1920 Alabama coal strike: Difference between revisions
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{{Short description|Strike of United Mine Workers}} |
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{{Infobox civil conflict |
{{Infobox civil conflict |
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|title = Alabama coal strike |
|title = Alabama coal strike |
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| methods = [[Strike action|Strikes]], [[Protest]], [[Demonstration (people)|Demonstrations]] |
| methods = [[Strike action|Strikes]], [[Protest]], [[Demonstration (people)|Demonstrations]] |
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| status = |
| status = |
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| result = |
| result = Defeat for the union |
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| side1= [[United Mine Workers of America]] |
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{{Campaignbox Coal Wars}} |
{{Campaignbox Coal Wars}} |
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The '''1920 Alabama coal strike''', or the '''Alabama miners' strike''',<ref>http://norrit1.tripod.com/afl-cio/1920.htm</ref> was a statewide strike of the [[United Mine Workers of America]] against coal mine operators. |
The '''1920 Alabama coal strike''', or the '''Alabama miners' strike''',<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://norrit1.tripod.com/afl-cio/1920.htm|title=1920's}}</ref> was a statewide strike of the [[United Mine Workers of America]] against coal mine operators. The strike was marked by racial violence, and ended in significant defeat for the union and organized labor in Alabama.<ref name="Feldman">{{cite journal |last1=Feldman |first1=Glenn |title=Labour Repression in the American South: Corporation, State, and Race in Alabama's Coal Fields, 1917-1921 |journal=The Historical Journal |date=June 1994 |volume=37 |issue=2 |page=349 |doi=10.1017/S0018246X00016502 |jstor=2640206 |s2cid=161955836 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/2640206 |access-date=14 December 2021 |url-access=subscription}}</ref> |
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== Conditions == |
== Conditions == |
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UMW president [[John L. Lewis]] authorized the calling of a general strike on September 1,<ref>{{cite journal |title=Strike Called in Alabama to Determine Whether Coal Operators Are Stronger Than Government |journal=United Mine Workers Journal |date=September 15, 1920 |volume=XXXI |issue=18 |page=13 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2hg5AQAAMAAJ&q=alabama |access-date=13 December 2021}}</ref> and the strike formally began at midnight on September 8.<ref name="Feldman" /> As many as 15,000 of the 27,000 coal miners in the state stopped work.{{sfn|Tindall|1995|page=337}}{{sfn|Foner|1991|page=228}} UMW vice-president Van Bittner was sent to the state to oversee the effort.<ref name="Letwin">{{cite book |last1=Letwin |first1=Daniel |title=The Challenge of Interracial Unionism |date=1998 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JKsIwR6QgBoC |publisher=The University of North Carolina Press |location=Chapel Hill, N.C |isbn=9780807823774 |page=186 |access-date=13 December 2021}}</ref> |
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The main union demands were union recognition, and that the operators put into effect the wage award decided by the Bituminous Coal Commission earlier in the year.<ref>{{cite journal |title=President Lewis Urges President Wilson to Take Legal Action to Compel Observance of Principle of Collective Bargaining by Alabama Operators |journal=United Mine Workers Journal |date=November 1, 1920 |volume=XXXI |issue=21 |page=3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2hg5AQAAMAAJ |access-date=14 December 2021}}{{free access}}</ref> One obstacle to union recognition, was animosity to the union due to the UMW's racial integration.<ref name="Letwin" />{{sfn|Woodrum|2007|page=13}} Popular opinion in Alabama was turned against the strikers almost immediately, particularly the disapproving black middle class, who saw racial solidarity and cooperation with capitalists as their only route to economic self-defense.{{sfn|Kelly|2001|page=174}} Coal operators launched a propaganda campaign to divide the union along racial lines. A pro-employer newspaper called the ''Workmen’s Chronicle'' was distributed free of cost to mine workers. It was published by a black minister named P. C. Rameau who worked out of an office in the [[Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company|TCI]] building. [[Oscar W. Adams Sr.]], editor of the ''Birmingham Reporter'', spoke to workers in company-owned halls, imploring them to remain loyal to mine owners.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Davis |first1=Colin John |last2=Brown |first2=Edwin L. |title=It is union and liberty : Alabama coal miners and the UMW |date=1999 |publisher=University of Alabama Press |isbn=9780817309992 |pages=58–59 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=-Ni6AAAAIAAJ |access-date=14 December 2021}}</ref> |
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The strike was officially authorized by UMW president [[John L. Lewis]] to begin on September 7, and as many as 15,000 of the 27,000 coal miners in the state stopped work.<ref>The emergence of the new South, 1913–1945, Volume 10 By George Brown Tindall</ref><ref>History of the Labor Movement in the United States: The T.U.E.L. to the end ... By Philip Sheldon Foner, page 228</ref> UMW vice-president Van Bittner was sent to the state to oversee the effort. |
