Caste politics: Difference between revisions
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{{Short description|Identity politics on caste system lines in India}} |
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[[Caste in India|Caste]] in Indian society refers to a social group where membership decided by birth. Members of such local group are [[Endogamy|endogamous]], i.e. they tend to enter into marital relationships among themselves. They often have related political preferences, similar to the racial preferences for the Democratic and Republican parties in USA.<ref>[http://www.gallup.com/poll/160373/democrats-racially-diverse-republicans-mostly-white.aspx Democrats Racially Diverse; Republicans Mostly White, by Frank Newport, February 8, 2013]</ref> |
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{{Multiple issues|{{POV|date=November 2016}} |
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{{Cleanup reorganize|date=May 2021}} |
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{{Tone|date=May 2021}} |
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{{Incomprehensible|date=May 2021}} |
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{{Original research|date=May 2021}} |
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{{mcn|date=March 2024}}}} |
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[[File:Varnas-India 2.jpg|thumb|A diagram depicting the structure of varnas in India. See more at [[Caste system in India]].|alt=India castes|301x301px]] |
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{{Use Indian English|date=September 2016}} |
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{{Use dmy dates|date=November 2019}} |
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In [[India]], a [[caste]] although it's a western stratification arrived from Portuguese word [[Casta]] and Latin word [[Wiktionary:castus|castus]] ,is a (usually [[endogamous]]) social group where membership is decided by birth.<ref>{{Cite web |date=11 August 2013 |title=Study reveals origin of India's caste system |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/science/Study-reveals-origin-of-Indias-caste-system/articleshow/21754499.cms |access-date=21 January 2019 |website=[[The Times of India]]}}</ref> Broadly, Indian castes are divided into the [[Forward Castes]], [[Other Backward Class|Other Backward Classes]], [[Scheduled Castes]], and [[Scheduled Tribes]]. [[Indian Christians]] and [[Indian Muslims]] are also function as castes (a full list of castes can be found at the [[#List of castes|end of this article]]). With castes separating individuals into different social groups, it follows that each group will have conflicting interests; oftentimes putting those with lower social standing in less favorable positions. An attempt to address this inequality has been the [[Reservation in India|reservation system]], which essentially acts as [[affirmative action]] to provide representation to caste groups that have been systematically disadvantaged. There have also been other cases where political parties, like the [[Bahujan Samaj Party]] (BSP), was formed to challenge the power of the upper castes. |
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The role that castes play in India's political system was institutionalised by the [[British Raj|British colonist]] where upper-caste dominance within government was perpetuated and reinforced. Although there were efforts to address this discrepancy through measures like the [[Communal Award]] and educational empowerment (see ‘[[Sanskritisation|Sanskritization]]’), this remained the status quo until the 1990s when an [[Economic liberalisation in India|economic liberalisation]] in India diminished state control and fueled the rise of caste-centric parties focused on empowering lower castes. However, these parties were often rife with corruption as it was seen as a way to level the playing field.{{citation needed|date=May 2023}} Leaders of what came to be known as 'caste mafia' took advantage of lower caste dissent towards upper caste institutions and openly robbed state institutions.{{citation needed|date=May 2023}} |
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For political/government purposes, the castes among the Hindus are broadly divided into<ref>[http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/OBCs-form-41-of-population-Survey/articleshow/2328117.cms OBCs form 41% of population: Survey, TNN, Sep 1, 2007]</ref><ref>Caste and Democratic Politics in India, |
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Anthem South Asian studies, Editor Ghanshyam Shah, Anthem Press, 2004, p.261</ref> |
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Caste not only determines one's role in political institutions; it also influences access to resources like land as well as police and judicial assistance.{{citation needed|date=May 2023}} Despite the traditional dominance of upper caste parties, the concentration of lower caste individuals in specific areas can lead to regional dominance, impacting political representation. However, this mainly impacts male members of the lower castes as women from lower castes have traditionally been excluded from participating in the political sphere.{{citation needed|date=May 2023}} This discrimination has continued in recent times as women from lower castes are continued to be looked down upon for their low educational levels. Organizations such as the [[Gulabi Gang]] as well as the [[United Nations]] are currently working to improve lower caste women's social mobility and independence. |
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* [[Forward Caste]] |
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* [[Other Backward Class]] (OBC) (about 41% of population) |
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* [[Scheduled Caste]] (about 20% of population) |
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* [[Scheduled Tribe]] (about 9% of population) |
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== History == |
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The Indian Muslims (13.4%), and Christians (2.3%) often function as a caste since they too marry among themselves. |
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Historically,<ref>{{Cite web |last=Kishore |first=Roshan |date=28 January 2016 |title=Caste matters everywhere: schools, jobs or life at large |url=https://www.livemint.com/Opinion/wquRqpqgRGfDP58kN9BNOM/Caste-matters-everywhere-schools-jobs-or-life-at-large.html |access-date=21 January 2019 |website=www.livemint.com |language=en}}</ref> it has been very hard to change the structure of caste politics in [[India]]. More recently{{When|date=July 2012}} however, there has been a flux in caste politics, mainly caused by [[economic liberalisation in India]]. Contemporary India has seen the influence of caste start to decline. This is partly due to the spread of education to all castes which has had a democratising effect on the political system. However, this "equalising" of the playing field has not been without controversy. The [[Mandal Commission]] and its quotas system has been a particularly sensitive issue. |
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=== Colonial history === |
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Official lists are compiled by states recognizing the OBC, Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled tribes. The dividing lines can be ambiguous, several castes have demanded a lower rank so that they can avail of the privileges offered. The term "Upper caste" often includes Forward castes and the OBCs, when news reports refer to the Scheduled castes in relation to the two upper groups. |
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{{main|British India}} |
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The British institutionalised caste into the workings of the major government institutions within India. The main benefactors of this [[indirect rule]] were the upper castes or [[forward castes]], which maintained their [[hegemony]] and monopoly of control and influence over government institutes long after independence from the British. The state of post-colonial India promised development, rule of law, and [[nation building]], but in reality, was a complex network of [[patronage]] systems, which solidified the upper-caste position of dominance over civil service institutions. This network undermined the very promises of 'nation building' that post-colonial India had made and ushered in an area of upper-caste dominance that lasted for the next four decades. |
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It was institutionalized into government organizations by British colonizers.{{citation needed|date=August 2014}} The removal of the boundaries between "civil society" and "political society" meant that caste now played a huge role in the political arena and also influenced other government-run institutions such as police and the judicial system. Though caste seemed to dictate one's access to such institutions, the location of that caste also played a pivotal role. If a [[lower caste]] were concentrated enough in one area, it could then translate that pocket of concentration of its caste members into political power and then challenge the [[hegemony]] of locally dominant [[upper caste]]. Gender also plays a significant role in the power dynamic of caste in politics. Women's representation within the political system seems to also be tied to their caste. Lower, more conservative castes have less female participation in politics than upper, more socially liberal, castes. This has caused a disproportionately large number of upper-caste women to occupy political office when compared to their lower caste counterparts. The hierarchy of caste and its role in politics and access to power and resources has created a society of patron-client relationships along caste lines. This staunchly rigid structure was most prevalent during the Congress-dominating period{{citation needed|date=December 2013}}. This eventually led to the practice of [[vote bank]]ing, where voters back only candidates that are in their caste [http://m.timesofindia.com/india/90-per-cent-of-people-vote-on-caste-lines-Katju/articleshow/18117893.cms], or officials from which they expect to receive some kind of benefits. |
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In August 1932, the then Prime Minister of Britain, [[Ramsay MacDonald]], made what became known as the [[Communal Award]]. According to it, separate representation was to be provided for communities such as the [[Dalit]], [[Muslims]], [[Sikhs]], [[Indian Christians]], [[Anglo-Indians]] and [[Europeans]]. These depressed classes were assigned a number of seats to be filled by election from special constituencies in which only voters belonging to these classes could vote. |
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Historically it has been very hard to change the structure of '''caste politics in India'''. More recently{{When|date=July 2012}} however, there has been a flux in caste politics, mainly caused by [[economic liberalization in India]]. This upsurge in lower-caste empowerment was accompanied in some regions by a spike in the level of corruption. This was partly due to lower caste perceiving development programs and rule of law as tools used by the upper caste to subjugate lower castes.{{citation needed|date=December 2013}} |
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More contemporary India, however, has seen the influence of caste start to decline. This is partly due to the spread of education to all castes which has had a democratizing effect on the political system. However, this "equalizing" of the playing field has not been without controversy. The [[Mandal Commission]] and its quotas system has been a particularly sensitive issue. |
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==== Caste-based mobilisation ==== |
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It has been argued by Professor Dipankar Gupta that the role of castes in Indian elections have been overplayed.<ref>[http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/the-caste-bogey-in-election-analysis/article5811003.ece The caste bogey in election analysis, Dipankar Gupta, March 21, 2014]</ref> |
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[[File:Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Shri.Mulayam Singh Yadav , addressing at the National Development Council 52nd Meeting, at Vigyan Bhawan, New Delhi on December 9, 2006.jpg|alt=Mulayam Singh Yadev picture|thumb|[[Mulayam Singh Yadav|Mulayam Singh Yadev]] was the founder of the [[Samajwadi Party]]. Another notable member of the founding member is [[Beni Prasad Verma]]]] |
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The rise of caste-based mobilisation allowed marginalized caste groups to move past the mere consolations of legislative abolition, extending caste into the political frameworks.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Bayly |first=Susan |title=Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2001 |location=Cambridge |pages=1–24 |language=en}}</ref> The term refers to the 'second democratic upsurge' from the late 1980s with high voter turnout and representation of lower-caste communities in state and national assemblies.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Witsoe |first=Jeffrey |date=2009 |title=Territorial Democracy: Caste, Dominance and Electoral Practice in Postcolonial India |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/24497526 |journal=Political and Legal Anthropology Review |volume=32 |issue=1 |pages=71 |doi=10.1111/j.1555-2934.2009.01024.x |issn=1081-6976 |jstor=24497526 |via=JSTOR}}</ref> Caste-based political mobilizations carried out by regional parties, like the [[Samajwadi Party]] and the [[Bahujan Samaj Party]], especially in agrarian settings. The objective was caste-empowerment, aimed at resisting the inequalities perpetuated by the oppression of powerful upper-caste bureaucracies and governments.<ref>{{Cite book |last1=P Mines |first1=Dianne |title=Everyday Life in South Asia |last2=Lamb |first2=Sarah |publisher=Indiana University Press |year=2002 |location=Bloomington |pages=172 |language=en}}</ref> Regional political parties tapped into frustrations of marginalization by lower-caste communities. However, the rise of caste politics has not necessarily resulted in developmental gains for those at the bottom of the caste ladder.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Karunakar |first=Patra |date=2022 |title=Strategic Mobilization of Identities by BJP In Uttar Pradesh Assembly Election, 2022 |journal=Politico |volume=14 |issue=2 |pages=22}}</ref> |
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Published studies have presented evidence suggesting that the influence of caste has been declining since the mid-1990s, including areas in rural India where the higher class castes held greater dominance over lower class castes, and also in urban interaction and [[hereditary]] occupations.<ref>{{cite news |date=Fall 2010 |title=History of the Indian Caste System and its Impact on India Today |publisher=California Polythechnic State University |url=https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1043&context=socssp |access-date=October 27, 2022}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=Manor |first=James |date=May 2011 |title=The Implications of the Declining Power of Caste Hierarchies in Rural India: Issues for the Shimla Conference |publisher=SAS Space |url=https://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/5661/1/AHRC_13%2C_Manor_Shimla_conference_paper%2C_May_2011%2C_working_copy.pdf |access-date=October 27, 2022}}</ref> Rather than a long-established, unchanging institution, caste is subject to political influence. Changes in political leadership throughout the history of India have led to changes in the structure of the caste system. India's colonial past has shaped caste into a flexible institution, generating a new system that has crucial influences on political mobilisation.<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Rao |first1=Vijayendra |last2=Ban |first2=Radu |date=August 2007 |title=The Political Construction of Caste in South India |url=https://eml.berkeley.edu/~webfac/bardhan/e271_f07/rao.pdf |website=eml.berkeley.edu}}</ref> In some regions of India, strategic reconstructions of the caste system have taken place. For instance, the [[Bahujan Samaj Party]] in the state of [[Punjab, India|Punjab]] was first initiated by urban political entrepreneurs who belonged to the former lower caste groups.<ref name="Krishna 2003 1171–1193">{{cite journal |last=Krishna |first=Anirudh |date=November 2003 |title=What is happening to Caste? A View from Some North Indian Villages |journal=The Journal of Asian Studies |volume=62 |issue=4 |pages=1171–1193 |doi=10.2307/3591763 |jstor=3591763 |s2cid=154584196}}</ref> The pliable caste system in the post-independence era acts as a tool for identifying marginal groups and political mobilisation. Various political leaderships can alter and influence the caste system to give different groups of people unequal rights in accessing public services and political competition. |
