its abandonment stalling or reversing in many affected countries.[13]
Terminology
Until the 1980s, FGM was widely known in English as "female circumcision", implying an equivalence in severity with male circumcision.[6] From 1929 the Kenya Missionary Council referred to it as the sexual mutilation of women, following the lead of Marion Scott Stevenson, a Church of Scotland missionary.[14] References to the practice as mutilation increased throughout the 1970s.[15] In 1975 Rose Oldfield Hayes, an American anthropologist, used the term female genital mutilation in the title of a paper in American Ethnologist,[16] and four years later Fran Hosken called it mutilation in her influential The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females.[17] The Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children began referring to it as female genital mutilation in 1990, and the World Health Organization (WHO) followed suit in 1991.[18] Other English terms include female genital cutting (FGC) and female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C), preferred by those who work with practitioners.[15]
In countries where FGM is common, the practice's many variants are reflected in dozens of terms, often alluding to purification.[19] In the Bambara language, spoken mostly in Mali, it is known as bolokoli ("washing your hands")[20] and in the Igbo language in eastern Nigeria as isa aru or iwu aru ("having your bath").[b] A common Arabic term for purification has the root t-h-r, used for male and female circumcision (tahur and tahara).[22] It is also known in Arabic as khafḍ or khifaḍ.[23] Communities may refer to FGM as "pharaonic" for infibulation and "sunna" circumcision for everything else;[24] sunna means "path or way" in Arabic and refers to the tradition of Muhammad, although none of the procedures are required within Islam.[23] The term infibulation derives from fibula, Latin for clasp; the Ancient Romans reportedly fastened clasps through the foreskins or labia of slaves to prevent sexual intercourse. The surgical infibulation of women came to be known as pharaonic circumcision in Sudan and as Sudanese circumcision in Egypt.[25] In Somalia, it is known simply as qodob ("to sew up").[26]
Methods
The procedures are generally performed by a traditional cutter (exciseuse) in the girls' homes, with or without anaesthesia. The cutter is usually an older woman, but in communities where the male barber has assumed the role of health worker, he will also perform FGM.[27][c] When traditional cutters are involved, non-sterile devices are likely to be used, including knives, razors, scissors, glass, sharpened rocks, and fingernails.[29] According to a nurse in Uganda, quoted in 2007 in The Lancet, a cutter would use one knife on up to 30 girls at a time.[30] In several countries, health professionals are involved; in Egypt, 77 percent of FGM procedures, and in Indonesia over 50 percent, were performed by medical professionals as of 2008 and 2016.[31][4]
Classification
Variation
The WHO, UNICEF, and UNFPA issued a joint statement in 1997 defining FGM as "all procedures involving partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs whether for cultural or other non-therapeutic reasons".[15] The procedures vary according to the ethnicity and individual practitioners; during a 1998 survey in Niger, women responded with over 50 terms when asked what was done to them.[19] Translation problems are compounded by the women's confusion over which type of FGM they experienced, or even whether they experienced it.[32] Studies have suggested that survey responses are unreliable. A 2003 study in Ghana found that in 1995 four percent said they had not undergone FGM, but in 2000 said they had, while 11 percent switched in the other direction.[33] In Tanzania in 2005, 66 percent reported FGM, but a medical exam found that 73 percent had undergone it.[34] In Sudan in 2006, a significant percentage of infibulated women and girls reported a less severe type.[35]
In 2017, during an international meeting of 98 FGM experts, which included physicians, social scientists, policymakers, and activists from 23 countries, a majority of the participants advocated for the revision of FGM/C classifications proposed by the WHO and other UN agencies.[36] The experts agreed on legal prohibition of reinfibulation and ritual pricking. They also expressed worry over the harm presented by "the lawfulness of both female genital cosmetic surgeries and male circumcision" in the negation of FGM/C prevention campaigns. The participants, however, differed in their views on the ban of female genital cosmetic surgeries and regular vulvar checkups of female children.[36][37]
Types
Standard questionnaires from United Nations bodies ask women whether they or their daughters have undergone the following: (1) cut, no flesh removed (symbolic nicking); (2) cut, some flesh removed; (3) sewn closed; or (4) type not determined/unsure/doesn't know.[d] The most common procedures fall within the "cut, some flesh removed" category and involve complete or partial removal of the clitoral glans.[38] The World Health Organization (a UN agency) created a more detailed typology in 1997: Types I–II vary in how much tissue is removed; Type III is equivalent to the UNICEF category "sewn closed"; and Type IV describes miscellaneous procedures, including symbolic nicking.[39]
Type I
Type I is "partial or total removal of the clitoral glans (the external and visible part of the clitoris, which is a sensitive part of the female genitals), and/or the prepuce/clitoral hood (the fold of skin surrounding the clitoral glans)".[40] Type Ia[e] involves removal of the clitoral hood only. This is rarely performed alone.[f] The more common procedure is Type Ib (clitoridectomy), the complete or partial removal of the clitoral glans (the visible tip of the clitoris) and clitoral hood.[1][43] The circumciser pulls the clitoral glans with her thumb and index finger and cuts it off.[g]
Type II
Type II (excision) is the complete or partial removal of the inner labia, with or without removal of the clitoral glans and outer labia. Type IIa is removal of the inner labia; Type IIb, removal of the clitoral glans and inner labia; and Type IIc, removal of the clitoral glans, inner and outer labia. Excision in French can refer to any form of FGM.[1]
Type III
Type III (infibulation or pharaonic circumcision), the "sewn closed" category, is the removal of the external genitalia and fusion of the wound. The inner and/or outer labia are cut away, with or without removal of the clitoral glans.[h] Type III is found largely in northeast Africa, particularly Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan (although not in South Sudan). According to one 2008 estimate, over eight million women in Africa are living with Type III FGM.[i] According to UNFPA in 2010, 20 percent of women with FGM have been infibulated.[46] In Somalia, according to Edna Adan Ismail, the child squats on a stool or mat while adults pull her legs open; a local anaesthetic is applied if available:
The element of speed and surprise is vital and the circumciser immediately grabs the clitoris by pinching it between her nails aiming to amputate it with a slash. The organ is then shown to the senior female relatives of the child who will decide whether the amount that has been removed is satisfactory or whether more is to be cut off.
After the clitoris has been satisfactorily amputated ... the circumciser can proceed with the total removal of the labia minora and the paring of the inner walls of the labia majora. Since the entire skin on the inner walls of the labia majora has to be removed all the way down to the perineum, this becomes a messy business. By now, the child is screaming, struggling, and bleeding profusely, which makes it difficult for the circumciser to hold with bare fingers and nails the slippery skin and parts that are to be cut or sutured together. ...
Having ensured that sufficient tissue has been removed to allow the desired fusion of the skin, the circumciser pulls together the opposite sides of the labia majora, ensuring that the raw edges where the skin has been removed are well approximated. The wound is now ready to be stitched or for thorns to be applied. If a needle and thread are being used, close tight sutures will be placed to ensure that a flap of skin covers the vulva and extends from the mons veneris to the perineum, and which, after the wound heals, will form a bridge of scar tissue that will totally occlude the vaginal introitus.[47]
The amputated parts might be placed in a pouch for the girl to wear.[48] A single hole of 2–3 mm is left for the passage of urine and menstrual fluid.[j] The vulva is closed with surgical thread, or agave or acacia thorns, and might be covered with a poultice of raw egg, herbs, and sugar. To help the tissue bond, the girl's legs are tied together, often from hip to ankle; the bindings are usually loosened after a week and removed after two to six weeks.[49][29] If the remaining hole is too large in the view of the girl's family, the procedure is repeated.[50]
The vagina is opened for sexual intercourse, for the first time either by a midwife with a knife or by the woman's husband with his penis.[51] In some areas, including Somaliland, female relatives of the bride and groom might watch the opening of the vagina to check that the girl is a virgin.[49] The woman is opened further for childbirth (defibulation or deinfibulation), and closed again afterwards (reinfibulation). Reinfibulation can involve cutting the vagina again to restore the pinhole size of the first infibulation. This might be performed before marriage, and after childbirth, divorce and widowhood.[k][52] Hanny Lightfoot-Klein interviewed hundreds of women and men in Sudan in the 1980s about sexual intercourse with Type III:
The penetration of the bride's infibulation takes anywhere from 3 or 4 days to several months. Some men are unable to penetrate their wives at all (in my study over 15%), and the task is often accomplished by a midwife under conditions of great secrecy, since this reflects negatively on the man's potency. Some who are unable to penetrate their wives manage to get them pregnant in spite of the infibulation, and the woman's vaginal passage is then cut open to allow birth to take place. ... Those men who do manage to penetrate their wives do so often, or perhaps always, with the help of the "little knife". This creates a tear which they gradually rip more and more until the opening is sufficient to admit the penis.[53]
Type IV
Type IV is "[a]ll other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes", including pricking, piercing, incising, scraping and cauterization.[1] It includes nicking of the clitoris (symbolic circumcision), burning or scarring the genitals, and introducing substances into the vagina to tighten it.[54][55] Labia stretching is also categorized as Type IV.[56] Common in southern and eastern Africa, the practice is supposed to enhance sexual pleasure for the man and add to the sense of a woman as a closed space. From the age of eight, girls are encouraged to stretch their inner labia using sticks and massage. Girls in Uganda are told they may have difficulty giving birth without stretched labia.[l][58]
A definition of FGM from the WHO in 1995 included gishiri cutting and angurya cutting, found in Nigeria and Niger. These were removed from the WHO's 2008 definition because of insufficient information about prevalence and consequences.[56] Angurya cutting is excision of the hymen, usually performed seven days after birth. Gishiri cutting involves cutting the vagina's front or back wall with a blade or penknife, performed in response to infertility, obstructed labour, and other conditions. In a study by Nigerian physician Mairo Usman Mandara, over 30 percent of women with gishiri cuts were found to have vesicovaginal fistulae (holes that allow urine to seep into the vagina).[59]
Complications
Short term
FGM harms women's physical and emotional health throughout their lives.[60][61] It has no known health benefits.[10] The short-term and late complications depend on the type of FGM, whether the practitioner has had medical training, and whether they used antibiotics and sterilized or single-use surgical instruments. In the case of Type III, other factors include how small a hole was left for the passage of urine and menstrual blood, whether surgical thread was used instead of agave or acacia thorns, and whether the procedure was performed more than once (for example, to close an opening regarded as too wide or re-open one too small).[8]
Common short-term complications include swelling, excessive bleeding, pain, urine retention, and healing problems/wound infection. A 2014 systematic review of 56 studies suggested that over one in ten girls and women undergoing any form of FGM, including symbolic nicking of the clitoris (Type IV), experience immediate complications, although the risks increased with Type III. The review also suggested that there was under-reporting.[m] Other short-term complications include fatal bleeding, anaemia, urinary infection, septicaemia, tetanus, gangrene, necrotizing fasciitis (flesh-eating disease), and endometritis.[63] It is not known how many girls and women die as a result of the practice, because complications may not be recognized or reported. The practitioners' use of shared instruments is thought to aid the transmission of hepatitis B, hepatitis C and HIV, although no epidemiological studies have shown this.[64]
