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Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus (2005)<ref>{{cite book|author=Cassia, Paul Sant|title=Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus|publisher=Berghahn Books|isbn=9781571816467|date=2005|url=https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/bitstream/handle/123456789/24552/Bodies%20of%20evidence%20burial%2C%20memory%20and%20the%20recovery%20of%20missing%20persons%20in%20Cyprus.pdf?sequence=4&isAllowed=y|quote=... In modern Greek Cypriot culture there is a double connection of dogs and carrion. Extreme right-wing Greek nationalists in Cyprus referred to Turkish Cypriots whom they killed as shillii (dogs) – the implication being that, like dogs, they could be killed with impunity... It is well known that taxonomic violence defined in ethnic terms (or what is now called ethnic cleansing) is accompanied, indeed justified, by attempts to render the other as an outsider and a source of pollution... TURKS = shillii/polluting, therefore legitimated killing: metaphorical likeness... ... they (Turkish Cypriots) emphasise that their missing are dead because of a conscious policy of genocide... there were disclosures of reputed plans, such as the AKRITAS plan which purported to project a plan at ethnic cleansing... ... photographs as representations of suffering qua suffering confirm their belief that they are victims of genocide, and authenticate their claims to the wider world... ... Hospitals descend treacherously from enveloping sanctuaries to menacing endangerment... ... The white coat of the doctor/nurse is transfigured as the last concealment of uniform and the pursuit of genocidal plans through the murderous application of surgical implements... }}</ref> |
Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus (2005)<ref>{{cite book|author=Cassia, Paul Sant|title=Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus|publisher=Berghahn Books|isbn=9781571816467|date=2005|url=https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/bitstream/handle/123456789/24552/Bodies%20of%20evidence%20burial%2C%20memory%20and%20the%20recovery%20of%20missing%20persons%20in%20Cyprus.pdf?sequence=4&isAllowed=y|quote=... In modern Greek Cypriot culture there is a double connection of dogs and carrion. Extreme right-wing Greek nationalists in Cyprus referred to Turkish Cypriots whom they killed as shillii (dogs) – the implication being that, like dogs, they could be killed with impunity... It is well known that taxonomic violence defined in ethnic terms (or what is now called ethnic cleansing) is accompanied, indeed justified, by attempts to render the other as an outsider and a source of pollution... TURKS = shillii/polluting, therefore legitimated killing: metaphorical likeness... ... they (Turkish Cypriots) emphasise that their missing are dead because of a conscious policy of genocide... there were disclosures of reputed plans, such as the AKRITAS plan which purported to project a plan at ethnic cleansing... ... photographs as representations of suffering qua suffering confirm their belief that they are victims of genocide, and authenticate their claims to the wider world... ... Hospitals descend treacherously from enveloping sanctuaries to menacing endangerment... ... The white coat of the doctor/nurse is transfigured as the last concealment of uniform and the pursuit of genocidal plans through the murderous application of surgical implements... }}</ref> |
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Items-in-Cyprus - documents, resolutions, reports by the Secretary-General - Security Council documents (1974) (15 June 2006)<ref>{{cite web|title=Items-in-Cyprus - documents, resolutions, reports by the Secretary-General - Security Council documents|publisher=United Nations|date=15 June 2006|url=https://search.archives.un.org/uploads/r/united-nations-archives/2/e/8/2e8ac6f7bf17b964c08664affd4396cc7407a051c00e6a53816d7c4e70b8b0c1/S-0903-0010-03-00001.PDF}}</ref> |
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Erenköy ve Hayat<ref>{{cite book|author=Fadil Elmasoğlu|title=Erenköy ve Hayat}}</ref> |
Erenköy ve Hayat<ref>{{cite book|author=Fadil Elmasoğlu|title=Erenköy ve Hayat}}</ref> |
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Revision as of 15:00, 21 July 2023
Hey there, it's me, the editor. My name is Mustafa Niyazi. I'm 34. I'm a polyglot.[1] I graduated in 2018 from Zhejiang University with an MPhil in International Relations. Currently I work in the Education Industry as a Kindergarten Teacher. I have been teaching since 2013. I'm also an editor in real life and do the occasional piece for newspapers and other projects. Admittedly my early days on Wikipedia have been quite mischievous and a certain few of my contributions have consciously been uncharacteristic of my personality albeit for reasons I deemed warranted at the time.