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==Colonial history== |
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{{main|British India}} |
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A distinct feature of lower caste mobilization in North India is the importance of ‘[[Sanskritisation|Sanskritization]]’ as ideological grounds; by comparison, ‘[[ethnicization]]’ has been more prevalent in West and South India. Sanskritization refers to the process of emulation that lower castes may adopt, to enhance their status in society by mirroring Brahminical (upper caste) rituals and values.<ref name="Jaffrelot-2000">{{Cite journal |last=Jaffrelot |first=Christophe |date=2000 |title=Sanskritization vs. Ethnicization in India: Changing Indentities and Caste Politics before Mandal |url=https://online.ucpress.edu/as/article/40/5/756/23689/Sanskritization-vs-Ethnicization-in-India-Changing |journal=Asian Survey |language=en |volume=40 |issue=5 |pages=763 |doi=10.2307/3021175 |issn=0004-4687 |jstor=3021175 |via=JSTOR}}</ref> In contrast, ethnicization endeavors to establish a separate identity for a lower caste group because the objective is to produce “nonhierarchical social imaginaries.”<ref name="Jaffrelot-2000" /> For instance, the Yadav caste group did not resort to inventing a Dravidian identity to position themselves against the Aryan identity, as leaders in the South and the West had done. Instead, the key logic was to enhance their status by identifying themselves within the Aryan group.<ref name="Jaffrelot-2000" /> At the same time, it is important to note that the two processes are not mutually exclusive and in fact, most leaders wanted to develop separate identities from the dominant culture. The prominent influence of Sanskritization meant that mobilizations in the North were restricted by conforming to the existing hierarchies, and in practical terms, this reinforced the dominance of elites within a specific region. |
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The British institutionalized caste into the workings of the major government institutions within India. The main benefactors of this indirect rule were the upper castes or [[forward castes]], which maintained their [[hegemony]] and monopoly of control and influence over government institutes long after independence from the British. The state of post-colonial India promised development, rule of law, and nation building, but in reality, was a complex network of patronage systems, which solidified the upper-caste position of dominance over civil service institutions. This network undermined the very promises of ‘nation building’ that post-colonial India had made and ushered in an area of upper-caste dominance that lasted for the next four decades. |
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==== Education ==== |
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In August 1932, the then Prime Minister of Britain, Ramsay MacDonald, made what the [[Communal Award]]. According to it, separate representation was to be provided for communities such as the [[Dalit]], [[Muslims]], [[Sikhs]], [[Indian Christians]], [[Anglo-Indians]] and [[Europeans]]. The depressed classes were assigned a number of seats to be filled by election from special constituencies in which voters belonging to the depressed classes only could vote. |
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{{further|Education in India}} |
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Education spread to the lower castes after India gained independence. The younger generations of all castes have had access to educational resources since the 1980s. The number of the Scheduled and [[Backward Castes]] people receiving education increased at a faster rate than that of the upper caste groups. The spread of education to all castes generated democratizing effects. Some representatives of the SC and ST groups obtained access to Congress in the 1950s~1960s (1179). Due to their higher education levels, they are less likely to respond to the upper-caste patrons, but to the needs and interests of the lower castes. |
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==Caste and political power== |
==Caste and political power== |
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{{Main|Caste system in India}} |
{{Main|Caste system in India}} |
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The caste system has traditionally had significant influence over people’s access to power. The privileged upper caste groups benefit more by gaining substantially more economic and political power, while the lower caste groups have limited access to those powers. The caste system distributes to different castes different economic strength. The upper caste groups can then manipulate the economic and political system to transfer economic strength into political power.<ref name="Craig">{{cite journal|last=Craig|first=Jeffrey|title=Caste, Class, and Clientelism: A Political Economy of Everyday Corruption in Rural North India.}}</ref> |
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The removal of the boundaries between "civil society" and "political society" meant that caste now played a huge role in the political arena and also influenced other government-run institutions such as police and the judicial system. Though caste seemed to dictate one's access to such institutions, the location of that caste also played an important role. If a lower caste were concentrated enough in one area, it could then translate that pocket of concentration of its caste members into political power and then challenge the [[hegemony]] of locally dominant [[Forward Castes|upper caste]]. Gender also plays a significant role in the power dynamic of caste in politics. Women's representation within the political system seems to also be tied to their caste. Lower, more conservative castes have less female participation in politics than upper, more socially liberal, castes. This has caused a disproportionately large number of upper-caste women to occupy political office when compared to their lower caste counterparts. The hierarchy of caste and its role in politics and access to power and resources has created a society of patron-client relationships along caste lines. This eventually led to the practice of [[vote bank]]ing, where voters back only candidates that are in their caste,<ref>{{Cite news |title=90 per cent of people vote on caste lines: Katju |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/90-per-cent-of-people-vote-on-caste-lines-Katju/articleshow/18117893.cms |access-date=21 January 2019 |website=The Times of India|date=21 January 2013 }}</ref> or officials from which they expect to receive some kind of benefits. |
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The caste system has traditionally had significant influence over people's access to power. The privileged upper caste groups benefit more by gaining substantially more economic and political power, while the lower caste groups have limited access to those powers. The caste system distributes to different castes different economic strengths. The upper caste groups can then manipulate the economic and political system to transfer economic strength into political power.<ref name="Craig">{{cite journal |last=Craig |first=Jeffrey |date=2002 |title=Caste, Class, and Clientelism: A Political Economy of Everyday Corruption in Rural North India. |url=https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1944-8287.2002.tb00174.x |journal=Economic Geography |volume=78 |issue=1|pages=21–41 |doi=10.1111/j.1944-8287.2002.tb00174.x |s2cid=154715080 }}</ref> |
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It has been argued by Professor Dipankar Gupta that the role of castes in Indian elections have been overplayed.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Gupta |first=Dipankar |date=21 March 2014 |title=The caste bogey in election analysis |language=en-IN |work=The Hindu |url=https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/the-caste-bogey-in-election-analysis/article5811003.ece |access-date=21 January 2019 |issn=0971-751X}}</ref>{{Undue weight inline|date=July 2022|reason=mentioned without further discussion/context}} |
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===Access to power=== |
===Access to power=== |
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In rural North India, upper and middle-ranking castes dominate the ownership of land. They were able to transfer this control over wealth into political dominance over the [[Panchayat]] decision. The Panchayat is a local government unit that is in-charge of resources disbursement. The |
In rural North India, upper and middle-ranking castes dominate the ownership of land. They were able to transfer this control over wealth into political dominance over the [[Panchayati raj|Panchayat]] decision. The Panchayat is a local government unit that is in-charge of resources disbursement. The dominant caste groups monopolised leadership positions in the Panchayat, thus gaining more opportunities to government contracts, employment and funding. |
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Access to police and judicial assistance also depends on which caste one belongs to. By bribing, influencing and intimidating the police and judicial officials, the rural north Indian middle |
Access to police and judicial assistance also depends on which caste one belongs to. By bribing, influencing and intimidating the police and judicial officials, the rural north Indian middle and upper castes tend to manipulate the local police and judicial power more successfully. These types of political [[rent-seeking]] have also helped secure the supply of rents to dominant castes through other channels such as 'rigging Panchayat elections, capturing electoral booths, and using pre-election intimidatory tactics in elections for the state assembly.'<ref name="Craig" /> Whether an individual or a group can raise enough money for constant bribes depends on the caste-based socioeconomic status. Hence, the advantage in accessing economic resources not only transfers into but also reinforces the political might of the dominant caste groups. |
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Certain scientists and activists, such as [[Massachusetts Institute of Technology|MIT]] [[systems science|systems scientist]] Dr. [[Shiva Ayyadurai|VA Shiva Ayyadurai]], blame caste for holding back innovation and scientific research in India, making it difficult to sustain progress while regressive social organisation prevails.<ref name="timesofindia">{{cite news|title=Scientist blames caste for India's backwardness in research|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/coimbatore/Scientist-blames-caste-for-Indias-backwardness-in-research/articleshow/21319703.cms|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130728111537/http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2013-07-25/coimbatore/40792839_1_caste-system-inter-caste-marriages-indian-origin|url-status=live|archive-date=28 July 2013|access-date=8 August 2013|newspaper=[[The Times of India]]|date=25 July 2013}}</ref><ref name="SpicyIP">{{cite web|last=Reddy|first=Prashant|title=CSIR Tech. Pvt. Ltd: Its controversial past and its uncertain future|url=http://spicyipindia.blogspot.com/2012/05/csir-tech-pvt-ltd-its-controversial.html|access-date=11 March 2013|publisher=SpicyIP.com|date=20 May 2012}}</ref> |
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Caste, ascribed at birth, is also influenced by where one is born. Political lines in India have often been drawn along caste lines; however, this is only part of the story. Caste is often specific to a particular area. These caste pockets create a locally dominant caste. Because of the political structure in India, local dominance can translate into regional dominance. This concentration of caste population has meant that smaller, less influential castes have the opportunity stake there claims in the political power arena. However, if a non-dominant cast is not concentrated in a particular area, then they are not likely to get any representation without teaming up with another caste to increase their influence. This means, “localized concentration facilitates a space for contesting the domination of State-level dominant caste”.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Suhas|first=Pahlshikar|title=Caste Politics Through the Prism of Region}}</ref> For instance, the Maratha-Kunbi caste has concentrations of populations all over the [[States and union territories of India|Indian states]]. They thus managed to receive maximum representation at the state legislature.(ibid) |
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Caste, ascribed at birth, is also influenced by where one is born. Political lines in India have often been drawn along caste lines; however, this is only part of the story. Caste is often specific to a particular area. These caste pockets create a locally dominant castes. Because of the political structure in India, local dominance can translate into regional dominance. This concentration of caste population has meant that smaller, less influential castes have the opportunity stake there claims in the political power arena. However, if a non-dominant caste is not concentrated in a particular area, then they are not likely to get any representation without teaming up with another caste to increase their influence. This means that "localized concentration facilitates a space for contesting the domination of State-level dominant caste".<ref name="Suhas">{{cite journal |last=Suhas |first=Pahlshikar |title=Caste Politics Through the Prism of Region |journal= |pages=5|citeseerx=10.1.1.527.452 }}</ref> For instance, the [[Maratha]]-[[Kunbi]] caste has concentrations of populations all over the [[States and union territories of India|Indian states]]. They thus managed to receive maximum representation at the state legislature.<ref name="Suhas" /> |
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Though the caste system factors greatly in determining who makes up the local elites, it also plays a huge role in determining women's influence and representation in the political system. In India’s bicameral parliamentary system, women represent a minuscule amount of each house. Of the people's assembly, made up of 545 members, women represent a mere 5.2 percent; and in the State assembly, with 259 members, women make up only 8.8 percent. Both houses have seen an alarming decline in female representatives in the most recent decades. Of the 39 women representatives in the Indian Parliament most were members of higher castes. Caste, which eventually effects class, is one of the most important factors in determining a woman’s successful inclusion into the political system. This may be due to the fact that higher castes challenge the role of the traditional Indian woman and so their caste position gives them a greater range of options that are not available to lower more traditional castes. This inflated representation of elite caste in public offices has meant that the impact they have on public policy is disproportionately large in comparison to their actual numbers.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Rai|first=Shirin|title=Class, Caste and Gender- Women in Parliament in India|journal=IDEA'S Handbook: Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers|pages=1–8}}</ref> |
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Though the caste system factors greatly in determining who makes up the local elites, it also plays a huge role in determining women's influence and representation in the political system. In India's bicameral parliamentary system, women represent a minuscule amount of each house. Of the people's assembly, made up of 545 members, women represent a mere 5.2 percent; and in the State assembly, with 259 members, women make up only 8.8 percent. Both houses have seen an alarming decline in female representatives in the most recent decades{{When|date=July 2022}}. Of the 39 women representatives in the Indian Parliament most were members of higher castes. Caste, which eventually effects class, is one of the most important factors in determining a woman's successful inclusion into the political system. This may be due to the fact that higher castes challenge the role of the traditional Indian woman and so their caste position gives them a greater range of options that are not available to lower more traditional castes. This inflated representation of elite caste in public offices has meant that the impact they have on public policy is disproportionately large in comparison to their actual numbers.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Rai|first=Shirin|title=Class, Caste and Gender- Women in Parliament in India|journal=IDea's Handbook: Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers|pages=1–8}}</ref> |
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=== Political corruption === |