Long term
Late complications vary depending on the type of FGM.[8] They include the formation of scars and keloids that lead to strictures and obstruction, epidermoid cysts that may become infected, and neuroma formation (growth of nerve tissue) involving nerves that supplied the clitoris.[65][66] An infibulated girl may be left with an opening as small as 2–3 mm, which can cause prolonged, drop-by-drop urination, pain while urinating, and a feeling of needing to urinate all the time. Urine may collect underneath the scar, leaving the area under the skin constantly wet, which can lead to infection and the formation of small stones. The opening is larger in women who are sexually active or have given birth by vaginal delivery, but the urethra opening may still be obstructed by scar tissue. Vesicovaginal or rectovaginal fistulae can develop (holes that allow urine or faeces to seep into the vagina).[8][67] This and other damage to the urethra and bladder can lead to infections and incontinence, pain during sexual intercourse and infertility.[65]
Painful periods are common because of the obstruction to the menstrual flow, and blood can stagnate in the vagina and uterus. Complete obstruction of the vagina can result in hematocolpos and hematometra (where the vagina and uterus fill with menstrual blood).[8] The swelling of the abdomen and lack of menstruation can resemble pregnancy.[67] Asma El Dareer, a Sudanese physician, reported in 1979 that a girl in Sudan with this condition was killed by her family.[68]
Pregnancy, childbirth
FGM may place women at higher risk of problems during pregnancy and childbirth, which are more common with the more extensive FGM procedures.[8] Infibulated women may try to make childbirth easier by eating less during pregnancy to reduce the baby's size.[69]: 99 In women with vesicovaginal or rectovaginal fistulae, it is difficult to obtain clear urine samples as part of prenatal care, making the diagnosis of conditions such as pre-eclampsia harder.[65] Cervical evaluation during labour may be impeded and labour prolonged or obstructed. Third-degree laceration (tears), anal-sphincter damage and emergency caesarean section are more common in infibulated women.[8][69]
Neonatal mortality is increased. The WHO estimated in 2006 that an additional 10–20 babies die per 1,000 deliveries as a result of FGM. The estimate was based on a study conducted on 28,393 women attending delivery wards at 28 obstetric centres in Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, and Sudan. In those settings all types of FGM were found to pose an increased risk of death to the baby: 15 percent higher for Type I, 32 percent for Type II, and 55 percent for Type III. The reasons for this were unclear, but may be connected to genital and urinary tract infections and the presence of scar tissue. According to the study, FGM was associated with an increased risk to the mother of damage to the perineum and excessive blood loss, as well as a need to resuscitate the baby, and stillbirth, perhaps because of a long second stage of labour.[70][71]
Psychological effects, sexual function
According to a 2015 systematic review there is little high-quality information available on the psychological effects of FGM. Several small studies have concluded that women with FGM develop anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder.[64] Feelings of shame and betrayal can develop when women leave the culture that practices FGM and learn that their condition is not the norm, but within the practicing culture, they may view their FGM with pride because for them it signifies beauty, respect for tradition, chastity and hygiene.[8] Studies on sexual function have also been small.[64] A 2013 meta-analysis of 15 studies involving 12,671 women from seven countries concluded that women with FGM were twice as likely to report no sexual desire and 52 percent more likely to report dyspareunia (painful sexual intercourse). One-third reported reduced sexual feelings.[72]
Distribution
According to the UNICEF, international FGM rates have risen significantly in recent years, rising from an estimated 200 million in 2016 to 230 million in 2024, with progress towards its abandonment stalling or reversing in many effected countries.[13]
Household surveys
Aid agencies define the prevalence of FGM as the percentage of the 15–49 age group that has experienced it.[74] These figures are based on nationally representative household surveys known as Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), developed by Macro International and funded mainly by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID); and Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) conducted with financial and technical help from UNICEF.[32] These surveys have been carried out in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere roughly every five years since 1984 and 1995 respectively.[75] The first to ask about FGM was the 1989–1990 DHS in northern Sudan. The first publication to estimate FGM prevalence based on DHS data (in seven countries) was written by Dara Carr of Macro International in 1997.[76]
Type of FGM
Questions the women are asked during the surveys include: "Was the genital area just nicked/cut without removing any flesh? Was any flesh (or something) removed from the genital area? Was your genital area sewn?"[77] Most women report "cut, some flesh removed" (Types I and II).[78]
Type I is the most common form in Egypt,[79] and in the southern parts of Nigeria.[80] Type III (infibulation) is concentrated in northeastern Africa, particularly Djibouti, Eritrea, Somalia, and Sudan.[45] In surveys in 2002–2006, 30 percent of cut girls in Djibouti, 38 percent in Eritrea, and 63 percent in Somalia had experienced Type III.[81] There is also a high prevalence of infibulation among girls in Niger and Senegal,[82] and in 2013 it was estimated that in Nigeria three percent of the 0–14 age group had been infibulated.[83] The type of procedure is often linked to ethnicity. In Eritrea, for example, a survey in 2002 found that all Hedareb girls had been infibulated, compared with two percent of the Tigrinya, most of whom fell into the "cut, no flesh removed" category.[19]
Prevalence
FGM is mostly found in what Gerry Mackie called an "intriguingly contiguous" zone in Africa—east to west from Somalia to Senegal, and north to south from Egypt to Tanzania.[84] Nationally representative figures are available for 27 countries in Africa, as well as Indonesia, Iraqi Kurdistan and Yemen. Over 200 million women and girls are thought to be living with FGM in those 30 countries.[3][4][85]
The highest concentrations among the 15–49 age group are in Somalia (98 percent), Guinea (97 percent), Djibouti (93 percent), Egypt (91 percent), and Sierra Leone (90 percent).[86] As of 2013, 27.2 million women had undergone FGM in Egypt, 23.8 million in Ethiopia, and 19.9 million in Nigeria.[87] There is a high concentration in Indonesia, where according to UNICEF Type I (clitoridectomy) and Type IV (symbolic nicking) are practised; the Indonesian Ministry of Health and Indonesian Ulema Council both say the clitoris should not be cut. The prevalence rate for the 0–11 group in Indonesia is 49 percent (13.4 million).[85]: 2 Smaller studies or anecdotal reports suggest that various types of FGM are also practised in various circumstances in Colombia, Jordan, Oman, Palestine,[88] Saudi Arabia,[89][90] Malaysia,[91] the United Arab Emirates,[4] India,[92] and among Kurdish communities in Iran[88] but there are no representative data on the prevalence in these countries.[4] As of 2023[update], UNICEF reported that "The highest levels of support for FGM can be found in Mali, Sierra Leone, Guinea, the Gambia, Somalia, and Egypt, where more than half of the female population thinks the practice should continue".[3]
Prevalence figures for the 15–19 age group and younger show a downward trend.[n] For example, Burkina Faso fell from 89 percent (1980) to 58 percent (2010); Egypt from 97 percent (1985) to 70 percent (2015); and Kenya from 41 percent (1984) to 11 percent (2014).[94] Beginning in 2010, household surveys asked women about the FGM status of all their living daughters.[95] The highest concentrations among girls aged 0–14 were in Gambia (56 percent), Mauritania (54 percent), Indonesia (49 percent for 0–11) and Guinea (46 percent).[4] The figures suggest that a girl was one third less likely in 2014 to undergo FGM than she was 30 years ago.[96] According to a 2018 study published in BMJ Global Health, the prevalence within the 0–14 year old group fell in East Africa from 71.4 percent in 1995 to 8 percent in 2016; in North Africa from 57.7 percent in 1990 to 14.1 percent in 2015; and in West Africa from 73.6 percent in 1996 to 25.4 percent in 2017.[97] If the current rate of decline continues, the number of girls cut will nevertheless continue to rise because of population growth, according to UNICEF in 2014; they estimate that the figure will increase from 3.6 million a year in 2013 to 4.1 million in 2050.[o]
Rural areas, wealth, education
Surveys have found FGM to be more common in rural areas, less common in most countries among girls from the wealthiest homes, and (except in Sudan and Somalia) less common in girls whose mothers had access to primary or secondary/higher education. In Somalia and Sudan the situation was reversed: in Somalia, the mothers' access to secondary/higher education was accompanied by a rise in prevalence of FGM in their daughters, and in Sudan, access to any education was accompanied by a rise.[99]
Age, ethnicity
FGM is not invariably a rite of passage between childhood and adulthood but is often performed on much younger children.[100] Girls are most commonly cut shortly after birth to age 15. In half the countries for which national figures were available in 2000–2010, most girls had been cut by age five.[5] Over 80 percent (of those cut) are cut before the age of five in Nigeria, Mali, Eritrea, Ghana and Mauritania.[101] The 1997 Demographic and Health Survey in Yemen found that 76 percent of girls had been cut within two weeks of birth.[102] The percentage is reversed in Somalia, Egypt, Chad, and the Central African Republic, where over 80 percent (of those cut) are cut between five and 14.[101] Just as the type of FGM is often linked to ethnicity, so is the mean age. In Kenya, for example, the Kisi cut around age 10 and the Kamba at 16.[103]
A country's national prevalence often reflects a high sub-national prevalence among certain ethnicities, rather than a widespread practice.[104] In Iraq, for example, FGM is found mostly among the Kurds in Erbil (58 percent prevalence within age group 15–49, as of 2011), Sulaymaniyah (54 percent) and Kirkuk (20 percent), giving the country a national prevalence of eight percent.[105] The practice is sometimes an ethnic marker, but it may differ along national lines. For example, in the northeastern regions of Ethiopia and Kenya, which share a border with Somalia, the Somali people practise FGM at around the same rate as they do in Somalia.[106] But in Guinea all Fulani women responding to a survey in 2012 said they had experienced FGM,[107] against 12 percent of the Fulani in Chad, while in Nigeria the Fulani are the only large ethnic group in the country not to practise it.[108] In Sierra Leone, the predominantly Christian Creole people are the only ethnicity not known to practice FGM or participate in Bondo society rituals.[109][110][111]
Reasons
Support from women
Dahabo Musa, a Somali woman, described infibulation in a 1988 poem as the "three feminine sorrows": the procedure itself, the wedding night when the woman is cut open, then childbirth when she is cut again.[113] Despite the evident suffering, it is women who organize all forms of FGM.[114][p] Anthropologist Rose Oldfield Hayes wrote in 1975 that educated Sudanese men who did not want their daughters to be infibulated (preferring clitoridectomy) would find the girls had been sewn up after the grandmothers arranged a visit to relatives.[119] Gerry Mackie has compared the practice to footbinding. Like FGM, footbinding was carried out on young girls, nearly universal where practised, tied to ideas about honour, chastity, and appropriate marriage, and "supported and transmitted" by women.[q]
FGM practitioners see the procedures as marking not only ethnic boundaries but also gender differences. According to this view, male circumcision defeminizes men while FGM demasculinizes women.[122] Fuambai Ahmadu, an anthropologist and member of the Kono people of Sierra Leone, who in 1992 underwent clitoridectomy as an adult during a Sande society initiation, argued in 2000 that it is a male-centred assumption that the clitoris is important to female sexuality. African female symbolism revolves instead around the concept of the womb.[121] Infibulation draws on that idea of enclosure and fertility. "[G]enital cutting completes the social definition of a child's sex by eliminating external traces of androgyny," Janice Boddy wrote in 2007. "The female body is then covered, closed, and its productive blood bound within; the male body is unveiled, opened, and exposed."[123]
In communities where infibulation is common, there is a preference for women's genitals to be smooth, dry and without odour, and both women and men may find the natural vulva repulsive.[124] Some men seem to enjoy the effort of penetrating an infibulation.[125] The local preference for dry sex causes women to introduce substances into the vagina to reduce lubrication, including leaves, tree bark, toothpaste and Vicks menthol rub.[126] The WHO includes this practice within Type IV FGM, because the added friction during intercourse can cause lacerations and increase the risk of infection.[127] Because of the smooth appearance of an infibulated vulva, there is also a belief that infibulation increases hygiene.[128]