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One main union demand was for union recognition, and one fundamental obstacle to union recognition was the fact that the UMW was racially integrated. Popular opinion was turned against the strikers almost immediately, particularly the disapproving black middle class, who saw racial solidarity and cooperation with capitalists as their only route to economic self-defense.<ref>Race, class, and power in the Alabama coalfields, 1908–21 By Brian Kelly, page 174</ref> |
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⚫ | Major operators in Alabama's coalfields were also still using convict labor |
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⚫ | Major operators in Alabama's coalfields were also still using convict labor with no salary cost whatsoever, the [[convict leasing]] system, described by some as "[[Slavery by Another Name]]". Mines of the [[Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company]] had phased out convict leasing five years after its acquisition by [[U.S. Steel]], but the mines controlled by [[Sloss Furnaces]] and Pratt Consolidated continued the practice until 1926.{{Citation needed|date=February 2024}} |
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== The strike == |
== The strike == |
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⚫ | The strike's first major confrontation happened on September 16, in [[Patton, Alabama|Patton Junction, Alabama]] (in [[Walker County, Alabama|Walker County]]), where strikers killed the general manager of the Corona Coal Company, Leon Adler, along with Earl Edgil, a deputy sheriff.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Rothermel |first1=J. Fisher |title=Strikers Pitch Camp |url=https://www.newspapers.com/clip/90619189/strikers-pitch-camp-p2/ |access-date=15 December 2021 |work=The Birmingham News |volume=XXXIII |issue=188 |date=September 17, 1920 |location=Birmingham, Alabama |page=2 |via=Newspapers.com}}{{free access}}</ref> But African Americans bore the brunt of the violence: among many such threatening incidents, black miner Henry Junius was found in a shallow grave outside of Roebuck a few weeks into the strike. At least thirteen houses of strikebreakers were dynamited between September and December.{{sfn|Lewis|2009|page=60}} Also in December, [[State police|state troopers]] terrorized the small black business district in [[Birmingham, Alabama|Pratt City]] with random machine gun fire.{{sfn|Kelly|2001|page=187}} |
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⚫ | The Alabama State Militia and the state police had been called out by the governor, [[Thomas Kilby]], known as the "business governor".<ref>{{cite web |title=Thomas Erby Kilby |url=https://archives.alabama.gov/govs_list/g_kilbyt.html |website=Alabama Department of Archives and History |access-date=19 November 2021 |date=February 7, 2014 }}{{Dead link|date=September 2023 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref> Once on site, state troop commanders typically placed themselves at the service of the coal companies.{{sfn|Kelly|2001|page=178}} By February, thousands of workers had been evicted from their company houses and left homeless.{{sfn|Foner|1991|page=229}} |
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⚫ | The strike's first major confrontation happened on September 16, in Patton Junction, Alabama (in [[Walker County, Alabama|Walker County]]), where strikers killed the general manager of the Corona Coal Company, Leon Adler, along with Earl Edgil, a |
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⚫ | Towards the end of February, the enormous expense of conducting the strike with no progress led the union to seek a resolution. None other than Governor Kilby was accepted as arbitrator. Kilby's settlement flatly refused union recognition and any wage increases, and he refused to reinstate striking miners. Part of Kilby's March 9 decision read: |
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⚫ | The Alabama State Militia and the state police had been called out by the governor, [[Thomas Kilby]], known as the "business governor".<ref> |
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⚫ | {{quote|It is rather difficult to understand how such a large number of men could be induced so deliberately to disregard such an obligation of honor. The only explanation, perhaps, lies in the fact that from 70 per cent to 80 per cent of the miners are Negroes. The southern Negro is easily misled, especially when given a permanent and official place in an organization in which both races are members.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Chenery |first1=William L. |editor1-last=Kellogg |editor1-first=Paul U. |title=The Alabama Coal Settlement |journal=The Survey |date=April 9, 1921 |volume=XLVI |page=52 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=vaIqAAAAMAAJ|access-date=19 November 2021 |publisher=Survey Associates Inc. |location=New York }}{{free access}}</ref>}} |
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⚫ | Towards the end of February the enormous expense of conducting the strike with no progress led the union to seek a resolution. |