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Corruption thus translated into power and a means to enter the political arena, once only open to upper caste members. [[Corruption in India]] became a way to level the playing field. This struggle for empowerment that was forced to operate outside of the rule of law produced caste-based mafia networks. These mafia-networks began to chip away at upper caste control over state institutions.<ref name="Witsoe-2011">{{cite journal |last=Witsoe |first=Jeffrey |date=2011 |title=Corruption as Power: Caste and the Political Imagination of the Postcolonial State |url=https://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1548-1425.2010.01293.x |journal=American Ethnologist |volume=38 |pages=73–85 |doi=10.1111/j.1548-1425.2010.01293.x}}</ref>{{Page needed|date=July 2022}}<!-- page needed --> |
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However, unlike their predecessor, these ''caste mafia'' groups were not concerned with 'development', but mainly viewed elections and democracy as a way of gaining control of the state, which would enable them to level social inequalities. This new state envisioned a government of "Social Justice" through caste empowerment. Within the context of "social justice" corruption pontificated by the caste mafias became tolerated, and in some cases, as in the province of Bihar, even celebrated. |
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The very nature of caste politics inherently means that there are no boundaries between "civil society" and "political society", as demonstrated by the proliferation caste mafia. The mafia dons became mayors, ministers, and even members of Parliament. Therefore, there was no alternative to fight against these mafia figures and political brokers. Because rule of law was perceived to be a mechanism of upper caste control, corruption used by caste mafia became popularly accepted, as it was perceived to be a means to achieve lower caste empowerment. The corruption elevated to such a level that nearly all elected officials in some towns and regions were also criminals. The upper castes who had used their control over the state to discreetly plunder its institutions for their own gain, were now replaced by the mafia dons who now openly pillaged the state institutions. Many of these elected ministers/mafia dons were jailed for the illegal practices they employed; however, this was widely touted as the upper castes trying to regain dominance by eliminating supporters. Corruption and politics became so common that at a time it was not uncommon for election results to be contested from a prison cell. |
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Corruption therefore translated into power and a means to enter the political arena, once only open to upper caste members. In this way corruption was seen as a way to level the playing field. As a result, corruption was tolerated and in some villages championed under the banner of "[[social justice]]".<ref name="Witsoe-2011" /><!-- pgs73–85 acc. to ref --> |
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In the 1951 election, three ethnic parties challenged the Congress party: the Ram Rajya Parishad, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. These three parties sought to gain support from the Hindu majority. The All India Scheduled Caste Federation bid for support from the ex-untouchable castes. Three of the four ethnic parties gradually disappeared because they were not able to obtain enough votes. In the late 1980s, the Congress began to decline. More non-congress parties started to challenge the Congress dominance. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) descended from the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. It attempted to pit Hindus against Muslims. The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Janata Dal (JD) tried to seek support from the Scheduled Castes, and Muslims against the upper castes.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Chandra |first=Kanchan |author-link=Kanchan Chandra |date=June 2005 |title=Ethnic Parties and Democratic Stability |journal=Perspectives on Politics |volume=3 |issue=2 |pages=235–252 |citeseerx=10.1.1.483.4574 |doi=10.1017/s1537592705050188 |s2cid=33566400}}</ref> |
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The intense party competitions that started in the late 1970s have also weakened the influence of caste in Indian politics. Traditionally, Indian political parties have been constructed from top-down. Party leaders relied on preexisted patron-client networks to collect votes. Hence, no parties established fixed organisations to keep constant contacts with the village-level. Since 1977, the number of youth participating in politics has significantly increased. Due to the lack of fixed organisations, political parties had to rely on the young village members for political mobilisation.<ref name="Krishna 2003 1171–1193" /> Often, these young villagers exerted more political influence than the upper caste leaders and patrons. The status of these young people in the village depended on how much he could contribute to the economic development of the village. It is easier for the youth to maintain their status by rallying rather than remain loyal to a specific party. This also weakened the influence of caste and clientelism on Indian politics. |
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In the 1990s, many parties [[Bahujan Samaj Party]] (BSP), the [[Janata Dal]] started claiming that they were representing the backward castes. Many such parties, relying primarily on Backward Classes' support, often in alliance with Dalits and Muslims, rose to power in Indian states.<ref name="country_studies_caste">{{cite web |title=Caste-Based Parties |url=http://countrystudies.us/india/116.htm |access-date=12 December 2006 |publisher=Country Studies US}}</ref> At the same time, many Dalit leaders and intellectuals started realising that the main Dalit oppressors were the so-called Other Backward Classes, and formed their own parties, such as the [[Indian Justice Party]]. The Congress (I) in Maharashtra long relied on OBCs' backing for its political success.<ref name="country_studies_caste" /> [[Bharatiya Janata Party]] has also showcased its Dalit and OBC leaders to prove that it is not an upper-caste party. [[Bangaru Laxman]], the former BJP president (2001–2002) was a former Dalit. [[Sanyasin]] [[Uma Bharati]], former CM of [[Madhya Pradesh]], who belongs to OBC caste, was a former BJP leader. In 2006 [[Arjun Singh (politician, born 1930)|Arjun Singh]] cabinet minister for MHRD of the [[United Progressive Alliance]] (UPA) government was accused of playing caste politics when he introduced reservations for OBCs in educational institutions all around. |
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In [[Tamil Nadu]], [[Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam]] (DMK) party rose to power promising representation of all castes in all important sectors of society. |
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===Clientelism=== |
===Clientelism=== |
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Politics in India highly depended on patron-client ties along the caste lines during the Congress-dominating period. The caste that one belongs to serves as a strong determinant of his or her voting pattern.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Kela|first=Shashank|title=Caste, Class and Politics in Contemporary North India}}</ref> In India, different political parties represent the interests of different caste groups. The upper and merchant castes such as Brahmin, Rajput and Kayasth and the rich Muslim groups tend to express their interests through the Congress Party. The agrarian |
Politics in India highly depended on patron-client ties along the caste lines during the Congress-dominating period. The caste that one belongs to serves as a strong determinant of his or her voting pattern.<ref name="Kela">{{cite journal |last=Kela |first=Shashank |title=Caste, Class and Politics in Contemporary North India |url=https://www.nodo50.org/cubasigloXXI/taller/kela1_311203.pdf |journal= |pages=1, 4–5}}</ref><!-- pg1 - pls put in ref --> In India, different political parties represent the interests of different caste groups. The upper and merchant castes such as [[Brahmin]], [[Rajput]] and [[Kayasth]] and the rich Muslim groups tend to express their interests through the [[Nationalist Congress Party|Congress Party]]. The agrarian upper caste [[Jats]] tend to vote for the competing parties. Numerically minor parties, represented by the [[Jan Sangh]], receive votes almost exclusively from the upper and trading castes.<ref name="Kela" /><!-- pgs4-5 - pls put in ref --> However, caste does not solely determine voting behaviours. Discrepancies occur {{Citation needed span|text=especially for the upper caste groups|date=July 2022|reason=the upper castes don't seem to be singled out in this paper?}}.<ref name="Kela" /><!-- pg5 - pls put in ref --> This means that not everyone from the same caste would vote for only one particular party. The upper caste people have more freedom to vote by political beliefs. The [[Mandal Commission]] covered more than 3000 Other Backward Castes. It is thus not clear which parties are associated with each castes. |
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Loyal groups of voters usually back a certain candidate or party during elections with the expectation of receiving benefits once their candidate is in office. This practice, called " |
Loyal groups of voters usually back a certain candidate or party during elections with the expectation of receiving benefits once their candidate is in office. This practice, called "[[votebank]]", is prolific throughout most regions of the country. Many political parties in India have openly indulged in caste-based [[votebank]] politics. The Congress party used votebank to maintain power; the competing parties constructed votebanks to challenge the Congress dominance of politics. |
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== |
== Women in Caste Politics == |
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Women in higher castes have always had the advantage to participate in the political sphere in comparison to their lower caste counterparts. While the exclusion of women in politics has long been and continues to be prominent in these caste-based countries, women in these upper castes are privy to resources—such as better social, economic, health, education, employment, and political standing—that Dalit, or untouchable, women could never attain and thus leave these women with little to no chance at political participation and representation. |
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{{See also|Politics of India}} |
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=== Social Standing === |
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By the early 1990s there began a shift in caste politics. The continuation of a one party system, which was the [[Congress party]], composed mostly of upper-caste leadership, came to an end. This was partly due to [[economic liberalization in India]] which reduced the control the state had on the economy and thus the lower casts, and partly due to an upsurge in caste based parties that made the politics of lower caste empowerment a central part of there political agenda. It should be pointed out that these new political parties emerged not on a national level but on a village and regional level, and were most dominant in North India. |
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[[Dalit]] women are the lowest social class due to the intersectionality of their gender and untouchable social standing. These women have to work to provide for their families and complete domestic housework all while being subject to psychological and emotional abuse from their spouse.<ref name="Luitel">{{Cite book |last=Luitel |first=Samira |title=The Position Of Dalit Women In Caste System}}</ref> When working outside of the home, these women complete jobs alongside their male counterparts as hands in the fields and other low paid risky jobs. They work these laborious [[Labour in India|jobs]] to be able to afford basic necessities for their family and home such as shelter, food, and water. This idea of keeping Dalits away from higher castes in the workforce is more extreme than just the types of jobs the different castes work. When food is being served to workers, Dalits must eat away from higher castes. This separation extends to other basic necessities such as water. Dalits are not allowed to use the same water sources as the upper castes and if they do, untouchables risk physical abuse and the water tank needs to be purified.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Indresh |first=Coovercolly |date=November 21, 2022 |title=Tank 'purified' after Dalit woman drinks water from it |url=https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/bengaluru-news/tank-purified-after-dalit-woman-drinks-water-from-it-101668972139600.html }}</ref> |
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Because untouchable women have no social standing, their issues are not noticed or deemed an issue in the political sphere. This lack of awareness creates a vicious cycle as these women must continue to work low paying jobs to be able to support their families and complete house work, so they do not have the time to dedicate to political intervention after this double-shift. Thereby, Dalit women are not represented in politics. |
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These parties view development programs and rule of law as institutions used by upper caste to control and subjugate lower castes. As a result, these new political parties sought to weaken these institutions and in turn weaken the upper caste domination in the political arena in India. Since ‘rule of law’ was seen as controlled by upper-caste, these new parties adopted a strategy that had to operate outside of this rule in order to gain political influence and lower-caste empowerment. |
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=== |
=== Economic Standing === |
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[[File:Dalit_or_Untouchable_Woman_of_Bombay_(Mumbai)_according_to_Indian_Caste_System_-_1942.jpg|thumb|An Untouchable Woman of Bombay according to the Indian Caste System]] |
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Corruption thus translated into power and a means to enter the political arena, once only open to upper caste members. [[Corruption in India]] became a way to level the playing field. This struggle for empowerment that was forced to operate outside of the rule of law produced case-based mafia networks. These mafia-networks began to chip away at upper caste control over state institutions.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Witsoe|first=Jeffrey|title=Corruption as Power: Caste and the Political Imagination of the Postcolonial State}}</ref> |
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Dalits do not have consistent pay. Usually, they will work seasonal jobs such as sewing clothes during the rainy season or fix tools when they are being used.<ref name="Luitel"/> These jobs are usually low-paying and short, causing Dalit women to take any job available to them at the time. Because of their need for money, women have turned to alternative forms of work such as [[Caste in the sex industry|sex work]] to be able to have consistent funds. Sometimes one income is not enough so Dalit families have begun to prepare their daughters for similar work.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Safi |first=Michael |date=2019-01-14 |title=The Indian village where child sexual exploitation is the norm |language=en-GB |work=The Guardian |url=https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2019/jan/14/indian-village-where-child-sexual-exploitation-is-the-norm-sagar-gram-jan-sahas |access-date=2023-03-26 |issn=0261-3077}}</ref> |
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These jobs do not have the credibility untouchable women would need to be taken seriously by [[politician]]s. Sex work is seen as promiscuous and perverted while upper caste women spend their time in the private sphere focusing on the house and the home. These jobs are safer and take less time, thus allowing upper caste women to be able to provide their attention to the [[Feminism in India|feminist movement]] and gaining equal rights economically, politically, and socially to their upper caste male counterparts. |
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However, unlike their predecessor, these [[caste mafia]]s groups were not concerned with ‘development’, but mainly viewed elections and democracy as a way of gaining control of the state, which would enable them to level social inequalities. This new state envisioned a government of “Social Justice” through caste empowerment. Within the context of “social justice" corruption pontificated by the caste mafias became tolerated, and in some cases, as in the town of Bihar, even celebrated. |
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=== Health Standing === |