Common reasons for FGM cited by women in surveys are social acceptance, religion, hygiene, preservation of virginity, marriageability and enhancement of male sexual pleasure.[129] In a study in northern Sudan, published in 1983, only 17.4 percent of women opposed FGM (558 out of 3,210), and most preferred excision and infibulation over clitoridectomy.[130] Attitudes are changing slowly. In Sudan in 2010, 42 percent of women who had heard of FGM said the practice should continue.[131] In several surveys since 2006, over 50 percent of women in Mali, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Somalia, the Gambia, and Egypt supported FGM's continuance, while elsewhere in Africa, Iraq, and Yemen most said it should end, although in several countries only by a narrow margin.[132]
Social obligation, poor access to information
Against the argument that women willingly choose FGM for their daughters, UNICEF calls the practice a "self-enforcing social convention" to which families feel they must conform to avoid uncut daughters facing social exclusion.[134] Ellen Gruenbaum reported that, in Sudan in the 1970s, cut girls from an Arab ethnic group would mock uncut Zabarma girls with Ya, ghalfa! ("Hey, unclean!"). The Zabarma girls would respond Ya, mutmura! (A mutmura was a storage pit for grain that was continually opened and closed, like an infibulated woman.) But despite throwing the insult back, the Zabarma girls would ask their mothers, "What's the matter? Don't we have razor blades like the Arabs?"[135]
Because of poor access to information, and because practitioners downplay the causal connection, women may not associate the health consequences with the procedure. Lala Baldé, president of a women's association in Medina Cherif, a village in Senegal, told Mackie in 1998 that when girls fell ill or died, it was attributed to evil spirits. When informed of the causal relationship between FGM and ill health, Mackie wrote, the women broke down and wept. He argued that surveys taken before and after this sharing of information would show very different levels of support for FGM.[136] The American non-profit group Tostan, founded by Molly Melching in 1991, introduced community-empowerment programs in several countries that focus on local democracy, literacy, and education about healthcare, giving women the tools to make their own decisions.[137] In 1997, using the Tostan program, Malicounda Bambara in Senegal became the first village to abandon FGM.[138] By August 2019, 8,800 communities in eight countries had pledged to abandon FGM and child marriage.[r]
Religion
Surveys have shown a widespread belief, particularly in Mali, Mauritania, Guinea, and Egypt, that FGM is a religious requirement.[140] Gruenbaum has argued that practitioners may not distinguish between religion, tradition, and chastity, making it difficult to interpret the data.[141] FGM's origins in northeastern Africa are pre-Islamic, but the practice became associated with Islam because of that religion's focus on female chastity and seclusion.[s] According to a 2013 UNICEF report, in 18 African countries at least 10 percent of Muslim females had experienced FGM, and in 13 of those countries, the figure rose to 50–99 percent.[143]
In 2007 the Al-Azhar Supreme Council of Islamic Research in Cairo ruled that FGM had "no basis in core Islamic law or any of its partial provisions".[144][t] There is no mention of the practice in the Quran.[146] It is praised in a few daʻīf (weak) hadith (sayings attributed to Muhammad) as noble but not required.[147][u] Islamic scholars Abū Dāwūd and Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal reported that Muhammad said circumcision was a "law for men and a preservation of honor for women",[148] however some regard this Hadith as daʻīf (weak).[149] FGM is regarded as an obligatory practice by the Shafi'i version of Sunni Islam.[150] FGM in India is prevalent among the Shia Islam members of the Bohra Muslim community who practice it as a religious custom.[151][152]
There is no mention of FGM in the Bible.[v] The Skoptsy Christian sect in Europe practices FGM as part of redemption from sin and to remain chaste.[154] Christian missionaries in Africa were among the first to object to FGM,[155] but Christian communities in Africa do practise it. In 2013 UNICEF identified 19 African countries in which at least 10 percent of Christian females aged 15 to 49 had undergone FGM;[w] in Niger, 55 percent of Christian women and girls had experienced it, compared with two percent of their Muslim counterparts.[157] The only Jewish group known to have practised it is the Beta Israel of Ethiopia. Judaism requires male circumcision but does not allow FGM.[158] FGM is also practised by animist groups, particularly in Guinea and Mali.[143]
History
Antiquity
But if a man wants to know how to live, he should recite it [a magical spell] every day, after his flesh has been rubbed with the b3d [unknown substance] of an uncircumcised girl ['m't] and the flakes of skin [šnft] of an uncircumcised bald man.
The practice's origins are unknown. Gerry Mackie has suggested that, because FGM's east–west, north–south distribution in Africa meets in Sudan, infibulation may have begun there with the Meroite civilization (c. 800 BCE – c. 350 CE), before the rise of Islam, to increase confidence in paternity.[160] According to historian Mary Knight, Spell 1117 (c. 1991–1786 BCE) of the Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts may refer in hieroglyphs to an uncircumcised girl ('m't):
|
The spell was found on the sarcophagus of Sit-hedjhotep, now in the Egyptian Museum, and dates to Egypt's Middle Kingdom.[159][x] (Paul F. O'Rourke argues that 'm't probably refers instead to a menstruating woman.)[161] The proposed circumcision of an Egyptian girl, Tathemis, is also mentioned on a Greek papyrus, from 163 BCE, in the British Museum: "Sometime after this, Nephoris [Tathemis's mother] defrauded me, being anxious that it was time for Tathemis to be circumcised, as is the custom among the Egyptians."[y]
The examination of mummies has shown no evidence of FGM. Citing the Australian pathologist Grafton Elliot Smith, who examined hundreds of mummies in the early 20th century, Knight writes that the genital area may resemble Type III because during mummification the skin of the outer labia was pulled toward the anus to cover the pudendal cleft, possibly to prevent a sexual violation. It was similarly not possible to determine whether Types I or II had been performed, because soft tissues had deteriorated or been removed by the embalmers.[163]
The Greek geographer Strabo (c. 64 BCE – c. 23 CE) wrote about FGM after visiting Egypt around 25 BCE: "This is one of the customs most zealously pursued by them [the Egyptians]: to raise every child that is born and to circumcise [peritemnein] the males and excise [ektemnein] the females ..."[164][z][aa] Philo of Alexandria (c. 20 BCE – 50 CE) also made reference to it: "the Egyptians by the custom of their country circumcise the marriageable youth and maid in the fourteenth (year) of their age when the male begins to get seed, and the female to have a menstrual flow."[167] It is mentioned briefly in a work attributed to the Greek physician Galen (129 – c. 200 CE): "When [the clitoris] sticks out to a great extent in their young women, Egyptians consider it appropriate to cut it out."[ab] Another Greek physician, Aëtius of Amida (mid-5th to mid-6th century CE), offered more detail in book 16 of his Sixteen Books on Medicine, citing the physician Philomenes. The procedure was performed in case the clitoris, or nymphê, grew too large or triggered sexual desire when rubbing against clothing. "On this account, it seemed proper to the Egyptians to remove it before it became greatly enlarged," Aëtius wrote, "especially at that time when the girls were about to be married":
The surgery is performed in this way: Have the girl sit on a chair while a muscled young man standing behind her places his arms below the girl's thighs. Have him separate and steady her legs and whole body. Standing in front and taking hold of the clitoris with a broad-mouthed forceps in his left hand, the surgeon stretches it outward, while with the right hand, he cuts it off at the point next to the pincers of the forceps. It is proper to let a length remain from that cut off, about the size of the membrane that's between the nostrils, so as to take away the excess material only; as I have said, the part to be removed is at that point just above the pincers of the forceps. Because the clitoris is a skinlike structure and stretches out excessively, do not cut off too much, as a urinary fistula may result from cutting such large growths too deeply.[169]
The genital area was then cleaned with a sponge, frankincense powder and wine or cold water, and wrapped in linen bandages dipped in vinegar, until the seventh day when calamine, rose petals, date pits, or a "genital powder made from baked clay" might be applied.[170]
Red Sea slave trade
Whatever the practice's origins, infibulation became linked to slavery. Research has indicated that linkes between the Red Sea slave trade and female genital mutilation.[171] An investigation combining contemporary from data on slave shipments from 1400 to 1900 with data from 28 African countries has found that women belonging to ethnic groups historically victimized by the Red Sea slave trade were "significantly" more likely to suffer genital mutilation in the 21st-century, as well as "more in favour of continuing the practice".[171][172] Women trafficked in the Red Sea slave trade were sold as concubines (sex slaves) in the Islamic Middle East up until as late as in the mid 20th-century, and the practice of infibulation was used to temporarily signal the virginity of girls, increasing their value on the slave market: "According to descriptions by early travellers, infibulated female slaves had a higher price on the market because infibulation was thought to ensure chastity and loyalty to the owner and prevented undesired pregnancies".[171][172] Mackie cites the Portuguese missionary João dos Santos, who in 1609 wrote of a group near Mogadishu who had a "custome to sew up their Females, especially their slaves being young to make them unable for conception, which makes these slaves sell dearer, both for their chastitie, and for better confidence which their Masters put in them". Thus, Mackie argues, a "practice associated with shameful female slavery came to stand for honor".[173]
Europe and the United States
Some gynaecologists in 19th-century Europe and the United States removed the clitoris to treat insanity and masturbation.[175] A British doctor, Robert Thomas, suggested clitoridectomy as a cure for nymphomania in 1813.[176] In 1825 The Lancet described a clitoridectomy performed in 1822 in Berlin by Karl Ferdinand von Graefe on a 15-year-old girl who was masturbating excessively.[177]
Isaac Baker Brown, an English gynaecologist, president of the Medical Society of London and co-founder in 1845 of St. Mary's Hospital, believed that masturbation, or "unnatural irritation" of the clitoris, caused hysteria, spinal irritation, fits, idiocy, mania, and death.[178] He, therefore "set to work to remove the clitoris whenever he had the opportunity of doing so", according to his obituary.[174] Brown performed several clitoridectomies between 1859 and 1866.[174] In the United States, J. Marion Sims followed Brown's work and in 1862 slit the neck of a woman's uterus and amputated her clitoris, "for the relief of the nervous or hysterical condition as recommended by Baker Brown".[179] When Brown published his views in On the Curability of Certain Forms of Insanity, Epilepsy, Catalepsy, and Hysteria in Females (1866), doctors in London accused him of quackery and expelled him from the Obstetrical Society.[180]
Later in the 19th century, A. J. Bloch, a surgeon in New Orleans, removed the clitoris of a two-year-old girl who was reportedly masturbating.[181] According to a 1985 paper in the Obstetrical & Gynecological Survey, clitoridectomy was performed in the United States into the 1960s to treat hysteria, erotomania and lesbianism.[182] From the mid-1950s, James C. Burt, a gynaecologist in Dayton, Ohio, performed non-standard repairs of episiotomies after childbirth, adding more stitches to make the vaginal opening smaller. From 1966 until 1989, he performed "love surgery" by cutting women's pubococcygeus muscle, repositioning the vagina and urethra, and removing the clitoral hood, thereby making their genital area more appropriate, in his view, for intercourse in the missionary position.[183] "Women are structurally inadequate for intercourse," he wrote; he said he would turn them into "horny little mice".[184] In the 1960s and 1970s he performed these procedures without consent while repairing episiotomies and performing hysterectomies and other surgery; he said he had performed a variation of them on 4,000 women by 1975.[183] Following complaints, he was required in 1989 to stop practicing medicine in the United States.[185]
Opposition and legal status
Colonial opposition in Kenya
Little knives in their sheaths
That they may fight with the church,
The time has come.