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The national UMW chose to adhere to Kilby's decision. After the strike ended union advances stagnated; by the end of the decade, the UMW would close its state offices.{{sfn|Woodrum|2007|page=48}}{{sfn|Tindall|1995|page=337}} At least 16 people were killed in the strike, more than half of them black, with an uncounted number of wounded.{{sfn|Lewis|2009|page=61}} |
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⚫ | {{quote|It is rather difficult to understand how such a large number of men could be induced so deliberately to disregard such an obligation of honor. |
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The national UMW chose to adhere to Kilby's decision. The union closed its state offices,<ref>"Everybody was black down there": race and industrial change in the Alabama ... By Robert H. Woodrum</ref> and the strike prevented any union advances in the state for another ten years.<ref>The emergence of the new South, 1913–1945, Volume 10 By George Brown Tindall, page 337</ref> At least 16 people were killed in the strike, more than half of them black, with an uncounted number of wounded.<ref>Black coal miners in America: race, class, and community conflict, 1780–1980 By Ronald L. Lewis, page 61</ref> |
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== Willie Baird == |
== Willie Baird == |
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On December 22, 1920, local union official and itinerant Nazarine minister Adrian Northcutt of [[Nauvoo, Alabama]] was summoned out of his home by soldiers of Company M of the Alabama Guard. |
On December 22, 1920, local union official and itinerant Nazarine minister Adrian Northcutt of [[Nauvoo, Alabama]] was summoned out of his home by soldiers of Company M of the Alabama Guard. |
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After hearing seven shots fired in quick succession, Northcutt's son-in-law William (Willie) Baird rushed out to find Northcutt, dead on the ground, with Private James Morris standing over him. |
After hearing seven shots fired in quick succession, Northcutt's son-in-law William (Willie) Baird rushed out to find Northcutt, dead on the ground, with Private James Morris standing over him. Baird shot Morris in self-defense, then fled into the woods. After three days, Baird turned himself over to Walker County officials. On January 5, nine guardsmen of Company M entered the jail, subdued the sheriff on duty, lynched Baird, and riddled his body with bullets.{{sfn|Kelly|2001|page=196}} |
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The guardsmen were eventually acquitted. |
The guardsmen were eventually acquitted. Former Alabama governor [[B. B. Comer|Braxton Bragg Comer]] would claim that the lynching of Baird "had some element of self-defense in it".{{sfn|Kelly|2001|page=196}} |
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==See also== |
==See also== |
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* [[List of worker deaths in United States labor disputes]] |
* [[List of worker deaths in United States labor disputes]] |
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* [[UMW General coal strike (1922)]] |
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== |
==References== |
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{{reflist}} |
{{reflist}} |
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==Works cited== |
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*{{cite book |last1=Kelly |first1=Brian |title=Race, Class, and Power in the Alabama Coalfields, 1908-21 |date=2001 |publisher=University of Illinois Press |location=Urbana |isbn=9780252069338}} |
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*{{cite book |last1=Lewis |first1=Ronald L. |title=Black coal miners in America : race, class, and community conflict, 1780-1980 |date=2009 |publisher=University Press of Kentucky |location=Lexington, Kentucky |isbn=9780813192741}} |
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*{{cite book |last1=Foner |first1=Philip S. |title=History of the labor movement in the United States |date=1991 |publisher=International Publishers |location=New York |volume=9, The T.U.E.L. to the end of the Gompers Era|isbn=9780717806744}} |
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*{{cite book |last1=Tindall |first1=George B. |title=The emergence of the New South 1913-1945 |date=1995 |publisher=Louisiana State University Press |location=Baton Rouge, Louisiana |isbn=9780807100202}} |
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*{{cite book |last1=Woodrum |first1=Robert H. |title="Everybody was black down there" : race and industrial change in the Alabama coalfields |date=2007 |publisher=University of Georgia Press |location=Athens |isbn=9780820328799}} |
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{{American Labor Conflicts}} |
{{American Labor Conflicts}} |
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[[Category:1920 in Alabama|Alabama coal strike]] |
[[Category:1920 in Alabama|Alabama coal strike]] |
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[[Category:1921 in Alabama|Alabama coal strike]] |
[[Category:1921 in Alabama|Alabama coal strike]] |
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[[Category: |
[[Category:Society of Appalachia]] |
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[[Category:Coal Wars]] |
[[Category:Coal Wars]] |
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[[Category:Labor disputes |