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The very nature of caste politics inherently means that there are no boundaries between “civil society” and “political society”, as demonstrated by the proliferation caste mafia. The mafia dons were the mayors, ministers, and even members of Parliament. Therefore, there was no alternative to fight against these mafia figures and political brokers. Because rule of law was perceived to be a mechanism of upper caste control, corruption used by caste mafia became popularly accepted, as it was perceived to be a means to achieve lower caste empowerment. The corruption elevated to such a level that nearly all elected officials in some towns and regions were also criminals. The upper caste who had used their control over the state to discreetly plunder its institutions for their own gain, were now replaced by the mafia dons who now openly pillaged the state institutions. Many of these elected ministers/mafia dons were jailed for the illegal practices they employed; however, this was widely touted as the upper castes trying to regain dominance by eliminating “social justice” supporters. One of the more famous of these mafia dons was [[Lalu Yadav]], who became the first elected chief minister in India to be sent to jail. Lalu, convicted of embezzling 9.5 billion rupees from the Animal Husbandry Department, still continued to run the government from his prison cell in Bihar, which was later coined as the “cell-phone raj”. Corruption and politics became so common that at a time it was not uncommon for election results to be contested from a prison cell. |
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Because of their sex work, Dalits are much more likely to suffer from diseases such as [[HIV]] and [[AIDS]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Bam |first1=Kiran |last2=Thapa |first2=Rajshree |last3=Newman |first3=Marielle Sophia |last4=Bhatt |first4=Lokesh Prasad |last5=Bhatta |first5=Shree Krishna |date=September 5, 2013 |title=Sexual Behavior and Condom Use among Seasonal Dalit Migrant Laborers to India from Far West, Nepal: A Qualitative Study |journal=PLOS ONE |volume=8 |issue=9 |pages=e74903 |doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0074903 |pmid=24040359 |pmc=3764178 |bibcode=2013PLoSO...874903B |doi-access=free }}</ref> Additionally, most Dalit live in unsanitary homes with high risk for disease. Because of this, Dalits are more likely to suffer from gastrointestinal, water, and airborne diseases in comparison to upper castes.<ref name="Luitel"/> Though, the ones most vulnerable to disease is Dalit women; They work both inside and out of the home meaning that they are more likely to catch and have to care for disease all while still having to complete their household work.<ref name="Luitel" /> They also have shorter life spans<ref>{{Cite news |date=2022-04-17 |title=Why some Indians die younger than others |language=en-GB |work=BBC News |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-61091336 |access-date=2023-03-26}}</ref> probably due to [[Malnutrition in India|malnutrition]] and this increased risk for disease. This shorter lifespan causes Dalit women to have to have many [[Adolescent pregnancies|pregnancies and births]] earlier in life in hopes that few of the children survive and thus help the family economically.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Devkota |first1=Hridaya Raj |last2=Clarke |first2=Andrew |last3=Shrish |first3=Shanti |last4=Bhatta |first4=Dharma Nanda |date=2018-01-22 |title=Does women's caste make a significant contribution to adolescent pregnancy in Nepal? A study of Dalit and non-Dalit adolescents and young adults in Rupandehi district |journal=BMC Women's Health |volume=18 |issue=1 |pages=23 |doi=10.1186/s12905-018-0513-4 |issn=1472-6874 |pmc=5778648 |pmid=29357853 |doi-access=free }}</ref> |
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Because of their health issues and other responsibilities, Dalit women do not have the time nor the health to be able to gain any political standing. Instead, they must shift their focus to survive another day regardless of the conditions they are in economically, socially, and politically. |
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Corruption therefore translated into power and a means to enter the political arena, once only open to upper caste members. In this way corruption was seen as a way to level the playing field, and as a result was tolerated and in some villages championed under the banner of “social justice”.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Witsoe|first=Jeffrey|title=Corruption as A Power: Caste and the Political Imagination of the Postcolonial State|journal=Journal of the American Ethnological Society|year=2011|volume=38|issue=1|pages=73–85|doi=10.1111/j.1548-1425.2010.01293.x}}</ref> |
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=== Educational Standing === |
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In the 1951 election, three ethnic parties challenged the Congress party: the Ram Rajya Parishad, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. These three sought to gain support from the Hindu majority. The All India Scheduled Caste Federation bid for support from the ex-untouchable castes. Three of the four ethnic parties gradually disappeared because they were not able to obtain enough votes. In the late 1980s, the Congress began to decline. More non-congress parties started to challenge the Congress dominance. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) descended from the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. It attempted to pit Hindus against Muslims. The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Janata Dal ( JD) tried to seek support from the Scheduled Castes, and Muslims against the upper castes.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Chandra|first=Kanchan|title=Ethnic Parties and Democratic Stability|journal=Perspectives on Politics|date=June 2005|volume=3|pages=235–252|doi=10.1017/s1537592705050188}}</ref> |
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As the lowest class, Dalits and were not allowed to easily access education and Dalit women were completely prohibited.<ref name="Paik-2009">{{Cite journal |last=Paik |first=Shailaja |date=2009 |title=Chhadi Lage Chham Chham, Vidya Yeyi Gham Gham (The Harder the Sticks Beat, the Faster the Flow of Knowledge): Dalit Women's Struggle for Education |url=https://webcentral.uc.edu/eprof/media/attachment/eprofmediafile_967.pdf |journal=Indian Journal of Gender Studies |pages=175–204|doi=10.1177/097152150901600202 |s2cid=147300591 }}</ref> However, around 1950, Dalit women were granted access to education. This was not a smooth transition. Dalit women faced discrimination as their teachers were often from the Brahman class and enjoyed the power they held over Dalit women.<ref name="Paik-2009" /> This discrimination along with their needs to support their families led many Dalits and specifically Dalit women to drop out of school. In a study titled ''Access of Disadvantaged Children to Education 2005'', as much as 30% of the schooled children dropout of school.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Shrestha |first1=Kishor |last2=Bhattarai |first2=Rom Prasad |last3=Bajracharya |first3=Hridaya R. |last4=Lamichhane |first4=Shreeram P. |date=2005 |title=Access of Disadvantaged Children to Education |url=http://www.cerid.org/formative/files/1148631753-dag.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220120201718/http://www.cerid.org/formative/files/1148631753-dag.pdf |url-status=usurped |archive-date=20 January 2022 |journal=Research Centre for Educational Innovation and Development}}</ref> Dalit women's literacy is below 5%.<ref name="Luitel" /> |
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Because of their lack of literacy, education, and priority to care for their families, Dalit women are not currently equipped to engaged in politics. They cannot read or understand any of the legislation that is written for or against them and do not have the time to fight for legislation that would benefit them as they must ensure their families well-being, a full-time job in and of itself. |
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The intense party competitions that started in the late 1970s have also weakened the influence of caste in Indian politics. Traditionally, Indian political parties have been constructed from top-down. Party leaders relied on preexisted patron-client networks to collect votes. Hence, no parties established fixed organizations to keep constant contacts with the village-level. Since 1977, the number of youth participating in politics has significantly increased. Due to the lack of fixed organizations, political parties had to rely on the young village members for political mobilization.<ref name="Krishna 2003 1171–1193">{{cite journal|last=Krishna|first=Anirudh|title=What is happening to Caste? A View from Some North Indian Villages|journal=The Journal of Asian Studies|date=November 2003|volume=62|issue=4|pages=1171–1193|doi=10.2307/3591763}}</ref> Often, these young villagers exerted more political influence than the upper caste leaders and patrons. The status of these young people in the village depended on how much he could contribute to the economic development of the village. It is easier for the youth to maintain their status by rallying rather than remain loyal to a specific party. This also weakened the influence of caste and clientelism on Indian politics. |
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=== Women's Movements for Dalit Women === |
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In the 1990s, many parties [[Bahujan Samaj Party]] (BSP), the [[Samajwadi Party]] and the [[Janata Dal]] started claiming that they were representing the backward castes. Many such parties, relying primarily on Backward Classes' support, often in alliance with Dalits and Muslims, rose to power in Indian states.<ref name="country_studies_caste">{{cite web |
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Relatively recently, the position of Dalit women have been heard. Specifically, the creation of the Gulabi Gang and the United Nations have taken positions to help improve the lives of these women. |
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|title=Caste-Based Parties |
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|url=http://countrystudies.us/india/116.htm |
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|publisher= Country Studies US |
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|accessdate=2006-12-12 |
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}}</ref> At the same time, many Dalit leaders and intellectuals started realizing that the main Dalit oppressors were the so-called Other Backward Classes, and formed their own parties, such as the [[Indian Justice Party]]. The Congress (I) in Maharashtra long relied on OBCs' backing for its political success.<ref name="country_studies_caste"/> [[Bharatiya Janata Party]] has also showcased its Dalit and OBC leaders to prove that it is not an upper-caste party. [[Bangaru Laxman]], the former BJP president (2001–2002) was a former Dalit. [[Sanyasin]] [[Uma Bharati]], former CM of [[Madhya Pradesh]], who belongs to OBC caste, was a former BJP leader. In 2006 [[Arjun Singh]] cabinet minister for MHRD of the [[United Progressive Alliance]] (UPA) government was accused of playing caste politics when he introduced reservations for OBCs in educational institutions all around. |
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==== Gulabi Gang ==== |
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In [[Tamil Nadu]], [[Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam]] (DMK) party rose to power promising representation of all castes in all important sectors of society. |
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The [[Gulabi Gang]] is not a gang in the traditional sense, the founder, [[Sampat Pal Devi|Sampat Pal]] explained. The gang was founded in the poorest region in India and works to improve Dalit women's social mobility and independence while working to eradicate [[Violence against women|violence]] and oppression.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Thakkar |first=Shriya |date=2018-03-01 |title=Art in Everyday Resistance: A Case Study of the Pink Vigilantes of India |journal=Junctions: Graduate Journal of the Humanities |volume=3 |issue=1 |pages=8–17 |doi=10.33391/jgjh.5 |s2cid=164296288 |issn=2468-8282|doi-access=free }}</ref> The Gulabi Gang is known for its bright pink traditional [[sari]]s and wielded bamboo sticks. Pal chose this color because it was free from any religious or political associations in India while the bamboo sticks prepare the women for any battle they may face.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Interview: Pink is Powerful as India's 'Gulabi Gang' Offers Hope for Oppressed Women |url=https://asiasociety.org/blog/asia/interview-pink-powerful-indias-gulabi-gang-offers-hope-oppressed-women |access-date=2023-04-20 |website=Asia Society |language=en}}</ref> |
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If the gang is successful at lowering [[Violence against women in India|violence]] and oppression for all women in the [[caste system]] and specifically Dalit women, they would have the chance to engage in politics. These women are working to create change and allow Dalit women to live fulfilling lives and fight for what they believe in within the political and justice systems instead of being forced to provide for their families. |
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===Caste-based mobilization=== |
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Recent evidence suggests that the influence of caste has been declining. Rather than a long-established, unchanging institution, caste is subject to political influence. Changes in political leadership throughout the history of India have led to changes in the structure of the caste system. India’s colonial past has shaped caste into a flexible institution, generating a new system that has crucial influences on political mobilization.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Rao and Ban|title=The Political Construction of Caste in South India}}</ref> In some regions of India, strategic reconstructions of the caste system have taken place. For instance, the [[Bahujan Samaj Party]] in the state of [[Punjab, India|Punjab]] was first initiated by urban political entrepreneurs who belonged to the former lower caste groups.<ref name="Krishna 2003 1171–1193"/> The pliable caste system in the post-independence era acts as a tool for identifying marginal groups and political mobilization . Various political leaderships can alter and influence the caste system to give different groups of people unequal rights in accessing public services and political competition. |
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==== United Nations ==== |
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The [[United Nations]] Office of the High Commissioner for [[Human rights|Human Rights]] released a statement on June 17, 2014, titled "Violence against Women and Girls from caste-affected communities."<ref name="OHCHR">{{Cite web |title=Violence against Women and Girls from caste-affected communities |url=https://www.ohchr.org/en/statements/2014/06/violence-against-women-and-girls-caste-affected-communities |access-date=2023-04-20 |website=OHCHR |language=en}}</ref> The speech opens by claiming "caste-based discrimination fundamentally undermines human dignity” and explains how low-caste women such as Dalits face double discrimination against their gender and class which ultimately leads them to live [[Poverty|low socioeconomic]] lives.<ref name="OHCHR" /> The speech comes after the death of two Dalit girls whose village sat at the site of their death until their deaths were investigated. The global uproar of these deaths became so intense that the United Nations commented and committed themselves to help improve the position of low-caste women through [[legislation]], humans' rights mechanisms, and special procedures. |
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{{further|Education in India}} |
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If these methods are effective, Dalit women would be able to live sustainable lives that would not require them to constantly work low paying jobs, live in poverty, and eat better. In return, they would have more free time to be able to commit to politics and ultimately become an engaged and civically involved citizens. |
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Education spread to the lower castes after India gained independence. The younger generations of all castes have had access to educational resources since the 1980s. The number of the Scheduled and [[Backward Castes]] people receiving education increased at a faster rate than that of the upper caste groups. The spread of education to all castes generated democratizing effects. Some representatives of the SC and ST groups obtained access to Congress in the 1950s~1960s (1179). Due to their higher education levels, they are less likely to respond to the upper-caste patrons, but to the needs and interests of the lower castes. |