Elders (of the church)
When Kenyatta comes
You will be given women's clothes
And you will have to cook him his food.
Protestant missionaries in British East Africa (present-day Kenya) began campaigning against FGM in the early 20th century, when Dr. John Arthur joined the Church of Scotland Mission (CSM) in Kikuyu. An important ethnic marker, the practice was known by the Kikuyu, the country's main ethnic group, as irua for both girls and boys. It involved excision (Type II) for girls and removal of the foreskin for boys. Unexcised Kikuyu women (irugu) were outcasts.[187]
Jomo Kenyatta, general secretary of the Kikuyu Central Association and later Kenya's first prime minister, wrote in 1938 that, for the Kikuyu, the institution of FGM was the "conditio sine qua non of the whole teaching of tribal law, religion and morality". No proper Kikuyu man or woman would marry or have sexual relations with someone who was not circumcised, he wrote. A woman's responsibilities toward the tribe began with her initiation. Her age and place within tribal history were traced to that day, and the group of girls with whom she was cut was named according to current events, an oral tradition that allowed the Kikuyu to track people and events going back hundreds of years.[188]
Beginning with the CSM in 1925, several missionary churches declared that FGM was prohibited for African Christians; the CSM announced that Africans practising it would be excommunicated, which resulted in hundreds leaving or being expelled.[189] In 1929 the Kenya Missionary Council began referring to FGM as the "sexual mutilation of women", and a person's stance toward the practice became a test of loyalty, either to the Christian churches or to the Kikuyu Central Association.[190] The stand-off turned FGM into a focal point of the Kenyan independence movement; the 1929–1931 period is known in the country's historiography as the female circumcision controversy.[191] When Hulda Stumpf, an American missionary who opposed FGM in the girls' school she helped to run, was murdered in 1930, Edward Grigg, the governor of Kenya, told the British Colonial Office that the killer had tried to circumcise her.[192]
There was some opposition from Kenyan women themselves. At the mission in Tumutumu, Karatina, where Marion Scott Stevenson worked, a group calling themselves Ngo ya Tuiritu ("Shield of Young Girls"), the membership of which included Raheli Warigia (mother of Gakaara wa Wanjaũ), wrote to the Local Native Council of South Nyeri on 25 December 1931: "[W]e of the Ngo ya Tuiritu heard that there are men who talk of female circumcision, and we get astonished because they (men) do not give birth and feel the pain and even some die and even others become infertile, and the main cause is circumcision. Because of that, the issue of circumcision should not be forced. People are caught like sheep; one should be allowed to cut her own way of either agreeing to be circumcised or not without being dictated on one's own body."[193]
Elsewhere, support for the practice from women was strong. In 1956 in Meru, eastern Kenya, when the council of male elders (the Njuri Nchecke) announced a ban on FGM in 1956, thousands of girls cut each other's genitals with razor blades over the next three years as a symbol of defiance. The movement came to be known as Ngaitana ("I will circumcise myself"), because to avoid naming their friends the girls said they had cut themselves. Historian Lynn Thomas described the episode as significant in the history of FGM because it made clear that its victims were also its perpetrators.[194] FGM was eventually outlawed in Kenya in 2001, although the practice continued, reportedly driven by older women.[195]
Growth of opposition
FGM opposition |
---|
One of the earliest campaigns against FGM began in Egypt in the 1920s, when the Egyptian Doctors' Society called for a ban.[ac] There was a parallel campaign in Sudan, run by religious leaders and British women. Infibulation was banned there in 1946, but the law was unpopular and barely enforced.[197][ad] The Egyptian government banned infibulation in state-run hospitals in 1959, but allowed partial clitoridectomy if parents requested it.[200] (Egypt banned FGM entirely in 2007.)
In 1959, the UN asked the WHO to investigate FGM, but the latter responded that it was not a medical matter.[201] Feminists took up the issue throughout the 1970s.[202] The Egyptian physician and feminist Nawal El Saadawi criticized FGM in her book Women and Sex (1972); the book was banned in Egypt and El Saadawi lost her job as director-general of public health.[203] She followed up with a chapter, "The Circumcision of Girls", in her book The Hidden Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World (1980), which described her own clitoridectomy when she was six years old:
I did not know what they had cut off from my body, and I did not try to find out. I just wept, and called out to my mother for help. But the worst shock of all was when I looked around and found her standing by my side. Yes, it was her, I could not be mistaken, in flesh and blood, right in the midst of these strangers, talking to them and smiling at them, as though they had not participated in slaughtering her daughter just a few moments ago.[204]
In 1975, Rose Oldfield Hayes, an American social scientist, became the first female academic to publish a detailed account of FGM, aided by her ability to discuss it directly with women in Sudan. Her article in American Ethnologist called it "female genital mutilation", rather than female circumcision, and brought it to wider academic attention.[205] Edna Adan Ismail, who worked at the time for the Somalia Ministry of Health, discussed the health consequences of FGM in 1977 with the Somali Women's Democratic Organization.[206][207] Two years later Fran Hosken, an Austrian-American feminist, published The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females (1979),[17] the first to offer global figures. She estimated that 110,529,000 women in 20 African countries had experienced FGM.[208] The figures were speculative but consistent with later surveys.[209] Describing FGM as a "training ground for male violence", Hosken accused female practitioners of "participating in the destruction of their own kind".[210] The language caused a rift between Western and African feminists; African women boycotted a session featuring Hosken during the UN's Mid-Decade Conference on Women in Copenhagen in July 1980.[211]
In 1979, the WHO held a seminar, "Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children", in Khartoum, Sudan, and in 1981, also in Khartoum, 150 academics and activists signed a pledge to fight FGM after a workshop held by the Babiker Badri Scientific Association for Women's Studies (BBSAWS), "Female Circumcision Mutilates and Endangers Women – Combat it!" Another BBSAWS workshop in 1984 invited the international community to write a joint statement for the United Nations.[212] It recommended that the "goal of all African women" should be the eradication of FGM and that, to sever the link between FGM and religion, clitoridectomy should no longer be referred to as sunna.[213]
The Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children, founded in 1984 in Dakar, Senegal, called for an end to the practice, as did the UN's World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in 1993. The conference listed FGM as a form of violence against women, marking it as a human-rights violation, rather than a medical issue.[214] Throughout the 1990s and 2000s governments in Africa and the Middle East passed legislation banning or restricting FGM. In 2003 the African Union ratified the Maputo Protocol on the rights of women, which supported the elimination of FGM.[215] By 2015 laws restricting FGM had been passed in at least 23 of the 27 African countries in which it is concentrated, although several fell short of a ban.[ae]
As of 2023[update], UNICEF reported that "in most countries in Africa and the Middle East with representative data on attitudes (23 out of 30), the majority of girls and women think the practice should end", and that "even among communities that practice FGM, there is substantial opposition to its continuation".[3]
Medical ethics
A 2024 article authored by 160 contributors under the aegis of The Brussels Collaboration on Bodily Integrity stated that in the global north, regarding the children categorized as female at birth with no clear "differences of sex development (i.e., non-intersex or “endosex” females)", there is an almost complete "ethical consensus" to not perform any "nonvoluntary genital cutting or surgery, from “cosmetic” labiaplasty to medicalized ritual “pricking” of the vulva, insofar as the procedure is not strictly necessary to protect the child’s physical health." All other reasons, including "psychosocial, cultural, subjective-aesthetic, or prophylactic benefits as judged by doctors or parents", are considered to be absolutely inappropriate.[219]: 1 However, few proponents of medicalized penis circumcisions in newborns, argue for the sake of parity, that "minor" FGMs be permitted, even for nonconsenting girls in the West, as they see a symbolic overlap between the two customs.[219]: 24
United Nations
In December 1993, the United Nations General Assembly included FGM in resolution 48/104, the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women, and from 2003 sponsored International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation, held every 6 February.[220][221] UNICEF began in 2003 to promote an evidence-based social norms approach, using ideas from game theory about how communities reach decisions about FGM, and building on the work of Gerry Mackie on the demise of footbinding in China.[222] In 2005 the UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre in Florence published its first report on FGM.[28] UNFPA and UNICEF launched a joint program in Africa in 2007 to reduce FGM by 40 percent within the 0–15 age group and eliminate it from at least one country by 2012, goals that were not met and which they later described as unrealistic.[223][af] In 2008 several UN bodies recognized FGM as a human-rights violation,[225] and in 2010 the UN called upon healthcare providers to stop carrying out the procedures, including reinfibulation after childbirth and symbolic nicking.[11] In 2012 the General Assembly passed resolution 67/146, "Intensifying global efforts for the elimination of female genital mutilations".[226]
Practising countries
A growing number of individuals subjected to FGM as children, even in societies where such cutting, including relatively minor forms, is culturally normative, express great resentment about what they consider a violation of their human rights.[227]: 21
Non-practising countries
Overview
Immigration spread the practice to Australia, New Zealand, Europe, and North America, all of which outlawed it entirely or restricted it to consenting adults.[228] Sweden outlawed FGM in 1982 with the Act Prohibiting the Genital Mutilation of Women, the first Western country to do so.[229] Several former colonial powers, including Belgium, Britain, France, and the Netherlands, introduced new laws or made clear that it was covered by existing legislation.[230] As of 2013[update], legislation banning FGM had been passed in 33 countries outside Africa and the Middle East.[216]
North America
In the United States, an estimated 513,000 women and girls had experienced FGM or were at risk as of 2012.[231][232][ag] A Nigerian woman successfully contested deportation in March 1994, asking for "cultural asylum" on the grounds that her young daughters (who were American citizens) might be cut if she took them to Nigeria,[234] and in 1996 Fauziya Kasinga from Togo became the first to be officially granted asylum to escape FGM.[235] In 1996 the Federal Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Act made it illegal to perform FGM on minors for non-medical reasons, and in 2013 the Transport for Female Genital Mutilation Act prohibited transporting a minor out of the country for the purpose of FGM.[231]: 2 The first FGM conviction in the US was in 2006, when Khalid Adem, who had emigrated from Ethiopia, was sentenced to ten years for aggravated battery and cruelty to children after severing his two-year-old daughter's clitoris with a pair of scissors.[236] A federal judge ruled in 2018 that the 1996 Act was unconstitutional, arguing that FGM is a "local criminal activity" that should be regulated by states.[237][ah] Twenty-four states had legislation banning FGM as of 2016,[231]: 2 and in 2021 the STOP FGM Act of 2020 was signed into federal law.[238] The American Academy of Pediatrics opposes all forms of the practice, including pricking the clitoral skin.[ai]