Pages I've CreatedPages I've Edited
Timeline of events in Cyprus, 1974 List of designated terrorist groups Pages I'm Interested In
List of Ptolemaic governors of Cyprus List of Ottoman governors of Cyprus List of British governors of Cyprus Ottoman–Venetian War (1570–1573) Ottoman–Mamluk War (1516–1517) History of Cyprus (1878–present) Peter Young (British Army officer, born 1912) Bayrak Radio and Television Corporation Bronze Age: Early Bronze dynasties London Conference of 1912–1913 Central Bank of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Foreign relations of Northern Cyprus List of cities, towns and villages in Cyprus Paris Peace Conference (1919–1920) Causes of the Annan Referendum Outcome Turkish Resistance Organisation Turkish settlers in Northern Cyprus Civilian casualties and displacements during the Cyprus conflict High-importance Cypriot articles Attila 1 Landing and Offensive, Aphrodite Two Defence Plan and Counter-Offensive Motto of the Republic of Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Foreign relations of Northern Cyprus Public holidays in Northern Cyprus Civil Society Dialogue project in Cyprus Federation of Turkish Associations UK Federation of Turkish Cypriot Trade Unions Turkish minorities in the former Ottoman Empire Declaration of Independence of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Turkish Federated State of Cyprus Association of Turkish Cypriots Abroad Peter Young (British Army officer) United Nations General Assembly Resolution 377 (Acheson Plan) Northern Cypriot identity card Timeline of events in Cyprus, 1974 United Nations Buffer Zone in Cyprus Greek Secondary School of London List of international schools (in the United Kingdom) Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Muratağa, Sandılar and Atlılar massacre List of massacres during the Greco-Turkish War (1919–22) Timeline of the Turkish War of Independence Turkish Cypriot Genocide denial List of Mamluk rulers of Cyprus List of Turkic dynasties and countries Hunnic-Cyprus relations (220 BCE - 577 CE) Göktürk-Cyprus relations (551–744) Khazar-Cyprus relations (651-983) Uyghur-Cyprus relations (744–840) Karakhanid-Cyprus relations (840–1212) Ghaznavid-Cyprus relations (977–1186) Selçuk-Cyprus relations (1037–1194) Harzemşah-Cyprus relations (1077–1231) Golden Horde-Cyprus relations (1236–1502) Karamanid-Cyprus relations (1250–1487) Mamluk-Cyprus relations (1250–1517) Timurid-Cyprus relations (1368–1501) Mughal-Cyprus relations (1526–1858) Ottoman-Cyprus relations (1299–1922) Turkish words in the Greek Cypriot dialect List of people killed during the Cyprus Emergency Travel
I've always been a traveler and been out and about with my friends experiencing all manner of things with many people from around the world. First as a kid I loved going out and "exploring", as I called it. I spent my days walking through parks, museum, galleries and shopping streets just to "go out for a little" and "relax". I religiously trekked to the library on the weekends, conquering books, old and new, for young and old readers, and ploughing through each and every "Reading Relay" the borough organised for kids, and of course also used that as an excuse to "explore" on the side either on the way or when coming back home. I walked back and forth through the village, up and down the hills, took buses to my favourite parks, squares and markets... eventually my feet took me to more places than the rhapsodic city streets and the great concrete jungle could provide. Whenever my family asked "Where are you?" or "Where are you going?", I'd customarily reply: "Japan" or "Australia". That was my thing. Countries I've been to (in no particular order)