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==Politically Important Castes== |
==List of castes{{Anchor|Politically Important Castes}}== |
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For political/government purposes, the castes<ref>{{Cite web |date=11 October 2015 |title=Govt says it does not know the definition of 'Hindu' |url=https://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/govt-says-it-does-not-have-info-on-definition-of-hindu/ |access-date=21 January 2019 |website=The Indian Express |language=en-IN}}</ref> are broadly divided into<ref name="The Times of India-2007">{{Cite web |date=1 September 2007 |title=OBCs form 41% of population: Survey – Times of India |url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/OBCs-form-41-of-population-Survey/articleshow/2328117.cms |access-date=21 January 2019 |website=The Times of India}}</ref> |
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* [[Forward Castes]] (30.80% of [[Demographics of India|the population]])<ref name="The Times of India-2007" /> |
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* [[Other Backward Classes]] (OBC) (about 41.0% of the population)<ref name="The Times of India-2007" /> |
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* [[Scheduled Castes]] (about 19.7% of the population)<ref name="The Times of India-2007" /> |
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* [[List of Scheduled Tribes of India|Scheduled Tribes]] (about 8.5% of the population)<ref name="The Times of India-2007" /> |
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The Indian Muslims (14.2%), and Christians (2.3%) often function as castes. |
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===Bihar=== |
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* Yadav, Muslim <ref>[http://www.livemint.com/Politics/bST8VvV3PLwQoJdLvY63dP/Bihar-still-votes-on-identity-lines.html, Bihar still votes on identity lines, Anuja, Apr 30 2014]</ref> |
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Official lists are compiled by states recognizing the [[Other Backward Class|OBC]], [[Scheduled Castes]] and the [[List of Scheduled Tribes in India|Scheduled Tribes]]. The dividing lines can be ambiguous, several castes have demanded a lower rank so that they can avail the privileges offered. The term [[Forward Castes|upper caste]] also refers to [[forward castes]], when news reports refer to the Scheduled Castes in relation to the two upper groups. |
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* Bhumihar Brahmins |
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===Delhi=== |
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* [[Yadav]] |
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* [[Jats]] |
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* [[Gurjar]] |
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* [[Tyagi]] |
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* [[Rajputs]] |
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* [[Brahmins]] |
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* [[Punjabis]] |
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===Haryana=== |
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* [[Yadav]] |
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* [[Gujjar]] |
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* [[Brahmin]] |
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s<ref>{{Cite web|last=Pioneer|first=The|title=Karnal: Brahmin belt of Haryana to see straight BJP-Cong contest|url=https://www.dailypioneer.com/2019/state-editions/karnal--brahmin-belt-of-haryana-to-see-straight-bjp-cong-contest.html|access-date=2021-02-14|website=The Pioneer|language=en}}</ref> (Brahmin belt of Haryana) |
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*[[Jats]], 25% of state's population<ref name="Guha-2022" /> |
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* [[Saini]] |
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* [[Jangid]] |
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* Rajputs |
* Rajputs |
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<ref>{{cite news|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/gurgaon/25-jats-elected-to-haryana-assembly-cong-has-biggest-pie-with-nine/articleshow/71768391.cms|title= 25 Jats elected to Haryana assembly; Congress has biggest pie with nine|website=Times of India|date= 26 October 2019|access-date=2020-11-27}}</ref> |
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===Gujarat=== |
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* [[Koli people|Kolis]]<ref>{{Cite web |date=2018-01-11 |title=Koli community leaders meet, seek their due from political parties |url=https://www.dnaindia.com/ahmedabad/report-koli-community-leaders-meet-seek-their-due-from-political-parties-2574525 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180716223611/https://www.dnaindia.com/ahmedabad/report-koli-community-leaders-meet-seek-their-due-from-political-parties-2574525 |archive-date=16 July 2018 |access-date=2021-02-22 |website=www.dnaindia.com |language=en}}</ref> |
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* [[Patidar]], 13% of state's population<ref name="Guha-2022" /> |
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===Andhra Pradesh, Telangana=== |
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* [[Kamma (caste)|Kamma]],<ref name="Aditi_2009"/> 5% of state's population <ref name="Guha-2022" /> |
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* [[Reddy]],<ref name="Aditi_2009">{{cite book |title=Business Standard Political Profiles of Cabals and Kings |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qT7QvviGoJsC&pg=PA182 |editor=Aditi Phadnis |year=2009 |publisher=Business Standard Books |isbn=978-81-905735-4-2 |page=182 }}</ref> 8% of state's population <ref name="Guha-2022" /> |
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* [[Kapu (caste)|Kapu]]<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.indiatoday.in/election-news/story/caste-to-play-key-role-in-andhra-pradesh-45081-2009-04-21|title=Caste to play key role in Andhra Pradesh|date=21 April 2009|website=India Today|language=en|access-date=21 January 2019}}</ref> |
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===Bihar=== |
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Source:<ref>{{cite web| url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/elections/bihar-elections-2015/news/Bihar-eection-Triveni-Sangh-on-revival-path/articleshow/49640108.cms |title=Bihar election: Triveni Sangh on revival path|first=Abdul|last=Qadir|website=[[The Times of India]] |date=2015-11-03}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Anuja |date=2014-04-30 |title=Bihar still votes on identity lines |url=https://www.livemint.com/Politics/bST8VvV3PLwQoJdLvY63dP/Bihar-still-votes-on-identity-lines.html |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140507035450/https://www.livemint.com/Politics/bST8VvV3PLwQoJdLvY63dP/Bihar-still-votes-on-identity-lines.html |archive-date=7 May 2014 |access-date=2022-07-03 |website=mint |language=en}}</ref> |
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* [[Kurmi]] |
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* [[Yadav]], <ref name="Guha-2022">{{Cite book |last=Guha |first=Ayan |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=m6-SEAAAQBAJ |title=The Curious Trajectory of Caste in West Bengal Politics: Chronicling Continuity and Change |date=2022-09-26 |publisher=BRILL |isbn=978-90-04-51456-0 |language=en}}</ref> |
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* [[Paswan|Dusadh]] |
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* [[Kushwaha]] or [[Koeri]] |
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* [[Brahmin]]s [[Maithil Brahmin|(Maithils]]) |
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*[[Rajput]] |
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*[[Bhumihar]] |
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===Uttar Pradesh=== |
===Uttar Pradesh=== |
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*[[Gujjar]] |
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* [[Dalit]]s, led by [[Mayawati]]<ref name="aljazeera.com">[http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2014/04/will-india-mayawati-hold-dalit-votes-2014415102632355284.html Will India's Mayawati hold on to Dalit votes? Baba Umar, 16 Apr 2014]</ref> |
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*[[Yadav]], 8.7% of state's population<ref name="Guha-2022" /> |
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* Muslims,<ref name="aljazeera.com"/> who supported Samajwadi party recently<ref>[http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/article-2334099/Samajwadi-Party-woos-Muslim-community-Lok-Sabha-nominee-switch.html Samajwadi Party woos Muslim community with Lok Sabha candidate switch in Uttar Pradesh,Aditya Menon, 31 May 2013]</ref> |
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* |
*[[Rajput]] |
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*[[Bhumihar]] |
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*[[Brahmin]] |
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*[[Kurmi]] |
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*[[Chamar]]s/Jatav, 9.92% of state's population<ref name="Guha-2022" /> |
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*[[Koeri]] |
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<ref name="aljazeera.com">{{Cite web |last=Umar |first=Baba |date=16 April 2014 |title=Will India's Mayawati hold on to Dalit votes? |url=https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2014/04/will-india-mayawati-hold-dalit-votes-2014415102632355284.html |access-date=21 January 2019 |website=www.aljazeera.com}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/bjp-narendra-modi-rajnath-singh-adityanath-devendra-fadnavis-upper-hand-for-upper-castes-in-house-4576599/|title=Upper caste gets upper hand|website=Indian Express|date=20 March 2017|access-date=2020-11-27}}</ref> |
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===Jammu & Kashmir=== |
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*Muslims Gujjars |
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*[[Mohyal Brahmin|Brahmin Sikhs]] |
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*[[Dogras|Dogra]] [[Brahmin]]s and [[Rajput]]s |
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===West Bengal=== |
===West Bengal=== |
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* Muslims |
* [[Bengali Muslims|Muslims]]<ref>{{Cite web |date=7 April 2014 |editor-last=Daniyal |editor-first=Shoaib |title=Lok Sabha elections 2014: Is Bengal's Muslim vote bank headed for Mandalisation? |url=https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/standpoint-lok-sabha-elections-2014-is-bengal-s-muslim-vote-bank-headed-for-mandalisation-1975912 |access-date=21 January 2019 |website=www.dnaindia.com|language=en}}</ref> |
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* [[Mahishya]], largest caste of Bengal forming around a quarter of province's Hindu population |
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* [[Rajbanshi people|Rajbanshi]], largest SC community of West Bengal, mainly concentrated in [[Coochbehar]] district |
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* [[Namasudra]]/Matua |
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* [[Gorkha District|Gorkha]] |
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===Karnataka=== |
===Karnataka=== |
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* [[Lingayat]]/[[Veerashaiva]], dominated in North Karnataka and Central Karnataka and some parts in Southern Karnataka, forms 15.3% of state's population <ref name="Guha-2022" /> |
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* Lingayat <ref>[http://www.rediff.com/news/report/in-k-taka-muslims-not-lingayats-will-decide-fate-of-govt/20130405.htm In K'taka, Muslims not Lingayats will decide next govt, April 05, 2013]</ref> |
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* [[Vokkaliga]]/[[Gowda (surname)|Gowda]] dominated in Old Mysuru region / Southern Karnataka especially in Mandya, Hassan and Bangalore, forms 10.8% of state's population <ref name="Guha-2022" /> |
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* Ahinda (Kannada acronym for minorities, backward classes and dalits) or MOD (Muslims, OBCs and Dalits)<ref>[http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bengaluru/Will-Ahinda-re-emerge/articleshow/19626557.cms Will Ahinda re-emerge?]</ref><ref>[http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/congress-will-help-implement-ahinda-agenda/article4547382.ece ‘Congress will help implement AHINDA agenda’]</ref> |
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* [[Kuruba]] |
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* [[AHINDA]] (Kannada acronym for minorities, backward classes and Dalits) or MOD (Muslims, OBCs and Dalits)<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bengaluru/Will-Ahinda-re-emerge/articleshow/19626557.cms|title=Will Ahinda re-emerge? – Times of India|website=The Times of India|date=19 April 2013 |access-date=21 January 2019}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/congress-will-help-implement-ahinda-agenda/article4547382.ece|title=Congress will help implement AHINDA agenda|last=Ranganna|first=T. S.|date=26 March 2013|work=The Hindu|access-date=21 January 2019|language=en-IN|issn=0971-751X}}</ref> in Bidar, Kalaburgi and Chamarajanagara. |
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===Kerala=== |
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*[[Ezhava]] |
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*[[Mapilla]] |
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*[[Nair]] |
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*[[Saint Thomas Christian]] |
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=== |
===Tamil Nadu=== |
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*[[Chettiar]] |
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* Thevar <ref>[http://m.rediff.com/election/1999/sep/09peri.htm In TN, Thevars,Vanniyars will decide next govt, April 05, 2013]</ref> |
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*[[Mudaliar]] |
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* Vanniyar |
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*[[Vanniyar]] |
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*[[Kongu Vellalar]] |
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*[[Nadar (caste)|Nadar]] |
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*[[Mukkulathor]] [[Thevar]] |
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*[[Devendrakula Velalar]] |
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*[[Reddiar]] |
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===Punjab=== |
===Punjab=== |
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* [[Bhuee clan|Bhuee]] |
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* [[Dalit]]s (especially [[Ad-Dharmi]]s and [[Mazhabi]]s), who tend to support [[Bahujan Samaj Party]]<ref>{{cite news|title=Addharmis and Valmikis are two powerful sub-groups among Dalits of Punjab.|url=http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131020/main3.htm}}</ref> |
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* [[Dalit]]s <ref>{{cite news|title=Addharmis and Valmikis are two powerful sub-groups among Dalits of Punjab.|url=http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131020/main3.htm}}</ref> |
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* [[Jat Sikh]]s,<ref>[http://punjabkhabar.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2591:vote-bank-politics-compelled-to-grant-obc-status-to-jat-sikhs-kainth&catid=17&Itemid=193 Vote bank politics co |
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*[[Brahmin]]s and [[Khatri]]s |
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mpelled to grant OBC status to Jat Sikhs: Kainth, Chanchal Manohar Singh, April 5, 2013]</ref> who tend to support [[Shiromani Akali Dal|Akali Dal(Bad |
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* [[Saini]] |
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* saini sikhs |
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*[[Jat Sikh]]s,<ref>[http://punjabkhabar.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2591:vote-bank-politics-compelled-to-grant-obc-status-to-Rajputs, jat-sikhs-kainth&catid=17&Itemid=193 Vote bank politics compelled to grant OBC status to Jat Sikhs: Kainth, Chanchal Manohar Singh, April 5, 2013]{{dead link|date=July 2017 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref> who tend to support [[Shiromani Akali Dal|Akali Dal (Badal)]] |
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===Rajasthan=== |
===Rajasthan === |
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* [[Jats]] |
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* Jat/Bishnoi, Rajput,Gurjar/Gujjars<ref>[http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/specials/assembly-elections-2013/rajasthan-assembly-elections/Rajasthan-polls-Its-caste-politics-all-the-way/articleshow/24064494.cms Rajasthan polls: It's caste politics all the way Prakash Bhandari,TNN, Oct 13, 2013]</ref> |