Canada recognized FGM as a form of persecution in July 1994, when it granted refugee status to Khadra Hassan Farah, who had fled Somalia to avoid her daughter being cut.[240] In 1997 section 268 of its Criminal Code was amended to ban FGM, except where "the person is at least eighteen years of age and there is no resulting bodily harm".[241][216] As of February 2019[update], there had been no prosecutions. Officials have expressed concern that thousands of Canadian girls are at risk of being taken overseas to undergo the procedure, so-called "vacation cutting".[242]
Europe
According to the European Parliament, 500,000 women in Europe had undergone FGM as of March 2009[update].[243] In France up to 30,000 women were thought to have experienced it as of 1995. According to Colette Gallard, a family-planning counsellor, when FGM was first encountered in France, the reaction was that Westerners ought not to intervene. It took the deaths of two girls in 1982, one of them three months old, for that attitude to change.[244][245] In 1991 a French court ruled that the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees offered protection to FGM victims; the decision followed an asylum application from Aminata Diop, who fled an FGM procedure in Mali.[246] The practice is outlawed by several provisions of France's penal code that address bodily harm causing permanent mutilation or torture.[247][245] The first civil suit was in 1982,[244] and the first criminal prosecution in 1993.[240] In 1999 a woman was given an eight-year sentence for having performed FGM on 48 girls.[248] By 2014 over 100 parents and two practitioners had been prosecuted in over 40 criminal cases.[245]
Around 137,000 women and girls living in England and Wales were born in countries where FGM is practised, as of 2011.[249] Performing FGM on children or adults was outlawed under the Prohibition of Female Circumcision Act 1985.[250] This was replaced by the Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003 and Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation (Scotland) Act 2005, which added a prohibition on arranging FGM outside the country for British citizens or permanent residents.[251][aj] The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) asked the government in July 2013 to "ensure the full implementation of its legislation on FGM".[253] The first charges in England and Wales were brought in 2014 against a physician and another man; the physician had stitched an infibulated woman after opening her for childbirth. Both men were acquitted in 2015.[254] The first successful conviction was that of a Ugandan mother, who was found guilty at the Central Criminal Court of England and Wales on 1 February 2019.[255] On 8 March 2019, she was sentenced to 11 years in prison.[256] The second successful conviction was another mother, 39-year-old Amina Noor, a Kenyan woman living in Harrow, North London, who had taken her (then) 3-year-old daughter to Kenya for mutilation in 2006, when the mother was aged 22. As of February 2024, she was sentenced to 7 years in prison. She was the first convicted person to have taken someone abroad for the act; she had herself been subjected to Female Genital Mutilation when she was 6 years old.[257]
Criticism of opposition
Tolerance versus human rights
Anthropologists[who?] have accused FGM eradicationists of cultural colonialism, and have been criticized in turn for their moral relativism and failure to defend the idea of universal human rights.[259] According to critics of the eradicationist position, the biological reductionism of the opposition to FGM, and the failure to appreciate FGM's cultural context, serves to "other" practitioners and undermine their agency—in particular when parents are referred to as "mutilators".[260]
Africans who object to the tone of FGM opposition risk appearing to defend the practice. The feminist theorist Obioma Nnaemeka, herself strongly opposed to FGM, argued in 2005 that renaming the practice female genital mutilation had introduced "a subtext of barbaric African and Muslim cultures and the West's relevance (even indispensability) in purging [it]".[261] According to Ugandan law professor Sylvia Tamale, the early Western opposition to FGM stemmed from a Judeo-Christian judgment that African sexual and family practices, including not only FGM but also dry sex, polygyny, bride price and levirate marriage, required correction. African feminists "take strong exception to the imperialist, racist and dehumanising infantilization of African women", she wrote in 2011.[262] Commentators highlight the voyeurism in the treatment of women's bodies as exhibits. Examples include images of women's vulvas after FGM or girls undergoing the procedure.[263] The 1996 Pulitzer-prize-winning photographs of a 16-year-old Kenyan girl experiencing FGM were published by 12 American newspapers, without her consent either to be photographed or to have the images published.[264]
The debate has highlighted a tension between anthropology and feminism, with the former's focus on tolerance and the latter's on equal rights for women. According to the anthropologist Christine Walley, a common position in anti-FGM literature has been to present African women as victims of false consciousness participating in their own oppression, a position promoted by feminists in the 1970s and 1980s, including Fran Hosken, Mary Daly and Hanny Lightfoot-Klein.[265] It prompted the French Association of Anthropologists to issue a statement in 1981, at the height of the early debates, that "a certain feminism resuscitates (today) the moralistic arrogance of yesterday's colonialism".[202]
Comparison with other procedures
Cosmetic procedures
Nnaemeka argues that the crucial question, broader than FGM, is why the female body is subjected to so much "abuse and indignity", including in the West.[266] Several authors have drawn a parallel between FGM and cosmetic procedures.[267] Ronán Conroy of the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland wrote in 2006 that cosmetic genital procedures were "driving the advance" of FGM by encouraging women to see natural variations as defects.[268] Anthropologist Fadwa El Guindi compared FGM to breast enhancement, in which the maternal function of the breast becomes secondary to men's sexual pleasure.[269] Benoîte Groult, the French feminist, made a similar point in 1975, citing FGM and cosmetic surgery as sexist and patriarchal.[270] Against this, the medical anthropologist Carla Obermeyer argued in 1999 that FGM may be conducive to a subject's social well-being in the same way that rhinoplasty and male circumcision are.[271] Despite the 2007 ban in Egypt, Egyptian women wanting FGM for their daughters seek amalyet tajmeel (cosmetic surgery) to remove what they see as excess genital tissue.[272]
Cosmetic procedures such as labiaplasty and clitoral hood reduction do fall within the WHO's definition of FGM, which aims to avoid loopholes, but the WHO notes that these elective practices are generally not regarded as FGM.[ak] Some legislation banning FGM, such as in Canada and the United States, covers minors only, but several countries, including Sweden and the United Kingdom, have banned it regardless of consent. Sweden, for example, has banned operations "on the outer female sexual organs with a view to mutilating them or bringing about some other permanent change in them, regardless of whether or not consent has been given for the operation".[229] Gynaecologist Birgitta Essén and anthropologist Sara Johnsdotter argue that the law seems to distinguish between Western and African genitals, and deems only African women (such as those seeking reinfibulation after childbirth) unfit to make their own decisions.[274]
The philosopher Martha Nussbaum argues that a key concern with FGM is that it is mostly conducted on children using physical force. The distinction between social pressure and physical force is morally and legally salient, comparable to the distinction between seduction and rape. She argues further that the literacy of women in practising countries is generally poorer than in developed nations, which reduces their ability to make informed choices.[275][276]
Analogy to other genital-altering procedures
FGM has been compared to other procedures that modify the human genitalia. Conservatives in the United States during the late 2010s and early 2020s have argued that FGM is similar to gender-affirming surgery for transgender individuals, which has led to bills being drafted in Republican states equating the two. Criticism of these ideas include the fact that the gender-affirming surgeries are approved by American medical authorities, are rare for minors, and are done after reviews by multiple medical professionals.[277][278] Formerly, FGM was widely referred to as "female circumcision" in the academic literature, but this "was rejected by international medical practitioners because it suggests a fallacious analogy to male circumcision."[6] It has been argued that the genital alteration of intersex infants and children, who are born with anomalies that physicians choose to "fix", is analogous to FGM.[279]
See also
- Dishonour (a short film on FGM)
- Emasculation
- Genital modification and mutilation
- International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation
- No FGM Australia
References
Notes
- ^ Martha Nussbaum (Sex and Social Justice, 1999): "Although discussions sometimes use the terms 'female circumcision' and 'clitoridectomy', 'female genital mutilation' (FGM) is the standard generic term for all these procedures in the medical literature ... The term 'female circumcision' has been rejected by international medical practitioners because it suggests the fallacious analogy to male circumcision ..."[6]
- ^ For example, "a young woman must 'have her bath' before she has a baby."[21]
- ^ UNICEF 2005: "The large majority of girls and women are cut by a traditional practitioner, a category which includes local specialists (cutters or exciseuses), traditional birth attendants and, generally, older members of the community, usually women. This is true for over 80 percent of the girls who undergo the practice in Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Tanzania, and Yemen. In most countries, medical personnel, including doctors, nurses, and certified midwives, are not widely involved in the practice."[28]
- ^ UNICEF 2013: "These categories do not fully match the WHO typology. Cut, no flesh removed describes a practice known as nicking or pricking, which currently is categorized as Type IV. Cut, some flesh removed corresponds to Type I (clitoridectomy) and Type II (excision) combined. And sewn closed corresponds to Type III, infibulation."[19]
- ^ A diagram in WHO 2016, copied from Abdulcadir et al. 2016, refers to Type 1a as circumcision.[41]
- ^ WHO (2018): Type 1 ... the partial or total removal of the clitoris ... and in very rare cases, only the prepuce (the fold of skin surrounding the clitoris)."[10]
WHO (2008): "[There is a] common tendency to describe Type I as removal of the prepuce, whereas this has not been documented as a traditional form of female genital mutilation. However, in some countries, medicalized female genital mutilation can include removal of the prepuce only (Type Ia) (Thabet and Thabet, 2003), but this form appears to be relatively rare (Satti et al., 2006). Almost all known forms of female genital mutilation that remove tissue from the clitoris also cut all or part of the clitoral glans itself."[42]
- ^ Susan Izett and Nahid Toubia (WHO, 1998): "[T]he clitoris is held between the thumb and index finger, pulled out and amputated with one stroke of a sharp object."[44]
- ^ WHO 2014: "Narrowing of the vaginal orifice with creation of a covering seal by cutting and appositioning the labia minora and/or the labia majora, with or without excision of the clitoris (infibulation)."Type IIIa, removal and apposition of the labia minora; Type IIIb, removal and apposition of the labia majora."[1]
