User:Duchessofwindsor/sandbox: Difference between revisions
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This material is assessed both for the messages it seeks to impart to Chinese youth regarding their national history and identity, and also for its reflection of a specific, government sanctioned vision nationalism.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Bislev|first=Ane|last2=Li|first2=Xing|date=2014-04-02|title=Conceptualizing the cultural and political facets of “Chinese Nationalism” in an era of China’s global rise|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40636-014-0002-x|journal=International Communication of Chinese Culture|volume=1|issue=1-2|pages=21–33|doi=10.1007/s40636-014-0002-x|issn=2197-4233}}</ref> |
This material is assessed both for the messages it seeks to impart to Chinese youth regarding their national history and identity, and also for its reflection of a specific, government sanctioned vision nationalism.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Bislev|first=Ane|last2=Li|first2=Xing|date=2014-04-02|title=Conceptualizing the cultural and political facets of “Chinese Nationalism” in an era of China’s global rise|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40636-014-0002-x|journal=International Communication of Chinese Culture|volume=1|issue=1-2|pages=21–33|doi=10.1007/s40636-014-0002-x|issn=2197-4233}}</ref> |
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== References == |
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Latest revision as of 12:34, 30 March 2021
Practicing citations
[edit]Zhao compares Chinese and Western academic conceptions of the campaign and the nationalist sentiment it sought to foster as an organic politico-educational phenomenon arising as a public protest to the perceived ongoing international mistreat of China, and a top-down, manufactured reaction to the waning public perception of Communist Party legitimacy in the post-Cold War era, respectively.[1]
The article will help link these two sections, suggesting that the CCP’s justification of its broader national development strategy, including the Patriotic Education Campaign, is able to be made in terms derived from the campaign and its associated patriotic discourse.[2]
Naftali, who concludes, that the beliefs of most Chinese students tend to conform to the content objectives of the PEC, studies the effectiveness of the campaign and the variance of this effectiveness across the urban-rural divide.[3]
Their article will be of particular use the in “Background” section, because of its situation of the PEC in its post-Cold War context, and discussion of its reactionary emergence following the 1989 prodemocracy movement.[4]
This material is assessed both for the messages it seeks to impart to Chinese youth regarding their national history and identity, and also for its reflection of a specific, government sanctioned vision nationalism.[5]
References
[edit]- ^ Zhao, Suisheng (1998-09-01). "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China". Communist and Post-Communist Studies. 31 (3): 287–302. doi:10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00009-9. ISSN 0967-067X.
- ^ Vickers, Edward (September 2009). "Selling 'Socialism with Chinese Characteristics' 'Thought and Politics' and the legitimisation of China's developmental strategy". International Journal of Educational Development. 29 (5): 523–531. doi:10.1016/j.ijedudev.2009.04.012. ISSN 0738-0593.
- ^ Naftali, Orna (2020-02-24). ""Being Chinese Means Becoming Cheap Labour": Education, National Belonging and Social Positionality among Youth in Contemporary China". The China Quarterly. 245: 51–71. doi:10.1017/s0305741020000120. ISSN 0305-7410.
- ^ Liu, Chuyu; Ma, Xiao (2018-07-24). "Popular Threats and Nationalistic Propaganda: Political Logic of China's Patriotic Campaign". Security Studies. 27 (4): 633–664. doi:10.1080/09636412.2018.1483632. ISSN 0963-6412.
- ^ Bislev, Ane; Li, Xing (2014-04-02). "Conceptualizing the cultural and political facets of "Chinese Nationalism" in an era of China's global rise". International Communication of Chinese Culture. 1 (1–2): 21–33. doi:10.1007/s40636-014-0002-x. ISSN 2197-4233.