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* [[Yadav]] |
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*[[Gujjar]] |
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*[[Jangid]] |
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*[[Meenas]], |
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*[[Rajputs]], |
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*[[Brahmin]] |
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<ref>{{cite web |last=Goswami |first=Rakesh |date=13 December 2018 |title=Rajasthan Assembly Election Results 2018: Jats get maximum seats in the House followed by Rajputs |url=https://www.hindustantimes.com/rajasthan-elections/rajasthan-assembly-election-results-2018-jats-get-maximum-seats-in-the-house-followed-by-rajputs/story-vTNpuW39hTI8MBEyLfzrNP.html |access-date=2020-11-27 |website=[[Hindustan Times]]}}</ref> |
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===Maharashtra=== |
===Maharashtra=== |
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*[[Dhangar]] |
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* Marathas (32%) |
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*[[Kunbi]] (sub caste of Maratha), [[Maratha (caste)|Maratha]], 31.19% of state's population <ref name="Guha-2022" /> |
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*Kunbi (OBC)(18%) |
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* |
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*Dhangars (NT in State, OBC in Center) (12%) |
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*[[Mahar]] |
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* SC 15% |
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* [[Mali caste|Mali]]s |
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* ST 9% |
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*[[Brahmin]] |
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* NT (Other than Dhangars) 3% |
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*Mali (OBC)(8%) |
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===Odisha=== |
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*Muslims lower castes (OBC) 2% |
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*[[Yadav]] |
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*Muslims Upper castes 4% |
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*[[Brahmin]] |
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*Bramhans 3% |
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*[[Karan (caste)|Karan]] |
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* Teli 3 % |
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*[[Khandayat]], [[Chasa (caste)|Chasa]] |
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===Madhya Pradesh=== |
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*[[Gujjar]]s |
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*[[Yadav]] |
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*[[Kurmi]]s |
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*[[Rajputs]] |
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*[[Brahmin]]s |
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==Controversial issues== |
==Controversial issues== |
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===Reservation system=== |
=== SC/ST Reservation system === |
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In 1954, the Ministry of Education suggested that 20 per cent of places should be reserved for the SCs and STs in educational institutions with a provision to relax minimum qualifying marks for admission by 5 per cent wherever required. In 1982, it was specified that 15 per cent and 7.5 per cent of vacancies in public sector and government-aided educational institutes should be reserved for the SC and ST candidates, respectively.<ref>{{cite web |title=Educational Safeguards |url=http://www.education.nic.in/cd50years/g/S/I6/0SI60301.htm |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090619063917/http://www.education.nic.in/cd50years/g/S/I6/0SI60301.htm |archive-date=19 June 2009 |access-date=11 January 2022 |website=www.education.nic.in}}</ref> |
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=== OBC Reservation system === |
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{{Main|Mandal commission}} |
{{Main|Mandal commission}} |
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The |
The Mandal Commission, or the Socially Backward Classes Commission (SEBC), was established in India on 1 January 1979 by the [[Janata Party]] government under Prime Minister [[Morarji Desai]]<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=P-c0nGTRxRIC&q=mandal+commission+and+mandalisation&pg=PA257|title=Current Trends in Indian Politics|last=Gehlot|first=N. S.|date=1998|publisher=Deep & Deep Publications|isbn=9788171007981|language=en}}</ref> with a mandate to "identify the socially or educationally backward classes" of India.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.theotherindia.org/caste/who-are-the-obcs.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060627065912/http://www.theotherindia.org/caste/who-are-the-obcs.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=27 June 2006|title=Who are the OBCs? at How the Other Half Lives|date=27 June 2006|access-date=21 January 2019}}</ref> It was headed by the late B.P. Mandal an Indian parliamentarian, to consider the question of reservations for people to redress caste discrimination, and used eleven social, economic, and educational indicators to determine backwardness. In 1980, based on its rationale that OBCs ("Other backward classes") identified on the basis of caste, economic and social indicators comprised 52% of India's population, the commission's report recommended that members of Other Backward Classes (OBC) be granted reservations to 27 per cent of jobs under the Central government and public sector undertakings, thus making the total number of reservations for SC, ST and OBC to 49%.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Mandal Commission |url=http://www.simplydecoded.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/Mandal-commission-report.pdf |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180218232209/http://www.simplydecoded.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/Mandal-commission-report.pdf |archive-date=18 February 2018 |access-date=7 July 2018 |website=www.simplydecoded.com}}</ref> |
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|title=Mandal's True Inheritors |
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Though the report had been completed in 1983, the V.P.Singh government declared its intent to implement the report in August 1990, leading to widespread student protests.<ref name="The Hindu-2007">{{Cite news|url=https://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/ldquoTime-to-curb-number-of-backward-castesrdquo/article14834500.ece|title=Time to curb number of backward castes|date=13 September 2007|work=The Hindu|access-date=21 January 2019|language=en-IN|issn=0971-751X}}</ref> It was thereafter provided a temporary stay order by the Supreme court, but implemented in 1992 in the central government.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-others/sunday-story-mandal-commission-report-25-years-later/|title=Sunday Story: Mandal Commission report, 25 years later|date=1 September 2015|website=The Indian Express|language=en-IN|access-date=21 January 2019}}</ref> |
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|url=http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2006-04-12/edit-page/27800797_1_mandal-report-mandal-commission-obcs |
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|publisher=[[The Times of India]] |
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The commission estimated that 52% of the total population of India (excluding SCs and STs), belonging to 3,743 different castes and communities, were 'backward'.<ref>{{Cite web |last=albert |date=11 April 2006 |title=Who are the OBCs? |url=http://www.theotherindia.org/caste/who-are-the-obcs.html |url-status=usurped |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060627065912/http://www.theotherindia.org/caste/who-are-the-obcs.html |archive-date=27 June 2006 |website=How the Other Half Lives}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Ramaseshan |first=Radhika |date=12 May 2010 |title=BC, DC or EC? What lies ahead of the census – Haphazard lists and multiple definitions could pose hurdles in establishing identity during the caste count |url=https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/bc-dc-or-ec-what-lies-ahead-of-the-census-haphazard-lists-and-multiple-definitions-could-pose-hurdles-in-establishing-identity-during-the-caste-count/cid/518585 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181225123156/https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/bc-dc-or-ec-what-lies-ahead-of-the-census-haphazard-lists-and-multiple-definitions-could-pose-hurdles-in-establishing-identity-during-the-caste-count/cid/518585 |archive-date=25 December 2018 |access-date=21 January 2019 |website=www.telegraphindia.com |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.indiatoday.in/magazine/cover-story/story/20060717-reservation-policy-for-obcs-who-would-benefit-and-the-costs-involved-782759-2006-07-17|title=Reservation policy for OBCs: Who would benefit and what are the costs involved|last1=MishraFarz|first1=Neeraj|last2=Chengappa|first2=Ahmed Raj|date=17 July 2006|website=India Today|language=en|access-date=21 January 2019}}</ref> The number of backward castes in Central list of OBCs increased to 5,013 (without the figures for most of the Union Territories) in 2006 as per the [[National Commission for Backward Classes]].<ref name="The Hindu-2007" /><ref>{{Cite web |title=The Muslim OBCs And Affirmative Action |url=https://www.outlookindia.com/website/story/the-muslim-obcs-and-affirmative-action/233259 |access-date=21 January 2019 |website=www.outlookindia.com|date=30 November 2006 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Jagannathan |first=R |date=17 July 2015 |title=SECC 2011: Why we are headed for Mandal 2 and more quotas before 2019 |url=https://www.firstpost.com/india/secc-2011-headed-mandal-2-quotas-2019-2347952.html |access-date=21 January 2019 |website=Firstpost}}</ref> |
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|date=2006-12-12 |
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|accessdate=2006-12-12 |
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}}</ref> as he feared that well-to-do [[Other Backward Classes|OBCs]] would corner all the benefits of reservation. |
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== See also == |
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A decade after the commission gave its report, [[V. P. Singh]], the Prime Minister at the time, tried to implement its recommendations in 1989. The criticism was sharp and colleges across the country held massive protests against it. Many alleged that the politicians were trying to cash on caste-based reservations for purely pragmatic electoral purposes. [[Rajiv Goswami]], student of Delhi University, threatened self-immolation in protest of the government's actions. His act further sparked a series of [[self-immolation]]s by other college students and led to a formidable movement against job reservations for [[Backward Castes]] in India. |
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* [[Caste system in India]] |
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* [[Identity politics]] |
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* [[KHAM theory]] |
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*[[Luv-Kush equation]] |
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==References== |
==References== |
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{{Reflist| |
{{Reflist|30em}} |
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==Further reading== |
==Further reading== |
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|author-link=Rajni Kothari |
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|title=Caste in Indian Politics |
|title=Caste in Indian Politics |
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|year=2004 |
|year=2004 |
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|publisher=[[Orient Longman]] |
|publisher=[[Orient Longman]] |
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|isbn=81-250-0637- |
|isbn=978-81-250-0637-4 |
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}} |
}} |
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* {{cite book |
* {{cite book |
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|last=Bayly |
|last = Bayly |
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|first=Susan |
|first = Susan |
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|title=Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age |
|title = Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age |
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|url=http://www.cambridge.org/uk/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=0521264340 |
|url = http://www.cambridge.org/uk/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=0521264340 |
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|date=July 1999 |
|date = July 1999 |
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|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]] |
|publisher = [[Cambridge University Press]] |
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|isbn=978-0-521-26434-1 |
|isbn = 978-0-521-26434-1 |
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|access-date = 12 December 2006 |
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|doi=10.2277/0521264340 |
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|archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20071013192735/http://www.cambridge.org/uk/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=0521264340 |
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|archive-date = 13 October 2007 |
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|url-status = dead |
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}} |
}} |
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*Jain, Meenakshi, Congress Party, 1967–77: Role of Caste in Indian Politics (Vikas, 1991), {{ISBN|0706953193}} |
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* Bashiruddin Ahmed. ''[http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0004-4687(197011)10%3A11%3C979%3ACAEP%3E2.0.CO%3B2-L Caste and Electoral Politics]''. Asian Survey, Vol. 10, No. 11, Elections and Party Politics in India: A Symposium (Nov., 1970), pp. 979–992 |
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* {{cite journal|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/2642818 |jstor=2642818 |last1=Ahmed |first1=Bashiruddin |title=Caste and Electoral Politics |journal=Asian Survey |date=1970 |volume=10 |issue=11 |pages=979–992 |doi=10.2307/2642818 }} |
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* Firstpost News, [http://www.firstpost.com/india/signature-kids-rss-dream-of-perfect-babies-is-fed-by-our-own-nightmarish-hopes-dreams-and-actions-3435522.html Signature kids? RSS formula of perfect babies is fed by our own nightmarish hopes] |
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* {{cite journal|url=https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0021909619839430 |doi=10.1177/0021909619839430 |title=Understanding Hegemony of Caste in Political Islam and Sufism in Sindh, Pakistan |date=2019 |last1=Hussain |first1=Ghulam |journal=Journal of Asian and African Studies |volume=54 |issue=5 |pages=716–745 }} |
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* {{cite journal|url=https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/metrics/10.1177/0021909619863455 |doi=10.1177/0021909619863455 |title='Dalits are in India, not in Pakistan': Exploring the Discursive Bases of the Denial of Dalitness under the Ashrafia Hegemony |date=2020 |last1=Hussain |first1=Ghulam |journal=Journal of Asian and African Studies |volume=55 |pages=17–43 }} |
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Latest revision as of 19:33, 22 December 2024
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In India, a caste although it's a western stratification arrived from Portuguese word Casta and Latin word castus ,is a (usually endogamous) social group where membership is decided by birth.[1] Broadly, Indian castes are divided into the Forward Castes, Other Backward Classes, Scheduled Castes, and Scheduled Tribes. Indian Christians and Indian Muslims are also function as castes (a full list of castes can be found at the end of this article). With castes separating individuals into different social groups, it follows that each group will have conflicting interests; oftentimes putting those with lower social standing in less favorable positions. An attempt to address this inequality has been the reservation system, which essentially acts as affirmative action to provide representation to caste groups that have been systematically disadvantaged. There have also been other cases where political parties, like the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), was formed to challenge the power of the upper castes.