- ^ USAID 2008: "Infibulation is practiced largely in countries located in northeastern Africa: Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan. ... Sudan alone accounts for about 3.5 million of the women. ... [T]he estimate of the total number of women infibulated in [Djibouti, Somalia, Eritrea, northern Sudan, Ethiopia, Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Chad, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Tanzania, for women 15–49 years old] comes to 8,245,449, or just over eight million women."[45]
- ^ Jasmine Abdulcadir (Swiss Medical Weekly, 2011): "In the case of infibulation, the urethral opening and part of the vaginal opening are covered by the scar. In a virgin infibulated woman the small opening left for the menstrual fluid and the urine is not wider than 2–3 mm; in sexually active women and after the delivery the vaginal opening is wider but the urethral orifice is often still covered by the scar."[8]
- ^ Elizabeth Kelly, Paula J. Adams Hillard (Current Opinion in Obstetrics and Gynecology, 2005): "Women commonly undergo reinfibulation after a vaginal delivery. In addition to reinfibulation, many women in Sudan undergo a second type of re-suturing called El-Adel, which is performed to recreate the size of the vaginal orifice to be similar to the size created at the time of primary infibulation. Two small cuts are made around the vaginal orifice to expose new tissues to suture, and then sutures are placed to tighten the vaginal orifice and perineum. This procedure, also called re-circumcision, is primarily performed after vaginal delivery, but can also be performed before marriage, after cesarean section, after divorce, and sometimes even in elderly women as a preparation before death."[29]
- ^ WHO 2005: "In some areas (e.g. parts of Congo and mainland Tanzania), FGM entails the pulling of the labia minora and/or clitoris over a period of about 2 to 3 weeks. The procedure is initiated by an old woman designated for this task, who puts sticks of a special type in place to hold the stretched genital parts so that they do not revert back to their original size. The girl is instructed to pull her genitalia every day, to stretch them further, and to put additional sticks in to hold the stretched parts from time to time. This pulling procedure is repeated daily for a period of about two weeks, and usually, no more than four sticks are used to hold the stretched parts, as further pulling and stretching would make the genital parts unacceptably long."[57]
- ^ Berg and Underland (Norwegian Knowledge Centre for the Health Services, 2014): "There was evidence of under-reporting of complications. However, the findings show that the FGM/C procedure unequivocally causes immediate, and typically several, health complications during the FGM/C procedure and the short-term period. Each of the most common complications occurred in more than one of every ten girls and women who undergo FGM/C. The participants in these studies had FGM/C types I through IV, thus immediate complications such as bleeding and swelling occur in setting with all forms of FGM/C. Even FGM/C type I and type IV 'nick', the forms of FGM/C with least anatomical extent, presented immediate complications. The results document that multiple immediate and quite serious complications can result from FGM/C. These results should be viewed in light of long-term complications, such as obstetric and gynecological problems, and protection of human rights."[62]
- ^ UNICEF 2013: "The percentage of girls and women of reproductive age (15 to 49) who have experienced any form of FGM/C is the first indicator used to show how widespread the practice is in a particular country ... A second indicator of national prevalence measures the extent of cutting among daughters aged 0 to 14, as reported by their mothers. Prevalence data for girls reflect their current – not final – FGM/C status, since many of them may not have reached the customary age for cutting at the time of the survey. They are reported as being uncut but are still at risk of undergoing the procedure. Statistics for girls under age 15 therefore need to be interpreted with a high degree of caution ..."[91] An additional complication in judging prevalence among girls is that, in countries running campaigns against FGM, women might not report that their daughters have been cut.[93]
- ^ UNICEF 2014: "If there is no reduction in the practice between now and 2050, the number of girls cut each year will grow from 3.6 million in 2013 to 6.6 million in 2050. But if the rate of progress achieved over the last 30 years is maintained, the number of girls affected annually will go from 3.6 million today to 4.1 million in 2050."In either scenario, the total number of girls and women cut will continue to increase due to population growth. If nothing is done, the number of girls and women affected will grow from 133 million today to 325 million in 2050. However, if the progress made so far is sustained, the number will grow from 133 million to 196 million in 2050, and almost 130 million girls will be spared this grave assault to their human rights."[98]
- ^ Gerry Mackie (1996): "Virtually every ethnography and report states that FGM is defended and transmitted by the women."[115]
Fadwa El Guindi (2007): "Female circumcision belongs to the women's world, and ordinarily men know little about it or how it is performed—a fact that is widely confirmed in ethnographic studies."[116]
Bettina Shell-Duncan (2008): "[T]he fact that the decision to perform FGC is often firmly in the control of women weakens the claim of gender discrimination."[117]
Bettina Shell-Duncan (2015): "[W]hen you talk to people on the ground, you also hear people talking about the idea that it's women's business. As in, it's for women to decide this. If we look at the data across Africa, the support for the practice is stronger among women than among men."[118]
- ^ Gerry Mackie, 1996: "Footbinding and infibulation correspond as follows. Both customs are nearly universal where practised; they are persistent and are practised even by those who oppose them. Both control sexual access to females and ensure female chastity and fidelity. Both are necessary for proper marriage and family honor. Both are believed to be sanctioned by tradition. Both are said to be ethnic markers, and distinct ethnic minorities may lack the practices. Both seem to have a past of contagious diffusion. Both are exaggerated over time and both increase with status. Both are supported and transmitted by women, are performed on girls about six to eight years old, and are generally not initiation rites. Both are believed to promote health and fertility. Both are defined as aesthetically pleasing compared with the natural alternative. Both are said to properly exaggerate the complementarity of the sexes, and both are claimed to make intercourse more pleasurable for the male."[120]
- ^ The eight countries are Djibouti, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Mauritania, Senegal, Somalia, and the Gambia.[139]
- ^ Gerry Mackie, 1996: "FGM is pre-Islamic but was exaggerated by its intersection with the Islamic modesty code of family honor, female purity, virginity, chastity, fidelity, and seclusion."[142]
- ^ Maggie Michael, Associated Press, 2007: "[Egypt's] supreme religious authorities stressed that Islam is against female circumcision. It's prohibited, prohibited, prohibited," Grand Mufti Ali Gomaa said on the privately-owned al-Mahwar network."[145]
- ^ Gerry Mackie, 1996: "The Koran is silent on FGM, but several hadith (sayings attributed to Mohammed) recommend attenuating the practice for the woman's sake, praise it as noble but not commanded, or advise that female converts refrain from mutilation because even if pleasing to the husband it is painful to the wife."[146]
- ^ Samuel Waje Kunhiyop, 2008: "Nowhere in all of Scripture or in any of recorded church history is there even a hint that women were to be circumcised."[153]
- ^ The countries were Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Cote d'Ivoire, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Kenya, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Sudan, and Tanzania.[156]
- ^ Knight adds that Egyptologists are uncomfortable with the translation to uncircumcised, because there is no information about what constituted the circumcised state.[159]
- ^ "Sometime after this, Nephoris [Tathemis's mother] defrauded me, being anxious that it was time for Tathemis to be circumcised, as is the custom among the Egyptians. She asked that I give her 1,300 drachmae ... to clothe her ... and to provide her with a marriage dowry ... if she didn't do each of these or if she did not circumcise Tathemis in the month of Mecheir, year 18 [163 BCE], she would repay me 2,400 drachmae on the spot."[162]
- ^ Strabo, Geographica, c. 25 BCE: "One of the customs most zealously observed among the Aegyptians is this, that they rear every child that is born, and circumcise [περιτέμνειν, peritemnein] the males, and excise [ektemnein] the females, as is also customary among the Jews, who are also Aegyptians in origin, as I have already stated in my account of them."[165]
Book XVI, chapter 4, 16.4.9: "And then to the Harbour of Antiphilus, and, above this, to the Creophagi [meat-eaters], of whom the males have their sexual glands mutilated [kolobos] and the women are excised [ektemnein] in the Jewish fashion."
- ^ Knight 2001 writes that there is one extant reference from antiquity, from Xanthus of Lydia in the fifth century BCE, that may allude to FGM outside Egypt. Xanthus wrote, in a history of Lydia: "The Lydians arrived at such a state of delicacy that they were even the first to 'castrate' their women." Knight argues that the "castration", which is not described, may have kept women youthful, in the sense of allowing the Lydian king to have intercourse with them without pregnancy. Knight concludes that it may have been a reference to sterilization, not FGM.[166]
- ^ Knight adds that the attribution to Galen is suspect.[168]
- ^ UNICEF 2013 calls the Egyptian Doctors' Society opposition the "first known campaign" against FGM.[196]
- ^ Some states in Sudan banned FGM in 2008–2009, but as of 2013[update], there was no national legislation.[198] The prevalence of FGM among women aged 14–49 was 89 percent in 2014.[199]
- ^ For example, UNICEF 2013 lists Mauritania as having passed legislation against FGM, but (as of that year) it was banned only from being conducted in government facilities or by medical personnel.[216]The following are countries in which FGM is common and in which restrictions are in place as of 2013. An asterisk indicates a ban:Benin (2003), Burkina Faso (1996*), Central African Republic (1966, amended 1996), Chad (2003), Côte d'Ivoire (1998), Djibouti (1995, amended 2009*), Egypt (2008*), Eritrea (2007*), Ethiopia (2004*), Ghana (1994, amended 2007), Guinea (1965, amended 2000*), Guinea-Bissau (2011*), Iraq (2011*), Kenya (2001, amended 2011*), Mauritania (2005), Niger (2003), Nigeria (2015*), Senegal (1999*), Somalia (2012*), Sudan, some states (2008–2009), Tanzania (1998), Togo (1998), Uganda (2010*), Yemen (2001*).[217][218]
- ^ Fifteen countries joined the program: Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Senegal and Sudan in 2008; Burkina Faso, Gambia, Uganda and Somalia in 2009; and Eritrea, Mali and Mauritania in 2011.[224]
- ^ The Centers for Disease Control's previous estimate was 168,000 as of 1990.[233]
- ^ The judge made his ruling during a case against members of the Dawoodi Bohra community in Michigan accused of carrying out FGM.[237]
- ^ In 2010 the American Academy of Pediatrics suggested that "pricking or incising the clitoral skin" was a harmless procedure that might satisfy parents, but it withdrew the statement after complaints.[239]
- ^ Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003: "A person is guilty of an offence if he excises, infibulates or otherwise mutilates the whole or any part of a girl's labia majora, labia minora or clitoris", unless "necessary for her physical or mental health". Although the legislation refers to girls, it applies to women too.[252]
- ^ WHO 2008: "Some practices, such as genital cosmetic surgery and hymen repair, which are legally accepted in many countries and not generally considered to constitute female genital mutilation, actually fall under the definition used here. It has been considered important, however, to maintain a broad definition of female genital mutilation in order to avoid loopholes that might allow the practice to continue."[273]
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- ^ a b c d e f g h i j UNICEF 2016.
