Mudsill theory: Difference between revisions
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A "''theory''" which proposes that there must always be a [[lower class]] for the [[upper classes]] to rest upon. The inference being the mudsill, the lowest threshold that supports the foundation for a building. It was used by its composer [[Senator]]/[[Governor]] [[James Henry Hammond]], a wealthy southern plantation owner to justify what he saw as the willingness of the [[lower classes]] to do [[menial]] work and thus enable higher classes to move civilization forward. |
A "''theory''" which proposes that there must always be a [[lower class]] for the [[upper classes]] to rest upon. The inference being the mudsill, the lowest threshold that supports the foundation for a building. It was used by its composer [[Senator]]/[[Governor]] [[James Henry Hammond]], a wealthy southern plantation owner to justify what he saw as the willingness of the [[lower classes]] to do [[menial]] work and thus enable higher classes to move civilization forward. With this in mind, any efforts for class equality that would ran counter to the theory, would inevitably run counter to civilization itself. Many saw the argument as an weak justification for exploitation, and it was directly used to advocate slavery in the rhetoric of John Calhoun and other [[pre-Civil War]] [[Democrats]], that were struggling to maintain their grip on the burgeoning [[Southern_United_States|Southern]] [[economy]]. These and other [[coloqials]] were used as [[rhetoric]] in what has been called [[Marxism]] for the [[Master-Class]]. |
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Revision as of 17:11, 28 March 2006
A "theory" which proposes that there must always be a lower class for the upper classes to rest upon. The inference being the mudsill, the lowest threshold that supports the foundation for a building. It was used by its composer Senator/Governor James Henry Hammond, a wealthy southern plantation owner to justify what he saw as the willingness of the lower classes to do menial work and thus enable higher classes to move civilization forward. With this in mind, any efforts for class equality that would ran counter to the theory, would inevitably run counter to civilization itself. Many saw the argument as an weak justification for exploitation, and it was directly used to advocate slavery in the rhetoric of John Calhoun and other pre-Civil War Democrats, that were struggling to maintain their grip on the burgeoning Southern economy. These and other coloqials were used as rhetoric in what has been called Marxism for the Master-Class.