[[Category:Labor disputes led by the United Mine Workers of America]] |
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[[Category:Miners' labor disputes]] |
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[[Category:United Mine Workers]] |
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[[Category:Mining in Alabama]] |
[[Category:Mining in Alabama]] |
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[[Category:Lynching deaths in Alabama]] |
[[Category:Lynching deaths in Alabama]] |
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[[Category:Protests in Alabama]] |
[[Category:Protests in Alabama]] |
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[[Category:Labor disputes in Alabama]] |
[[Category:Labor disputes in Alabama]] |
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Joe mama |
Latest revision as of 20:48, 9 August 2024
Alabama coal strike | |||
---|---|---|---|
Date | September 7, 1920 – February, 1921 | ||
Location | |||
Goals | Union organizing | ||
Methods | Strikes, Protest, Demonstrations | ||
Resulted in | Defeat for the union | ||
Parties | |||
| |||
Lead figures | |||
Casualties and losses | |||
|
The 1920 Alabama coal strike, or the Alabama miners' strike,[1] was a statewide strike of the United Mine Workers of America against coal mine operators. The strike was marked by racial violence, and ended in significant defeat for the union and organized labor in Alabama.[2]
Conditions
[edit]UMW president John L. Lewis authorized the calling of a general strike on September 1,[3] and the strike formally began at midnight on September 8.[2] As many as 15,000 of the 27,000 coal miners in the state stopped work.[4][5] UMW vice-president Van Bittner was sent to the state to oversee the effort.[6]
The main union demands were union recognition, and that the operators put into effect the wage award decided by the Bituminous Coal Commission earlier in the year.[7] One obstacle to union recognition, was animosity to the union due to the UMW's racial integration.[6][8] Popular opinion in Alabama was turned against the strikers almost immediately, particularly the disapproving black middle class, who saw racial solidarity and cooperation with capitalists as their only route to economic self-defense.[9] Coal operators launched a propaganda campaign to divide the union along racial lines. A pro-employer newspaper called the Workmen’s Chronicle was distributed free of cost to mine workers. It was published by a black minister named P. C. Rameau who worked out of an office in the TCI building. Oscar W. Adams Sr., editor of the Birmingham Reporter, spoke to workers in company-owned halls, imploring them to remain loyal to mine owners.[10]
Major operators in Alabama's coalfields were also still using convict labor with no salary cost whatsoever, the convict leasing system, described by some as "Slavery by Another Name". Mines of the Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railroad Company had phased out convict leasing five years after its acquisition by U.S. Steel, but the mines controlled by Sloss Furnaces and Pratt Consolidated continued the practice until 1926.[citation needed]
The strike
[edit]The strike's first major confrontation happened on September 16, in Patton Junction, Alabama (in Walker County), where strikers killed the general manager of the Corona Coal Company, Leon Adler, along with Earl Edgil, a deputy sheriff.[11] But African Americans bore the brunt of the violence: among many such threatening incidents, black miner Henry Junius was found in a shallow grave outside of Roebuck a few weeks into the strike. At least thirteen houses of strikebreakers were dynamited between September and December.[12] Also in December, state troopers terrorized the small black business district in Pratt City with random machine gun fire.[13]
The Alabama State Militia and the state police had been called out by the governor, Thomas Kilby, known as the "business governor".[14] Once on site, state troop commanders typically placed themselves at the service of the coal companies.[15] By February, thousands of workers had been evicted from their company houses and left homeless.[16]
Towards the end of February, the enormous expense of conducting the strike with no progress led the union to seek a resolution. None other than Governor Kilby was accepted as arbitrator. Kilby's settlement flatly refused union recognition and any wage increases, and he refused to reinstate striking miners. Part of Kilby's March 9 decision read:
It is rather difficult to understand how such a large number of men could be induced so deliberately to disregard such an obligation of honor. The only explanation, perhaps, lies in the fact that from 70 per cent to 80 per cent of the miners are Negroes. The southern Negro is easily misled, especially when given a permanent and official place in an organization in which both races are members.[17]
The national UMW chose to adhere to Kilby's decision. After the strike ended union advances stagnated; by the end of the decade, the UMW would close its state offices.[18][4] At least 16 people were killed in the strike, more than half of them black, with an uncounted number of wounded.[19]
Willie Baird
[edit]On December 22, 1920, local union official and itinerant Nazarine minister Adrian Northcutt of Nauvoo, Alabama was summoned out of his home by soldiers of Company M of the Alabama Guard.