The role that castes play in India's political system was institutionalised by the British colonist where upper-caste dominance within government was perpetuated and reinforced. Although there were efforts to address this discrepancy through measures like the Communal Award and educational empowerment (see ‘Sanskritization’), this remained the status quo until the 1990s when an economic liberalisation in India diminished state control and fueled the rise of caste-centric parties focused on empowering lower castes. However, these parties were often rife with corruption as it was seen as a way to level the playing field.[citation needed] Leaders of what came to be known as 'caste mafia' took advantage of lower caste dissent towards upper caste institutions and openly robbed state institutions.[citation needed]
Caste not only determines one's role in political institutions; it also influences access to resources like land as well as police and judicial assistance.[citation needed] Despite the traditional dominance of upper caste parties, the concentration of lower caste individuals in specific areas can lead to regional dominance, impacting political representation. However, this mainly impacts male members of the lower castes as women from lower castes have traditionally been excluded from participating in the political sphere.[citation needed] This discrimination has continued in recent times as women from lower castes are continued to be looked down upon for their low educational levels. Organizations such as the Gulabi Gang as well as the United Nations are currently working to improve lower caste women's social mobility and independence.
History
Historically,[2] it has been very hard to change the structure of caste politics in India. More recently[when?] however, there has been a flux in caste politics, mainly caused by economic liberalisation in India. Contemporary India has seen the influence of caste start to decline. This is partly due to the spread of education to all castes which has had a democratising effect on the political system. However, this "equalising" of the playing field has not been without controversy. The Mandal Commission and its quotas system has been a particularly sensitive issue.
Colonial history
The British institutionalised caste into the workings of the major government institutions within India. The main benefactors of this indirect rule were the upper castes or forward castes, which maintained their hegemony and monopoly of control and influence over government institutes long after independence from the British. The state of post-colonial India promised development, rule of law, and nation building, but in reality, was a complex network of patronage systems, which solidified the upper-caste position of dominance over civil service institutions. This network undermined the very promises of 'nation building' that post-colonial India had made and ushered in an area of upper-caste dominance that lasted for the next four decades.
In August 1932, the then Prime Minister of Britain, Ramsay MacDonald, made what became known as the Communal Award. According to it, separate representation was to be provided for communities such as the Dalit, Muslims, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians and Europeans. These depressed classes were assigned a number of seats to be filled by election from special constituencies in which only voters belonging to these classes could vote.
Caste-based mobilisation
The rise of caste-based mobilisation allowed marginalized caste groups to move past the mere consolations of legislative abolition, extending caste into the political frameworks.[3] The term refers to the 'second democratic upsurge' from the late 1980s with high voter turnout and representation of lower-caste communities in state and national assemblies.[4] Caste-based political mobilizations carried out by regional parties, like the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party, especially in agrarian settings. The objective was caste-empowerment, aimed at resisting the inequalities perpetuated by the oppression of powerful upper-caste bureaucracies and governments.[5] Regional political parties tapped into frustrations of marginalization by lower-caste communities. However, the rise of caste politics has not necessarily resulted in developmental gains for those at the bottom of the caste ladder.[6]
Published studies have presented evidence suggesting that the influence of caste has been declining since the mid-1990s, including areas in rural India where the higher class castes held greater dominance over lower class castes, and also in urban interaction and hereditary occupations.[7][8] Rather than a long-established, unchanging institution, caste is subject to political influence. Changes in political leadership throughout the history of India have led to changes in the structure of the caste system. India's colonial past has shaped caste into a flexible institution, generating a new system that has crucial influences on political mobilisation.[9] In some regions of India, strategic reconstructions of the caste system have taken place. For instance, the Bahujan Samaj Party in the state of Punjab was first initiated by urban political entrepreneurs who belonged to the former lower caste groups.[10] The pliable caste system in the post-independence era acts as a tool for identifying marginal groups and political mobilisation. Various political leaderships can alter and influence the caste system to give different groups of people unequal rights in accessing public services and political competition.
A distinct feature of lower caste mobilization in North India is the importance of ‘Sanskritization’ as ideological grounds; by comparison, ‘ethnicization’ has been more prevalent in West and South India. Sanskritization refers to the process of emulation that lower castes may adopt, to enhance their status in society by mirroring Brahminical (upper caste) rituals and values.[11] In contrast, ethnicization endeavors to establish a separate identity for a lower caste group because the objective is to produce “nonhierarchical social imaginaries.”[11] For instance, the Yadav caste group did not resort to inventing a Dravidian identity to position themselves against the Aryan identity, as leaders in the South and the West had done. Instead, the key logic was to enhance their status by identifying themselves within the Aryan group.[11] At the same time, it is important to note that the two processes are not mutually exclusive and in fact, most leaders wanted to develop separate identities from the dominant culture. The prominent influence of Sanskritization meant that mobilizations in the North were restricted by conforming to the existing hierarchies, and in practical terms, this reinforced the dominance of elites within a specific region.
Education
Education spread to the lower castes after India gained independence. The younger generations of all castes have had access to educational resources since the 1980s. The number of the Scheduled and Backward Castes people receiving education increased at a faster rate than that of the upper caste groups. The spread of education to all castes generated democratizing effects. Some representatives of the SC and ST groups obtained access to Congress in the 1950s~1960s (1179). Due to their higher education levels, they are less likely to respond to the upper-caste patrons, but to the needs and interests of the lower castes.
Caste and political power
The removal of the boundaries between "civil society" and "political society" meant that caste now played a huge role in the political arena and also influenced other government-run institutions such as police and the judicial system. Though caste seemed to dictate one's access to such institutions, the location of that caste also played an important role. If a lower caste were concentrated enough in one area, it could then translate that pocket of concentration of its caste members into political power and then challenge the hegemony of locally dominant upper caste. Gender also plays a significant role in the power dynamic of caste in politics. Women's representation within the political system seems to also be tied to their caste. Lower, more conservative castes have less female participation in politics than upper, more socially liberal, castes. This has caused a disproportionately large number of upper-caste women to occupy political office when compared to their lower caste counterparts. The hierarchy of caste and its role in politics and access to power and resources has created a society of patron-client relationships along caste lines. This eventually led to the practice of vote banking, where voters back only candidates that are in their caste,[12] or officials from which they expect to receive some kind of benefits.
The caste system has traditionally had significant influence over people's access to power. The privileged upper caste groups benefit more by gaining substantially more economic and political power, while the lower caste groups have limited access to those powers. The caste system distributes to different castes different economic strengths. The upper caste groups can then manipulate the economic and political system to transfer economic strength into political power.[13]
It has been argued by Professor Dipankar Gupta that the role of castes in Indian elections have been overplayed.[14][undue weight? – discuss]
Access to power
In rural North India, upper and middle-ranking castes dominate the ownership of land. They were able to transfer this control over wealth into political dominance over the Panchayat decision. The Panchayat is a local government unit that is in-charge of resources disbursement. The dominant caste groups monopolised leadership positions in the Panchayat, thus gaining more opportunities to government contracts, employment and funding.
Access to police and judicial assistance also depends on which caste one belongs to. By bribing, influencing and intimidating the police and judicial officials, the rural north Indian middle and upper castes tend to manipulate the local police and judicial power more successfully. These types of political rent-seeking have also helped secure the supply of rents to dominant castes through other channels such as 'rigging Panchayat elections, capturing electoral booths, and using pre-election intimidatory tactics in elections for the state assembly.'[13] Whether an individual or a group can raise enough money for constant bribes depends on the caste-based socioeconomic status. Hence, the advantage in accessing economic resources not only transfers into but also reinforces the political might of the dominant caste groups.
Certain scientists and activists, such as MIT systems scientist Dr. VA Shiva Ayyadurai, blame caste for holding back innovation and scientific research in India, making it difficult to sustain progress while regressive social organisation prevails.[15][16]
Caste, ascribed at birth, is also influenced by where one is born. Political lines in India have often been drawn along caste lines; however, this is only part of the story. Caste is often specific to a particular area. These caste pockets create a locally dominant castes. Because of the political structure in India, local dominance can translate into regional dominance. This concentration of caste population has meant that smaller, less influential castes have the opportunity stake there claims in the political power arena. However, if a non-dominant caste is not concentrated in a particular area, then they are not likely to get any representation without teaming up with another caste to increase their influence. This means that "localized concentration facilitates a space for contesting the domination of State-level dominant caste".[17] For instance, the Maratha-Kunbi caste has concentrations of populations all over the Indian states. They thus managed to receive maximum representation at the state legislature.[17]
Though the caste system factors greatly in determining who makes up the local elites, it also plays a huge role in determining women's influence and representation in the political system. In India's bicameral parliamentary system, women represent a minuscule amount of each house. Of the people's assembly, made up of 545 members, women represent a mere 5.2 percent; and in the State assembly, with 259 members, women make up only 8.8 percent. Both houses have seen an alarming decline in female representatives in the most recent decades[when?]. Of the 39 women representatives in the Indian Parliament most were members of higher castes. Caste, which eventually effects class, is one of the most important factors in determining a woman's successful inclusion into the political system. This may be due to the fact that higher castes challenge the role of the traditional Indian woman and so their caste position gives them a greater range of options that are not available to lower more traditional castes. This inflated representation of elite caste in public offices has meant that the impact they have on public policy is disproportionately large in comparison to their actual numbers.[18]
Political corruption
Corruption thus translated into power and a means to enter the political arena, once only open to upper caste members. Corruption in India became a way to level the playing field. This struggle for empowerment that was forced to operate outside of the rule of law produced caste-based mafia networks. These mafia-networks began to chip away at upper caste control over state institutions.[19][page needed]
However, unlike their predecessor, these caste mafia groups were not concerned with 'development', but mainly viewed elections and democracy as a way of gaining control of the state, which would enable them to level social inequalities. This new state envisioned a government of "Social Justice" through caste empowerment. Within the context of "social justice" corruption pontificated by the caste mafias became tolerated, and in some cases, as in the province of Bihar, even celebrated.
The very nature of caste politics inherently means that there are no boundaries between "civil society" and "political society", as demonstrated by the proliferation caste mafia. The mafia dons became mayors, ministers, and even members of Parliament. Therefore, there was no alternative to fight against these mafia figures and political brokers. Because rule of law was perceived to be a mechanism of upper caste control, corruption used by caste mafia became popularly accepted, as it was perceived to be a means to achieve lower caste empowerment. The corruption elevated to such a level that nearly all elected officials in some towns and regions were also criminals. The upper castes who had used their control over the state to discreetly plunder its institutions for their own gain, were now replaced by the mafia dons who now openly pillaged the state institutions. Many of these elected ministers/mafia dons were jailed for the illegal practices they employed; however, this was widely touted as the upper castes trying to regain dominance by eliminating supporters. Corruption and politics became so common that at a time it was not uncommon for election results to be contested from a prison cell.
Corruption therefore translated into power and a means to enter the political arena, once only open to upper caste members. In this way corruption was seen as a way to level the playing field. As a result, corruption was tolerated and in some villages championed under the banner of "social justice".[19]
In the 1951 election, three ethnic parties challenged the Congress party: the Ram Rajya Parishad, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. These three parties sought to gain support from the Hindu majority. The All India Scheduled Caste Federation bid for support from the ex-untouchable castes. Three of the four ethnic parties gradually disappeared because they were not able to obtain enough votes. In the late 1980s, the Congress began to decline. More non-congress parties started to challenge the Congress dominance. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) descended from the Bharatiya Jana Sangh. It attempted to pit Hindus against Muslims. The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Janata Dal (JD) tried to seek support from the Scheduled Castes, and Muslims against the upper castes.[20]
The intense party competitions that started in the late 1970s have also weakened the influence of caste in Indian politics. Traditionally, Indian political parties have been constructed from top-down. Party leaders relied on preexisted patron-client networks to collect votes. Hence, no parties established fixed organisations to keep constant contacts with the village-level. Since 1977, the number of youth participating in politics has significantly increased. Due to the lack of fixed organisations, political parties had to rely on the young village members for political mobilisation.[10] Often, these young villagers exerted more political influence than the upper caste leaders and patrons. The status of these young people in the village depended on how much he could contribute to the economic development of the village. It is easier for the youth to maintain their status by rallying rather than remain loyal to a specific party. This also weakened the influence of caste and clientelism on Indian politics.
In the 1990s, many parties Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the Janata Dal started claiming that they were representing the backward castes. Many such parties, relying primarily on Backward Classes' support, often in alliance with Dalits and Muslims, rose to power in Indian states.[21] At the same time, many Dalit leaders and intellectuals started realising that the main Dalit oppressors were the so-called Other Backward Classes, and formed their own parties, such as the Indian Justice Party. The Congress (I) in Maharashtra long relied on OBCs' backing for its political success.[21] Bharatiya Janata Party has also showcased its Dalit and OBC leaders to prove that it is not an upper-caste party. Bangaru Laxman, the former BJP president (2001–2002) was a former Dalit. Sanyasin Uma Bharati, former CM of Madhya Pradesh, who belongs to OBC caste, was a former BJP leader. In 2006 Arjun Singh cabinet minister for MHRD of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was accused of playing caste politics when he introduced reservations for OBCs in educational institutions all around.