Places I've transited through
Places I'd still like to visit
I enjoy video games very much and have a host of consoles in my collection. Here are the consoles I own in order of when I received/bought them:
Some of my favourite games are:
Gaming computer Specs:
Reading
I love reading. Since I was young I've always enjoyed picking up whatever it was and mowing through it only realising the time when the librarian comes to tell me they're closing or my parent's remind me it's time for bed. My favourite novel when I was young was A Tale of Redwall by Brian Jacques. The medieval anthropromorphic animal theme that appealed to my unconscious obsession with Biker Mice from Mars. The fight between good and evil. The trials and tribulations of young Mathias, a peasant nobody mouse that would take up arms to fight the scourge of the evil and conniving rat guy... I also love poetry, and it's no secret that I love writing poetry also, along with novels and short stories of my own, and then some. Some Books I LikeThe Complete Chronicles of Conan: Robert E. Howard The Children of Hurin: J. R. R. Tolkien & Christopher Tolkien The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe: C. S. Lewis James and the Giant Peach: Roald Dahl The BFG: Roald Dahl Matilda: Roald Dahl The Golden Compass: Phillip Pullman Think: Simon Blackburn The Art of Peace: Morihei Ueshiba The Book of Dede Korkut: Anonymous Great Love Poems: (Edited by Shane Weller) How To Be an Anti-Racist: Ibram X. Kendi Dead Space Martyr: B. K. Evenson Flowers for Algernon: Daniel Keyes Some Manga I LikeIronfist Chinmi: Takeshi Maekawa Dr. Slump: Akira Toriyama Dragon Ball: Akira Toriyama Naruto: Masashi Kishimoto Death Note: Tsugumi Ohba (writer), Takeshi Obata (illustrator) Akira: Katsuhiro Otomo Claymore: Norihiro Yagi Some Cyprus Related ReadingCyprus, As I Saw It In 1879 (1879)[2] Excerpta Cypria: Materials for a History of Cyprus (1908)[3] A History of Cyprus (1940-52)[4] CYPRUS: Deepening Tragedy (21 May 1956)[5] CYPRUS: Fire & Smoke (2 July 1956)[6] CYPRUS: For the Hangman (20 August 1956)[7] CYPRUS: Riots & Resolution (23 December 1957)[8] Memorandum Setting Out the Agreed Foundation for the Final Settlement of the Problem of Cyprus (1959)[9] CYPRUS: Making Progress (26 January 1959)[10] London-Zürich Agreement (11 February 1959)[11][12][13] Treaty of Guarantee (16 August 1960)[14] Treaty of Alliance (16 August 1960)[15] Treaty of Establishment (16 August 1960)[16][17][18] Cyprus: Death at High Noon (14 February 1964) [19] World: MAKARIOS OF CYPRUS (28 February 1964) [20] CYPRUS MASSACRE BY GREEK FORCES CHARGED BY TURKS... (29 February 1964)[21] Cyprus: Search for Compromise (6 March 1964)[22] JOHNSON WARNS INONU ON CYPRUS; Invites Him to US for Talks (6 June 1964)[23] Cyprus: The Parable of the Blue Beads (3 July 1964)[24] Cyprus: Knocking Heads Together (19 June 1964)[25] Cyprus: Taking Sides (2 October 1964)[26] THE AKRITAS PLAN (Declassified on 24 April 1966)[27] Cyprus: A Place of Arms. Power Politics and Ethnic Conflict in the Eastern Mediterranean (4 October 1966)[28][29][30] BARBARIE A CHYPRE: BARBARIE A CHYPRE DE NOTRE ENVOYE SPECIAL (1967)[31] Peace Without Honour (1969)[32] Cyprus (1969)[33] Akritas Planı - Türk'ü İmha Planı (May 1972)[34] Gen. George Grivas Dies; Led Cyprus Underground (28 January 1974)[35] CYPRUS: Death of a Legend (11 February 1974)[36] The Speech by Makarios Delivered before the UN Security Council on 19 July 1974 (19 July 1974)[37] Excerpts From Makarios's Statement to the U.N. Security Council (20 July 1974)[38] Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) Resolution 573 (1974) (29 July 1974)[39][40] CYPRUS: Big Troubles over a Small Island (29 July 1974)[41] The G.O.P's Moment of Truth: The Battle Over Cyprus (29 July 1974)[42] TRIPARTITE CONFERENCE & GENEVA DECLARATION (1974) (1 August 1974)[43] NOTE BY THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (U.N. Document S/11413) (4 August 1974)[44][45] LETTER DATED 7 AUGUST 1974 FROM THE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF TURKEY TO THE UNITED NATIONS ADDRESSED TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (U.N. Document S/11423) (7 August 1974)[46][47] Security Council Resolution 360 (16 August 1974)[48] Turkish Newsman Dies (27 August 1974)[49] The Wrong Horse (1977)[50] The Greek Upheaval: Kings, Demagogues, and Bayonets (January 1978)[51] THE “AKRITAS PLAN” AND THE “IKONES” DISCLOSURES OF 1980 (4 August 1980)[52] The Cyprus Conflict: A Lawyer's View (1981) [53] The Cyprus Triangle (1 September 1982)[54][55] The Road to Bellapais: The Turkish Cypriot Exodus to Northern Cyprus (1982)[56] The Mediterranean Feud (1983)[57] 30 Hot Days (1 January 1985)[58] Burdened With Cyprus: The British Connection (1 January 1986)[59] Cyprus: My Deposition (1 January 1989)[60][61] How the 1960 Republic of Cyprus was Destroyed (1 January 1991)[62] TURKEY, GREECE AND THE CYPRUS CONFLICT (1991)[63][64] Settlers and Refugees in Cyprus (1991)[65] Confidence Building Measures (1992-1994)[66] The struggles of the Turkish people of Cyprus (1995)[67] Letter sent by TRNC President Rauf Denktas to the Greek Cypriot Leader Glafkos Clerides, 22 September 1996 (22 September 1996)[68] The Genocide Files (1 January 1997)[69] Resolution by the Turkish Grand National Assembly On 21 January 1997 (2 January 1997)[70] Circular Note Sent to the Embassies of the EU Member States Concerning the Greek Cypriot Application to the EU, 30 June 1997 (30 June 1997)[71] Cyprus, The Destruction of a Republic: British Documents 1960-1965 (1997)[72] The Cyprus Imbroglio (1 January 1998)[73][74] Resolution 186 – It's Genesis and Significance: Maneuvers at the UN in 1964 (1999)[75] Resolution of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, 15 July 1999 (15 July 1999)[76] Why Cyprus Entry into the European Union Would be Illegal (2001)[77] The Cyprus Question as an Issue of Turkish Foreign Policy and Turkish American Relations 1959-2003 (2003)[78][79][80] WHY IS CYPRUS DIVIDED? (30 September 2004)[81] Turkish proposal for the simultaneous lifting of all restrictions in Cyprus by all relevant parties (30 May 2005)[82] Enosis, Socio-Cultural Imperialism and Strategy: Difficult Bedfellows (July 2005)[83] Cyprus 1974 (2005)[84] Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus (2005)[85] Items-in-Cyprus - documents, resolutions, reports by the Secretary-General - Security Council documents (1974) (15 June 2006)[86] Erenköy ve Hayat[87] Search for solution in CYPRUS (2008)[88] Trauma, Identity and Search for a Solution in Cyprus (2008)[89] Britain