After hearing seven shots fired in quick succession, Northcutt's son-in-law William (Willie) Baird rushed out to find Northcutt, dead on the ground, with Private James Morris standing over him. Baird shot Morris in self-defense, then fled into the woods. After three days, Baird turned himself over to Walker County officials. On January 5, nine guardsmen of Company M entered the jail, subdued the sheriff on duty, lynched Baird, and riddled his body with bullets.[20]
The guardsmen were eventually acquitted. Former Alabama governor Braxton Bragg Comer would claim that the lynching of Baird "had some element of self-defense in it".[20]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ "1920's".
- ^ a b Feldman, Glenn (June 1994). "Labour Repression in the American South: Corporation, State, and Race in Alabama's Coal Fields, 1917-1921". The Historical Journal. 37 (2): 349. doi:10.1017/S0018246X00016502. JSTOR 2640206. S2CID 161955836. Retrieved 14 December 2021.
- ^ "Strike Called in Alabama to Determine Whether Coal Operators Are Stronger Than Government". United Mine Workers Journal. XXXI (18): 13. September 15, 1920. Retrieved 13 December 2021.
- ^ a b Tindall 1995, p. 337.
- ^ Foner 1991, p. 228.
- ^ a b Letwin, Daniel (1998). The Challenge of Interracial Unionism. Chapel Hill, N.C: The University of North Carolina Press. p. 186. ISBN 9780807823774. Retrieved 13 December 2021.
- ^ "President Lewis Urges President Wilson to Take Legal Action to Compel Observance of Principle of Collective Bargaining by Alabama Operators". United Mine Workers Journal. XXXI (21): 3. November 1, 1920. Retrieved 14 December 2021.
- ^ Woodrum 2007, p. 13.
- ^ Kelly 2001, p. 174.
- ^ Davis, Colin John; Brown, Edwin L. (1999). It is union and liberty : Alabama coal miners and the UMW. University of Alabama Press. pp. 58–59. ISBN 9780817309992. Retrieved 14 December 2021.
- ^ Rothermel, J. Fisher (September 17, 1920). "Strikers Pitch Camp". The Birmingham News. Vol. XXXIII, no. 188. Birmingham, Alabama. p. 2. Retrieved 15 December 2021 – via Newspapers.com.
- ^ Lewis 2009, p. 60.
- ^ Kelly 2001, p. 187.
- ^ "Thomas Erby Kilby". Alabama Department of Archives and History. February 7, 2014. Retrieved 19 November 2021.[permanent dead link ]
- ^ Kelly 2001, p. 178.
- ^ Foner 1991, p. 229.
- ^ Chenery, William L. (April 9, 1921). Kellogg, Paul U. (ed.). "The Alabama Coal Settlement". The Survey. XLVI. New York: Survey Associates Inc.: 52. Retrieved 19 November 2021.
- ^ Woodrum 2007, p. 48.
- ^ Lewis 2009, p. 61.
- ^ a b Kelly 2001, p. 196.
Works cited
[edit]- Kelly, Brian (2001). Race, Class, and Power in the Alabama Coalfields, 1908-21. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 9780252069338.
- Lewis, Ronald L. (2009). Black coal miners in America : race, class, and community conflict, 1780-1980. Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 9780813192741.
- Foner, Philip S. (1991). History of the labor movement in the United States. Vol. 9, The T.U.E.L. to the end of the Gompers Era. New York: International Publishers. ISBN 9780717806744.
- Tindall, George B. (1995). The emergence of the New South 1913-1945. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 9780807100202.
- Woodrum, Robert H. (2007). "Everybody was black down there" : race and industrial change in the Alabama coalfields. Athens: University of Georgia Press. ISBN 9780820328799.