In Tamil Nadu, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) party rose to power promising representation of all castes in all important sectors of society.
Clientelism
Politics in India highly depended on patron-client ties along the caste lines during the Congress-dominating period. The caste that one belongs to serves as a strong determinant of his or her voting pattern.[22] In India, different political parties represent the interests of different caste groups. The upper and merchant castes such as Brahmin, Rajput and Kayasth and the rich Muslim groups tend to express their interests through the Congress Party. The agrarian upper caste Jats tend to vote for the competing parties. Numerically minor parties, represented by the Jan Sangh, receive votes almost exclusively from the upper and trading castes.[22] However, caste does not solely determine voting behaviours. Discrepancies occur especially for the upper caste groups[citation needed].[22] This means that not everyone from the same caste would vote for only one particular party. The upper caste people have more freedom to vote by political beliefs. The Mandal Commission covered more than 3000 Other Backward Castes. It is thus not clear which parties are associated with each castes.
Loyal groups of voters usually back a certain candidate or party during elections with the expectation of receiving benefits once their candidate is in office. This practice, called "votebank", is prolific throughout most regions of the country. Many political parties in India have openly indulged in caste-based votebank politics. The Congress party used votebank to maintain power; the competing parties constructed votebanks to challenge the Congress dominance of politics.
Women in Caste Politics
Women in higher castes have always had the advantage to participate in the political sphere in comparison to their lower caste counterparts. While the exclusion of women in politics has long been and continues to be prominent in these caste-based countries, women in these upper castes are privy to resources—such as better social, economic, health, education, employment, and political standing—that Dalit, or untouchable, women could never attain and thus leave these women with little to no chance at political participation and representation.
Social Standing
Dalit women are the lowest social class due to the intersectionality of their gender and untouchable social standing. These women have to work to provide for their families and complete domestic housework all while being subject to psychological and emotional abuse from their spouse.[23] When working outside of the home, these women complete jobs alongside their male counterparts as hands in the fields and other low paid risky jobs. They work these laborious jobs to be able to afford basic necessities for their family and home such as shelter, food, and water. This idea of keeping Dalits away from higher castes in the workforce is more extreme than just the types of jobs the different castes work. When food is being served to workers, Dalits must eat away from higher castes. This separation extends to other basic necessities such as water. Dalits are not allowed to use the same water sources as the upper castes and if they do, untouchables risk physical abuse and the water tank needs to be purified.[24]
Because untouchable women have no social standing, their issues are not noticed or deemed an issue in the political sphere. This lack of awareness creates a vicious cycle as these women must continue to work low paying jobs to be able to support their families and complete house work, so they do not have the time to dedicate to political intervention after this double-shift. Thereby, Dalit women are not represented in politics.
Economic Standing
Dalits do not have consistent pay. Usually, they will work seasonal jobs such as sewing clothes during the rainy season or fix tools when they are being used.[23] These jobs are usually low-paying and short, causing Dalit women to take any job available to them at the time. Because of their need for money, women have turned to alternative forms of work such as sex work to be able to have consistent funds. Sometimes one income is not enough so Dalit families have begun to prepare their daughters for similar work.[25]
These jobs do not have the credibility untouchable women would need to be taken seriously by politicians. Sex work is seen as promiscuous and perverted while upper caste women spend their time in the private sphere focusing on the house and the home. These jobs are safer and take less time, thus allowing upper caste women to be able to provide their attention to the feminist movement and gaining equal rights economically, politically, and socially to their upper caste male counterparts.
Health Standing
Because of their sex work, Dalits are much more likely to suffer from diseases such as HIV and AIDS.[26] Additionally, most Dalit live in unsanitary homes with high risk for disease. Because of this, Dalits are more likely to suffer from gastrointestinal, water, and airborne diseases in comparison to upper castes.[23] Though, the ones most vulnerable to disease is Dalit women; They work both inside and out of the home meaning that they are more likely to catch and have to care for disease all while still having to complete their household work.[23] They also have shorter life spans[27] probably due to malnutrition and this increased risk for disease. This shorter lifespan causes Dalit women to have to have many pregnancies and births earlier in life in hopes that few of the children survive and thus help the family economically.[28]
Because of their health issues and other responsibilities, Dalit women do not have the time nor the health to be able to gain any political standing. Instead, they must shift their focus to survive another day regardless of the conditions they are in economically, socially, and politically.
Educational Standing
As the lowest class, Dalits and were not allowed to easily access education and Dalit women were completely prohibited.[29] However, around 1950, Dalit women were granted access to education. This was not a smooth transition. Dalit women faced discrimination as their teachers were often from the Brahman class and enjoyed the power they held over Dalit women.[29] This discrimination along with their needs to support their families led many Dalits and specifically Dalit women to drop out of school. In a study titled Access of Disadvantaged Children to Education 2005, as much as 30% of the schooled children dropout of school.[30] Dalit women's literacy is below 5%.[23]
Because of their lack of literacy, education, and priority to care for their families, Dalit women are not currently equipped to engaged in politics. They cannot read or understand any of the legislation that is written for or against them and do not have the time to fight for legislation that would benefit them as they must ensure their families well-being, a full-time job in and of itself.
Women's Movements for Dalit Women
Relatively recently, the position of Dalit women have been heard. Specifically, the creation of the Gulabi Gang and the United Nations have taken positions to help improve the lives of these women.
Gulabi Gang
The Gulabi Gang is not a gang in the traditional sense, the founder, Sampat Pal explained. The gang was founded in the poorest region in India and works to improve Dalit women's social mobility and independence while working to eradicate violence and oppression.[31] The Gulabi Gang is known for its bright pink traditional saris and wielded bamboo sticks. Pal chose this color because it was free from any religious or political associations in India while the bamboo sticks prepare the women for any battle they may face.[32]
If the gang is successful at lowering violence and oppression for all women in the caste system and specifically Dalit women, they would have the chance to engage in politics. These women are working to create change and allow Dalit women to live fulfilling lives and fight for what they believe in within the political and justice systems instead of being forced to provide for their families.
United Nations
The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights released a statement on June 17, 2014, titled "Violence against Women and Girls from caste-affected communities."[33] The speech opens by claiming "caste-based discrimination fundamentally undermines human dignity” and explains how low-caste women such as Dalits face double discrimination against their gender and class which ultimately leads them to live low socioeconomic lives.[33] The speech comes after the death of two Dalit girls whose village sat at the site of their death until their deaths were investigated. The global uproar of these deaths became so intense that the United Nations commented and committed themselves to help improve the position of low-caste women through legislation, humans' rights mechanisms, and special procedures.
If these methods are effective, Dalit women would be able to live sustainable lives that would not require them to constantly work low paying jobs, live in poverty, and eat better. In return, they would have more free time to be able to commit to politics and ultimately become an engaged and civically involved citizens.
List of castes
For political/government purposes, the castes[34] are broadly divided into[35]
- Forward Castes (30.80% of the population)[35]
- Other Backward Classes (OBC) (about 41.0% of the population)[35]
- Scheduled Castes (about 19.7% of the population)[35]
- Scheduled Tribes (about 8.5% of the population)[35]
The Indian Muslims (14.2%), and Christians (2.3%) often function as castes.
Official lists are compiled by states recognizing the OBC, Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. The dividing lines can be ambiguous, several castes have demanded a lower rank so that they can avail the privileges offered. The term upper caste also refers to forward castes, when news reports refer to the Scheduled Castes in relation to the two upper groups.
Delhi
Haryana
s[36] (Brahmin belt of Haryana)
Gujarat
Andhra Pradesh, Telangana
Bihar
Uttar Pradesh
- Gujjar
- Yadav, 8.7% of state's population[37]
- Rajput
- Bhumihar
- Brahmin
- Kurmi
- Chamars/Jatav, 9.92% of state's population[37]
- Koeri
Jammu & Kashmir
- Muslims Gujjars
- Brahmin Sikhs
- Dogra Brahmins and Rajputs
West Bengal
- Muslims[46]
- Mahishya, largest caste of Bengal forming around a quarter of province's Hindu population
- Rajbanshi, largest SC community of West Bengal, mainly concentrated in Coochbehar district
- Namasudra/Matua
- Gorkha
Karnataka
- Lingayat/Veerashaiva, dominated in North Karnataka and Central Karnataka and some parts in Southern Karnataka, forms 15.3% of state's population [37]
- Vokkaliga/Gowda dominated in Old Mysuru region / Southern Karnataka especially in Mandya, Hassan and Bangalore, forms 10.8% of state's population [37]
- Kuruba
- AHINDA (Kannada acronym for minorities, backward classes and Dalits) or MOD (Muslims, OBCs and Dalits)[47][48] in Bidar, Kalaburgi and Chamarajanagara.
Kerala
Tamil Nadu
Punjab
Rajasthan
Maharashtra
- Dhangar
- Kunbi (sub caste of Maratha), Maratha, 31.19% of state's population [37]
- Mahar
- Malis
- Brahmin
Odisha
Madhya Pradesh
Controversial issues
SC/ST Reservation system
In 1954, the Ministry of Education suggested that 20 per cent of places should be reserved for the SCs and STs in educational institutions with a provision to relax minimum qualifying marks for admission by 5 per cent wherever required. In 1982, it was specified that 15 per cent and 7.5 per cent of vacancies in public sector and government-aided educational institutes should be reserved for the SC and ST candidates, respectively.[52]
OBC Reservation system
The Mandal Commission, or the Socially Backward Classes Commission (SEBC), was established in India on 1 January 1979 by the Janata Party government under Prime Minister Morarji Desai[53] with a mandate to "identify the socially or educationally backward classes" of India.[54] It was headed by the late B.P. Mandal an Indian parliamentarian, to consider the question of reservations for people to redress caste discrimination, and used eleven social, economic, and educational indicators to determine backwardness. In 1980, based on its rationale that OBCs ("Other backward classes") identified on the basis of caste, economic and social indicators comprised 52% of India's population, the commission's report recommended that members of Other Backward Classes (OBC) be granted reservations to 27 per cent of jobs under the Central government and public sector undertakings, thus making the total number of reservations for SC, ST and OBC to 49%.[55]
Though the report had been completed in 1983, the V.P.Singh government declared its intent to implement the report in August 1990, leading to widespread student protests.[56] It was thereafter provided a temporary stay order by the Supreme court, but implemented in 1992 in the central government.[57]
The commission estimated that 52% of the total population of India (excluding SCs and STs), belonging to 3,743 different castes and communities, were 'backward'.[58][59][60] The number of backward castes in Central list of OBCs increased to 5,013 (without the figures for most of the Union Territories) in 2006 as per the National Commission for Backward Classes.[56][61][62]
See also
References
- ^ "Study reveals origin of India's caste system". The Times of India. 11 August 2013. Retrieved 21 January 2019.
- ^ Kishore, Roshan (28 January 2016). "Caste matters everywhere: schools, jobs or life at large". www.livemint.com. Retrieved 21 January 2019.
- ^ Bayly, Susan (2001). Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–24.
- ^ Witsoe, Jeffrey (2009). "Territorial Democracy: Caste, Dominance and Electoral Practice in Postcolonial India". Political and Legal Anthropology Review. 32 (1): 71. doi:10.1111/j.1555-2934.2009.01024.x. ISSN 1081-6976. JSTOR 24497526 – via JSTOR.
- ^ P Mines, Dianne; Lamb, Sarah (2002). Everyday Life in South Asia. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. p. 172.
- ^ Karunakar, Patra (2022). "Strategic Mobilization of Identities by BJP In Uttar Pradesh Assembly Election, 2022". Politico. 14 (2): 22.
- ^ "History of the Indian Caste System and its Impact on India Today". California Polythechnic State University. Fall 2010. Retrieved 27 October 2022.
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Further reading
- Kothari, Rajni (2004). Caste in Indian Politics. Orient Longman. ISBN 978-81-250-0637-4.
- Bayly, Susan (July 1999). Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-26434-1. Archived from the original on 13 October 2007. Retrieved 12 December 2006.
- Jain, Meenakshi, Congress Party, 1967–77: Role of Caste in Indian Politics (Vikas, 1991), ISBN 0706953193
- Ahmed, Bashiruddin (1970). "Caste and Electoral Politics". Asian Survey. 10 (11): 979–992. doi:10.2307/2642818. JSTOR 2642818.
- Firstpost News, Signature kids? RSS formula of perfect babies is fed by our own nightmarish hopes
- Hussain, Ghulam (2019). "Understanding Hegemony of Caste in Political Islam and Sufism in Sindh, Pakistan". Journal of Asian and African Studies. 54 (5): 716–745. doi:10.1177/0021909619839430.
- Hussain, Ghulam (2020). "'Dalits are in India, not in Pakistan': Exploring the Discursive Bases of the Denial of Dalitness under the Ashrafia Hegemony". Journal of Asian and African Studies. 55: 17–43. doi:10.1177/0021909619863455.