and the 1960 Cyprus Accords: A Study in Pragmatism (1 January 2009)[90] America, Britain and the Cyprus Crisis of 1974 (2009)[91] The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict (2010)[92] Idioms that Comprise the Presence of Turkish Words in Greek Cypriot Language (1 April 2010)[93] Tarihe Işık Tutan ANILAR: 1955-1974 (1 January 2011)[94] A History of Cyprus, V4: The Ottoman Province: The British Colony, 1571-1948 (13 June 2011)[95] Bitter Lemons of Cyprus: Life on a Mediterranean Island (12 June 2012)[96][97][98] The Cyprus Emergency – The Divided Island 1955-1974 (19 May 2014)[99][100] Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı Gazete Manşetleri (20 June 2015)[101] Immigrants and Refugees - Trauma, Perennial Mourning, Prejudice, and Border Psychology (2017)[102] Sole Survivor of 1974 Tochni Massacre: They were firing for ten minutes (15 June 2017)[103] The Battle of Kokkina (21 August 2018)[104] Kıbrıs Gerçeği (September 2018)[105] A Brief History of Cyprus: The Story of a Divided Island (1 July 2020)[106] Grivas: legend or destroyer? (8 September 2021)[107] Çilekeş Ada Kıbrıs (30 September 2022)[108] The Vision for Two States in Cyprus (2023)[109] Kıbrıs Şehitleri (2023)[110] Gizli Kalmasın[111] The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict[112] Kıbrıs Tarihinde Yaǧmuralan[113] 20 July Peace Operation: Reasons, Development and Consequences[114] Past Masters of Illegality[115] Rauf Denktaş at the United Nations: Speeches on Cyprus[116] The Turkish Cypriot State – The Embodiment of the Right of Self-determination[117] Mediating in Cyprus: The Cypriot Communities and the United Nations[118] The Cyprus Tapes[119] Greek Cypriot state terror revealed[120] Fatal Leadership[121] Constitution of the Greek Cypriot Constituent State[122] Constitution of the Turkish Cypriot Constituent State[123] Treaty Provisions and Basic Documents with Regard to the EU Membership of Cyprus[124] Music
I love music as much as I love reading. Here are some of the styles I listen to / play: Here are some of the bands and singers I like:
Here are some of the composers I like: Here are some of the bands I've seen live: Film and TelevisionCARTOONS! CARTOONS! And more CARTOONS! Here are some cartoons and animations I like:
I also love documentaries, newsreels, anything informative, or science or history related. Cyprus Related VideosChurchill meets with President Inonu of Turkey (1943) Turkish Dervish Dancing: Cyprus (1947) Cyprus Turks Demonstrate In London Against Greeks (1954) Selected Originals - Cyprus Trial (1955) CYPRUS: Meeting of the leaders (1955) CYPRUS TALKS (1 September 1955) CYPRUS - LONDON PROTEST MARCH (8 September 1955) CYPRUS CRITICAL DAYS (6 October 1955) COMMANDO PATROL IN CYPRUS (17 October 1955) LEICESTERS ARRIVE IN CYPRUS (20 October 1955) CURFEW MEASURE IN FAMAGUSTA (27 October 1955) CYPRUS - DAY TO DAY (5 December 1955) ARMED GUARD FOR SCHOOL CHILDREN (8 December 1955) POLICE DOGS ARRIVE IN CYPRUS (15 December 1955) CYPRIOT SCHOOL CHILDREN RIOT (15 December 1955) CYPRUS OUTRAGE - SHOOTING AND BOMB OUTRAGE (19 December 1955) Cypriot Girl Denounces E.O.K.A. (1956) Arms Search In Nicosia - And Plane Crash (1956) Mountain Searches In Cyprus (1956) Search For Arms In Engomi, Cyprus (1956) Bishop's Brother On Trial In Cyprus Aka Bishop's Brother Charged (1956) Selected Originals Bishop's Brother On Trial In Cyprus Aka Bishops Brother