- ^ a b UNICEF 2013, 50.
- ^ a b c Nussbaum 1999, 119.
- ^ For the circumcisers and blade: UNICEF 2013, 2, 44–46; for the ages: 50.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Abdulcadir et al. 2011.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 15; Toubia & Sharief 2003.
- ^ a b c WHO 2018.
- ^ a b UN 2010; Askew et al. 2016.
- ^ Shell-Duncan 2008, 225; Silverman 2004, 420, 427.
- ^ a b Kimeu, Caroline (8 March 2024). "Dramatic rise in women and girls being cut, new FGM data reveals". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved 12 March 2024.
Many African countries have experienced a steady decline in the practice over the past few decades, but overall progress has stalled or been reversed.
- ^ Karanja 2009, 93, n. 631.
- ^ a b c WHO 2008, 4, 22.
- ^ Hayes 1975.
- ^ a b Hosken 1994.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 6–7.
- ^ a b c d UNICEF 2013, 48.
- ^ Zabus 2008, 47.
- ^ Zabus 2013, 40.
- ^ El Guindi 2007, 30.
- ^ a b Asmani & Abdi 2008, 3–5.
- ^ Gruenbaum 2001, 2–3.
- ^ Kouba & Muasher 1985, 96–97.
- ^ Abdalla 2007, 190.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 42–44 and table 5, 181 (for cutters), 46 (for home and anaesthesia).
- ^ a b UNICEF 2005.
- ^ a b c Kelly & Hillard 2005, 491.
- ^ Wakabi 2007.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 43–45.
- ^ a b Yoder, Wang & Johansen 2013, 190.
- ^ Jackson et al. 2003.
- ^ Klouman, Manongi & Klepp 2005.
- ^ Elmusharaf, Elhadi & Almroth 2006.
- ^ a b Abdulcadir, Jasmine; Bader, Dina; Dubuc, Elise; Alexander, Sophie (February 2020). "Hot topic survey: Discussing the results of experts' responses on controversial issues in FGM/C". Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology Canada. 42 (2): e26. doi:10.1016/j.jogc.2019.11.064. Retrieved 22 November 2024.
- ^ Abdulcadir, Jasmine; Alexander, Sophie; Dubuc, Elise; Pallitto, Christina; Petignat, Patrick; Say, Lale (15 September 2017). "Female genital mutilation/cutting: sharing data and experiences to accelerate eradication and improve care" (PDF). Reproductive Health. 14 (Suppl 1): 4. doi:10.1186/s12978-017-0361-y. PMC 5607488. PMID 28950894. Retrieved 22 November 2024.
- ^ Yoder, Wang & Johansen 2013, 189; UNICEF 2013, 47.
- ^ WHO 2008, 4, 23–28; Abdulcadir et al. 2016.
- ^ "Female genital mutilation". www.who.int. Archived from the original on 29 January 2021. Retrieved 29 April 2021.
- ^ WHO 2016, Box 1.1 "Types of FGM" Archived 8 September 2017 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ WHO 2008, 25. Also see Toubia 1994 and Horowitz, Jackson & Teklemariam 1995.
- ^ WHO 2008, 4.
- ^ WHO 1998.
- ^ a b Yoder & Khan 2008, 13–14.
- ^ "Frequently Asked Questions on Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting" Archived 4 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine, United Nations Population Fund, April 2010.
- ^ Ismail 2016, 12.
- ^ El Guindi 2007, 43.
- ^ a b Ismail 2016, 14.
- ^ Abdalla 2007, 190.
- ^ Abdalla 2007, 190–191, 198.
- ^ El Dareer 1982, 56–64.
- ^ Lightfoot-Klein 1989, 380; also see El Dareer 1982, 42–49.
- ^ WHO 2008, 24.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 7.
- ^ a b WHO 2008, 27.
- ^ WHO 2005, 31.
- ^ For the countries in which labia stretching is found (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda and Zimbabwe), see Nzegwu 2011, 262; for the rest, Bagnol & Mariano 2011, 272–276 (272 for Uganda).
- ^ Mandara 2000, 98, 100; for fistulae, 102; also see Mandara 2004
- ^ Berg et al. 2014.
- ^ Reisel & Creighton 2015, 49.
- ^ Berg & Underland 2014, 2.
- ^ Reisel & Creighton 2015, 49; Iavazzo, Sardi & Gkegkes 2013; Abdulcadir et al. 2011.
- ^ a b c Reisel & Creighton 2015, 50.
- ^ a b c Kelly & Hillard 2005, 491–492.
- ^ Dave, Sethi & Morrone 2011.
- ^ a b Rushwan 2013, 132.
- ^ El Dareer 1982, 37.
- ^ a b Rashid & Rashid 2007, 97.
- ^ Banks et al. 2006.
- ^ "New study shows female genital mutilation exposes women and babies to significant risk at childbirth" Archived 2 May 2019 at the Wayback Machine, World Health Organization, 2 June 2006.
- ^ Berg & Denison 2013; Reisel & Creighton 2015, 51; Sibiani & Rouzi 2008
- ^ "Female genital mutilation/cutting: a call for a global response" (PDF). End FGM European Network, U.S. End FGM/C Network and Equality Now. March 2020. Retrieved 6 May 2020.
- ^ Yoder, Wang & Johansen 2013, 193.
- ^ "DHS overview" Archived 16 October 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Demographic and Health Surveys; "Questionnaires and Indicator List", Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys, UNICEF.
- ^ Yoder, Wang & Johansen 2013.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 134–135.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 47, table 5.2; Yoder, Wang & Johansen 2013, 189.
- ^ Rasheed, Abd-Ellah & Yousef 2011.
- ^ Okeke, Anyaehie & Ezenyeaku 2012, 70–73.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 47. For the years and country profiles: Djibouti, UNICEF, December 2013; Eritrea, UNICEF, July 2013; Somalia, UNICEF, December 2013.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 114.
- ^ Nigeria, UNICEF, July 2014.
- ^ Mackie and LeJeune (UNICEF) 2008, 5.
- ^ a b UNICEF Indonesia, February 2016.
- ^ UNICEF 2014, 89–90.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 2.
- ^ a b "Q&A on what Female Genital Mutilation is". 16 June 2010. Retrieved 15 August 2024.
- ^ Milaat, Waleed Abdullah; Ibrahim, Nahla Khamis; Albar, Hussain Mohammed (1 March 2018). "Reproductive health profile and circumcision of females in the Hali semi-urban region, Saudi Arabia: A community-based cross-sectional survey". Annals of Saudi Medicine. 38 (2): 81–89. doi:10.5144/0256-4947.2018.81. ISSN 0256-4947. PMC 6074365. PMID 29620540.
- ^ Rouzi, Abdulrahim A; Berg, Rigmor C; Alamoudi, Rana; Alzaban, Faten; Sehlo, Mohammad (1 June 2019). "Survey on female genital mutilation/cutting in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia". BMJ Open. 9 (5): e024684. doi:10.1136/bmjopen-2018-024684. ISSN 2044-6055. PMC 6549616. PMID 31154295.
- ^ a b UNICEF 2013, 23.
- ^ Cantera, Angel L Martínez (6 March 2018). "'I was crying with unbearable pain': study reveals extent of FGM in India". The Guardian. Retrieved 9 November 2018.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 25, 100; Yoder, Wang & Johansen 2013, 196.
- ^ UNICEF 2016, 1.
- ^ Yoder, Wang & Johansen 2013, 194; UNICEF 2013, 25.
- ^ UNICEF 2014, 2.
- ^ Kandala et al. 2018; Ratcliffe, Rebecca (7 November 2018). "FGM rates in east Africa drop from 71% to 8% in 20 years, study shows". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 15 August 2020. Retrieved 7 November 2018.
- ^ UNICEF 2014, 3.
- ^ For rural areas, UNICEF 2013, 28; for wealth, 40; for education, 41.
- ^ Mackie 2000, 275.
- ^ a b UNICEF 2013, 47, 183.
- ^ UNICEF 2005 Archived 28 September 2018 at the Wayback Machine, 6.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 51.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 28–37.
- ^ UNICEF 2013 Archived 5 April 2015 at the Wayback Machine. For eight percent in Iraq, 27, box 4.4, group 5; for the regions in Iraq, 31, map 4.6). Also see Yasin et al. 2013.
- ^ Yoder, Wang & Johansen 2013, 196, 198.
- ^ "Guinea" (2012), UNICEF statistical profile, July 2014, 2/4.
- ^ Chad: UNICEF 2013, 35–36; Nigeria: Okeke, Anyaehie & Ezenyeaku 2012, 70–73. FGM is practised in Nigeria by the Yoruba, Hausa, Ibo, Ijaw, and Kanuri people.
- ^ [Bassir, Olumbe (July 1954). "Marriage Rites among the Aku (Yoruba) of Freetown". Africa: Journal of the International African Institute. 24 (3): 251–256]
- ^ "FMG in Sierra Leone" (PDF). 28TooMany, Registered Charity: No. 1150379. Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 December 2021. Retrieved 22 December 2021.
- ^ "Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, Sierra Leone: The practice of female genital mutilation (FGM); the government's position with respect to the practice; consequences of refusing to become an FGM practitioner in Bondo Society, specifically, if a daughter of a practitioner refuses to succeed her mother, 27 March 2009, SLE103015.E". Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada.
- ^ "Stephanie Welsh. The 1996 Pulitzer Prize Winners: Feature Photography". The Pulitzer Prizes. 1996. Archived from the original on 7 October 2015.
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- ^ El Guindi 2007, 35, 42, 46.
- ^ Mackie 1996, 1003.
- ^ El Guindi 2007, 35.
- ^ Shell-Duncan 2008, 228.
- ^ Khazan 2015.
- ^ Hayes 1975, 620, 624.
- ^ Mackie 1996, 999–1000.
- ^ a b Ahmadu 2000, 284–285.
- ^ Abusharaf 2007, 8; El Guindi 2007, 36–37.
- ^ Boddy 2007, 112; also see Boddy 1989, 52–61.
- ^ Gruenbaum 2005, 435–436.
- ^ Gruenbaum 2005, 437; Gruenbaum 2001, 140.
- ^ Bagnol & Mariano 2011, 277–281.
- ^ WHO 2008, 27–28.
- ^ Gruenbaum 2005, 437.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 67.
- ^ El Dareer 1983, 140.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 178.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 52. Also see figure 6.1, 54, and figures 8.1A – 8.1D, 90–91.
- ^ Gueye, Malick (4 February 2014). "Social Norm Change Theorists meet again in Keur Simbara, Senegal" Archived 11 March 2017 at the Wayback Machine, Tostan.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 15.