Charged (1956) Commissioner Holds Enquiry Into Bomb Throwing - Cyprus (1956) KING OF CYPRUS INTERVIEW (9 January 1956) PARATROOPS LEAVE FOR CYPRUS (16 January 1956) TURKISH DEMONSTRATIONS (16 January 1956) OFFICER SHOT IN CYPRUS (23 January 1956) TERRORISTS ON TRIAL IN CYPRUS (23 January 1956) PARATROOPS SETTLE DOWN IN CYPRUS (23 January 1956) CYPRUS OUTRAGE (16 February 1956) CYPRUS SCHOOL BOMBED (8 March 1956) CYPRUS PLANE ABLAZE (8 March 1956) MIDDLE EAST REPORT - CYPRUS (15 March 1956) TERRORIST STRIKE AGAIN (22 March 1956) CYPRUS - THE LIGHTER SIDE (16 April 1956) DISPATCH FROM CYPRUS (17 May 1956) TERRORISTS ON THE RUN (21 June 1956) CYPRUS - FIRE AFTERMATH (25 June 1956) CYPRUS - OFFER TO TERRORISTS (27 August 1956) CYPRUS - TRUCE ENDS (3 September 1956) CURFEW IN NICOSIA (4 October 1956) OPERATION SPARROWHAWK (18 October 1956) CYPRUS - COPTER PATROL (24 December 1956) HIGHLAND LIGHT INFANTRY LEAVE CYPRUS (7 January 1957) ARMS FOUND IN HOUSE IN CYPRUS (11 February 1957) OPERATIONS IN MACHERAAS (7 March 1957) CYPRUS RELAXES (18 April 1957) POLICEWOMEN FOR CYPRUS (10 June 1957) CYPRUS DEMONSTRATIONS (4 November 1957) Cypriot Turks March To Downing Street (1958) Search Of Three Terrorist Villages AKA Search Of 3 Terrorist Villages (1958) TURKISH RIOTS (Cyprus) (3 February 1958) TURKISH CYPRIOT DEMONSTRATION IN LONDON (27 February 1958) CYPRUS CINEMA BLOWN UP (21 April 1958) ANTI-TERRORISTS OPERATION (29 May 1958) CYPRUS FLARE-UP (12 June 1958) PRIME MINISTER CALLS ON CYPRUS (14 August 1958) CYPRUS SECURITY SEARCH (21 August 1958) POLICE CHIEF IN CYPRUS (25 August 1958) CYPRUS OUTRAGE (9 October 1958) BIG CYPRUS FIRE (3 November 1958) REPORT FROM CYPRUS (13 November 1958) DISPATCH FROM CYPRUS (20 November 1958) CYPRUS DISPATCH (1 December 1958) TO SCHOOL UNDER ESCORT (2 February 1959) CYPRUS - LATEST NEWS (26 February 1959) THE BARBED WIRE GOES (16 March 1959) TURKS DAY - NO SOUND (27 April 1959) CYPRUS OUTRAGE (31 December 1959) GREEK AND TURKISH FACTIONS CLASH (26 December 1963) HOUSES BURN AS CONFLICT BETWEEN TURKISH AND GREEK CYPRIOTS CONTINUES (31 December 1963) TURKISH CYPRIOTS EVACUATE MIXED VILLAGES IN CYPRUS (21 January 1964) TURKISH CYPRIOT STUDENTS RETURN FROM TURKEY (1 February 1964) US CITIZENS EVACUATED FROM CYPRUS (5 February 1964) Rauf R. Denktaş Yıl 1964 BM Konuşması (February 1964) GREEK CYPRIOT TROOPS MANOUEVRE (23 April 1964) TURKISH CYPRIOT REFUGEES EVACUATED (16 May 1964) GREEK CYPRIOT POLICE SEARCH TURKISH BUS AS UN POLICE LOOK ON (1 June 1964) Cyprus Delegation Leave For London (1964) Explosion In Mosque In Nicosia (1964) UN Troops Take Over In Cyprus (1964) UN Troops Take Over In Cyprus (1964) UN Security Council Settle Cyprus Problem (1964) United Nations Mediator In Cyprus (1964) Tragic Aftermath Of Turkish Bombing On Greek Cypriot Village (1964) Sandys Opens Cyprus Talks (1964) Security Council Calls For Ceasefire In Cyprus (1964) Anti-British March In Cyprus (1964) CYPRUS - BONE OF CONTENTION (17 February 1964) GREEK CYPRIOT TROOPS MOVE (23 April 1964) FLASHPOINT CYPRUS (13 August 1964) Turkish Soldiers Arrive In Cyprus For Relief Duty AKA Turkish Troop Relief (1965) GREEK CLERIDES AND TURKISH DENKTASH MEET FOR TALKS ON THE CYPRUS SITUATION (25 June 1968) BRITISH TROOPS IN CYPRUS (17 June 1971) TURKISH CYPRIOT NEGOTIATOR RAOUF DENKTASH INTERVIEW (21 September 1971) DENTKTASH INTERVIEW (14 March 1972) RAUF DENKTAS BECOMES VICE-PRESIDENT OF