- ^ Gruenbaum 2005, 432–433.
- ^ Mackie 2003, 147–148.
- ^ Diop et al. (UNICEF) 2008.
- ^ Mackie 2000, 256ff.
- ^ "Female Genital Cutting". Tostan. February 2017. Archived from the original on 26 August 2019.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 69–71.
- ^ Gruenbaum 2001, 50; Mackie and LeJeune (UNICEF) 2008, 8–9.
- ^ Mackie 1996, 1008.
- ^ a b UNICEF 2013, 175.
- ^ UNICEF press release, 2 July 2007; UNICEF 2013, 70.
- ^ Michael, Maggie (29 June 2007). "Egypt Officials Ban Female Circumcision" Archived 20 September 2017 at the Wayback Machine, Associated Press, 2.
- ^ a b Mackie 1996, 1004–1005.
- ^ Roald 2003, 224; Asmani & Abdi 2008, 6–13.
- ^ Wensinck 2012.
- ^ https://www.mwnhelpline.co.uk//go_files/issue/968436-MWNU%20FGM%20leaflet_WEB..pdf
- ^ Roald 2003, 243.
- ^ Nanda, Anjani; Ramani, Vandanee (31 May 2022). "The Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation in India". Journal of Student Research. 11 (2). doi:10.47611/jsrhs.v11i2.3285. ISSN 2167-1907.
- ^ Cantera, Angel L. Martínez (6 March 2018). "'I was crying with unbearable pain': study reveals extent of FGM in India". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Archived from the original on 8 December 2023. Retrieved 1 December 2023.
- ^ Kunhiyop 2008, 297.
- ^ Engelstein 1997.
- ^ Murray 1976.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, p. 73, figure 6.13.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, cover page and p. 175.
- ^ Cohen 2005, 59; Berlin 2011, 173.
- ^ a b c Knight 2001, 330.
- ^ Mackie 2000, 264, 267.
- ^ O'Rourke 2007, 166ff (hieroglyphs), 172 (menstruating woman).
- ^ Knight 2001, 329–330; Kenyon 1893.
- ^ Knight 2001, 331.
- ^ Strabo, Geographica, c. 25 BCE, cited in Knight 2001, 318
- ^ Strabo, Geographica, Book VII, chapter 2, 17.2.5. Cohen 2005, 59–61 argues that Strabo conflated the Jews with the Egyptians.
- ^ Knight 2001, 326.
- ^ Knight 2001, 333.
- ^ Knight 2001, 336.
- ^ Knight 2001, 327–328.
- ^ Knight 2001, 328.
- ^ a b c Corno, Lucia and La Ferrara, Eliana and Voena, Alessandra, Female Genital Cutting and the Slave Trade (December 2020). CEPR Discussion Paper No. DP15577, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3753982
- ^ a b Barber, Harriet (11 September 2023). "Female genital mutilation linked to Red Sea slave trade route". The Telegraph.
- ^ Mackie 1996, 1003, 1009.
- ^ a b c J. F. C. 1873, 155, cited in Allen 2000, 106.
- ^ Rodriguez 2008.
- ^ Thomas 1813, 585–586; Shorter 2008, 82.
- ^ Elchalal et al. 1997; Shorter 2008, 82.
- ^ Elchalal et al. 1997.
- ^ McGregor 1998, 146.
- ^ Sheehan 1981, 14; Black 1997, 405.
- ^ Hoberman 2005, 63.
- ^ Cutner 1985, cited in Nour 2008. Also see Barker-Benfield 1999, 113.
- ^ a b Rodriguez 2014, 149–153.
- ^ Wilkerson, Isabel (11 December 1988). "Charges Against Doctor Bring Ire and Questions". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 16 August 2009. Retrieved 10 February 2018.
Donaldson James, Susan (13 December 2012). "Ohio Woman Still Scarred By 'Love' Doctor's Sex Surgery". ABC News. Archived from the original on 6 August 2020. Retrieved 6 February 2018.
- ^ "Doctor Loses Practice Over Genital Surgery". The New York Times. Associated Press. 26 January 1989. Archived from the original on 31 August 2020. Retrieved 10 February 2018.
- ^ Kenneth Mufuka, "Scottish Missionaries and the Circumcision Controversy in Kenya, 1900–1960", International Review of Scottish Studies, 28, 2003, 55.
- ^ Thomas 2000, 132. For irua, Kenyatta 1962, 129; for irugu as outcasts, Kenyatta 1962, 127. Also see Zabus 2008, 48.
- ^ Kenyatta 1962, 127–130.
- ^ Fiedler 1996, 75.
- ^ Thomas 2000, 132; for the "sexual mutilation of women", Karanja 2009, 93, n. 631. Also see Strayer & Murray 1978, 139ff.
- ^ Boddy 2007, 241–245; Hyam 1990, 196; Murray 1976, 92–104.
- ^ Boddy 2007, 241, 244; Robert 1996, 230.
- ^ wa Kihurani, Warigia wa Johanna & Murigo wa Meshak 2007, 118–120; Peterson 2012, 217.
- ^ Thomas 2000, 129–131 (131 for the girls as "central actors"); also in Thomas 1996 and Thomas 2003, 89–91.
- ^ Topping, Alexandra (24 July 2014). "Kenyan girls taken to remote regions to undergo FGM in secret". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 31 July 2020. Retrieved 17 January 2019.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 10.
- ^ Boddy 2007, 202, 299.
- ^ UNICEF 2013, 2, 9.
- ^ Elduma 2018.
- ^ Boyle 2002, 92, 103.
- ^ Boyle 2002, 41.
- ^ a b Bagnol & Mariano 2011, 281.
- ^ Gruenbaum 2001, 22; Khaleeli, Homa (15 April 2010). "Nawal El Saadawi: Egypt's radical feminist" Archived 26 September 2015 at the Wayback Machine, The Guardian.
- ^ El Saadawi 2007, 14.
- ^ Hayes 1975, 21.
- ^ Abdalla 2007, 201.
- ^ Topping, Alexandra (23 June 2014). "Somaliland's leading lady for women's rights: 'It is time for men to step up'" Archived 1 January 2017 at the Wayback Machine, The Guardian.
- ^ Yoder & Khan 2008, 2.
- ^ Mackie 2003, 139.
- ^ Hosken 1994, 5.
- ^ Boyle 2002, 47; Bagnol & Mariano 2011, 281.
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- ^ Also see Yael Tamir, "Hands Off Clitoridectomy" Archived 8 August 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Boston Review, Summer 1996; Martha Nussbaum, "Double Moral Standards?" Archived 8 August 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Boston Review, October/November 1996.
- ^ Cariboni, Diana; Bauer, Sydney (22 December 2022). "US bill equates trans healthcare with 'genital mutilation'". openDemocracy. Retrieved 14 October 2023.
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United Nations reports
- Cappa, Claudia, et al. Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A Statistical Overview and Exploration of the Dynamics of Change, New York: United Nations Children's Fund, July 2013.
- Classification of female genital mutilation, Geneva: World Health Organization, 2014.
- "Concluding observations on the seventh periodic report of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland", United Nations Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), 26 July 2013 (WebCite).
- Diop, Nafissatou J.; Moreau, Amadou; Benga, Hélène. "Evaluation of the Long-term Impact of the TOSTAN Program on the Abandonment of FGM/C and Early Marriage: Results from a qualitative study in Senega", UNICEF, January 2008.
- "Djibouti", Statistical profile on female genital mutilation/cutting, UNICEF, December 2013.
- Eliminating Female genital mutilation: An Interagency Statement, Geneva: World Health Organization, 2008.
- "Eritrea", Statistical profile on female genital mutilation/cutting, UNICEF, July 2014.
- "Female genital mutilation", Geneva: World Health Organization, 31 January 2018.
- Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A Global Concern, New York: United Nations Children's Fund, February 2016.
- Female Genital Mutilation: A Teachers' Guide, Geneva: World Health Organization, 2005.
- Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: What Might the Future Hold?, New York: UNICEF, 22 July 2014.
- "Fresh progress toward the elimination of female genital mutilation and cutting in Egypt", UNICEF press release, 2 July 2007.
- Global strategy to stop health-care providers from performing female genital mutilation, UNAIDS, UNDP, UNFPA, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM, WHO, FIGO, ICN, IOM, MWIA, WCPT, WMA, Geneva: World Health Organization, 2010.
- "Indonesia", Statistical profile on female genital mutilation/cutting, UNICEF, February 2016.
- "67/146. Intensifying global efforts for the elimination of female genital mutilations", United Nations General Assembly, adopted 20 December 2012.
- Izett, Susan; Toubia, Nahid. Female Genital Mutilation: An Overview, Geneva: World Health Organization, 1998.
- Joint Evaluation. UNFPA-UNICEF Joint Program on Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: Accelerating Change, 2008–2012, Volume 1, Volume 2, "Executive Summary", New York: UNFPA, UNICEF, September 2013.
- Joint Program on Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: Accelerating Change, Annual report 2012, New York: UNFPA–UNICEF, 2012.
- Mackie, Gerry; LeJeune, John. "Social Dynamics of Abandonment of Harmful Practices: A New Look at the Theory", Innocenti Working Paper No. XXX, Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, 2008.
- Miller, Michael; Moneti, Francesca. Changing a harmful social convention: Female genital cutting/mutilation, Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, 2005.
- Moneti, Francesca; Parker, David. The Dynamics of Social Change, Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, October 2010.
- "Nigeria", Statistical profile on female genital mutilation/cutting, UNICEF, July 2014.
- "Somalia", Statistical profile on female genital mutilation/cutting, UNICEF, December 2013.
- WHO Guidelines on the Management of Health Complications from Female Genital Mutilation, Geneva: World Health Organization, 2016. PMID 27359024
Further reading
- FGM: Survivors narrate experiences dealing with absence of the clitoris.
- "Circumcision, female", The Kinsey Institute (bibliography 1960s–1980s).
- FGM archive, The Guardian.
- Haworth, Abigail (18 November 2012). "The day I saw 248 girls suffering genital mutilation", The Observer.
- Lightfoot-Klein, Hanny (1989). Prisoners of Ritual: An Odyssey Into Female Genital Circumcision in Africa. New York: Routledge.
- Westley, David M. (1999). "Female circumcision and infibulation in Africa", Electronic Journal of Africana Bibliography, 4 (bibliography up to 1997).
Personal stories
- El Saadawi, Nawal (1975). Woman at Point Zero. London: Zed Books.
- Dirie, Waris and Miller, Cathleen (1998). Desert Flower. New York: William Morrow.
- Kassindja, Fauziya and Miller-Muro, Layli (1998). Do They Hear You When You Cry. New York: Delacorte Press.
- Ali, Ayaan Hirsi (2007). Infidel: My Life. New York: Simon & Schuster.
External links
- Media related to Female genital mutilation at Wikimedia Commons
- Quotations related to Female genital mutilation at Wikiquote
- Film: Dishonour.ca