CYPRIUS (17 February 1973) TURKISH LEADER, RAUF DENKTASH, SPEAKS AT RALLY IN NICOSIA (11 February 1973) POLICE STATION IN CYPRUS, BLOWN-UP BY THE EOKA (4 April 1973) AFTERMATH OF FURTHER EOKA BOMBING ATTACKS (9 April 1973) KIBRIS BARIŞ HAREKATI ESNASINDA CEPHEDE ASKERLER İLE YAPILAN RÖPORTAJ (1974) PRESIDENT MAKARIOS SACKS GREEK OFFICERS IN THE CYPRUS NATIONAL GUARD (10 July 1974) INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT OF CYPRUS ARCHBISHOP MAKARIOS (11 July 1974) INTERVIEW WITH NICHOLAS SAMPSON, WHO CLAIMS TO BE THE PROVISIONAL PRESIDENT OF CYPRUS (15 July 1974) ARCHBISHOP MAKARIOS ESCAPES CYPRUS (16 July 1974) SCENES IN CYRPUS (16 July 1974) INTERVEIW WITH KYRIAKOS PALOS OF EOKA - B (17 July 1974) DEPOSED PRESIDENT MAKARIOS OF CYPRUS ARRIVES AT KENNEDY AIRPORT (18 July 1974) EXILED PRESIDENT MAKARIOS MEETS UNITED NATIONS SECRETARY GENERAL, KURT WALDHEIM (18 July 1974) PRESIDENT OF CYPRUS, ARCHBISHOP MAKARIOS PRESS STATEMENT (18 July 1974) Makarios Speech at the UN Security Council denouncing the coup of the Greek Junta (19 July 1974) RAUF DENKTAŞ kıbrıs cıkarma anı radyo KONUŞMASI (20 July 1974) SCENES IN ATHENS AFTER TURKISH INVASION OF CYPRUS (20 July 1974) MAKARIOS ADDRESSES UNITED NATIONS ON CYPRUS SITUATION (20 July 1974) CYPRUS THE COUP AGAINST MAKARIOS (21 July 1974) MAKARIOS IN LONDON and PM ECEVIT (22 July 1974) INTERVIEW WITH CYPRUS LEADER OF TURKISH CYPRIOT COMMUNITY, RAUF DENKTASH (31 July 1974) British soldiers talking to Greek cypriot guard during Turkish liberation of Northern Cyprus (1974) Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı'nda Yakalanan Rum Savaş Esirleri Adana'da (1974) INTERVIEW WITH TURKISH CYPRIOT LEADER RAUF DENKTASH (5 August 1974) GREEK NATIONAL GUARD PATROLLING KYRENIA, CYPRUS (5 August 1974) INTERVIEW WITH TURKISH CYPRIOT LEADER, RAUF DENKTASH (6 August 1974) INTERVIEW TURKISH-CYPRIOT LEADER RAUF DENKTASH (21 August 1974) SOVIET DEPUTY FOREIGN MINISTER MEETS DENKTASH (19 September 1974) RAUF DENKTAS MAKES A STATEMENT TO THE PRESS (4 October 1974) CLERIDES AND DENKTAS TALKS (7 November 1974) GREEK CYPRIOT REFUGEES (6 December 1974) ECEVIT ON VISIT TO CYPRUS WITH DENKTASH (4 January 1975) ECEVIT AND DENKTASH VISIT TURKISH HELD REGION OF CYPRUS (4 January 1975) TURKISH CYPRIOT REFUGEES AIRLIFTED TO ADANA (22 January 1975) INTERVIEW WITH CYPRIOT LEADER, RAUF DENKTASH (19 February 1975) GREEK CYPRIOT VILLAGE HELD IN TURKISH SECTOR OF CYPRUS AP Archive (20 February 1975) Greek-Cypriot Students Demonstrate Against United Nations Decision On Cyprus 1975 (14 March 1975) DENKTASH ON CYPRUS PROGRESS (31 July 1975) INTERVIEW WITH RAUF DENKTASH (15 September 1975) DENKTASH WITH CLERIDES (17 February 1976) Divided Cyprus | Turkish Cypriots | Greek Cypriots | This Week | 1976 (6 May 1976) SUSPECTS FOR MURDER OF US AMBASSADOR IN 1974 TAKEN TO COURT (6 February 1977) INTERVIEWS WITH GREEK CYPRIOT CLERIDES AND TURKISH CYPRIOT DENKTASH (4 August 1977) TURKISH-CYPRIOT LEADER DENKTASH INTERVIEW (18 January 1978) Mr R.R. DENKTASH ADDRESSING THE UN. SECURITY COUNCIL ON NOV/1983 (November 1983) Cyprus - Greek and Turkish Cypriots clash (11 August 1996) Cyprus - Greek Cypriot shot dead (14 August 1996) CYPRUS: TURKISH FOREIGN MINISTER TANSU CILLER'S REACTION TO SHOOTING (15 August 1996) Cyprus - Turkish-Cypriot soldier killed (8 September 1996) USA: ENVOY MEETS PRESIDENT OF TURKISH REPUBLIC OF NORTH CYPRUS (28 October 1997) Kıbrıs'ın 50 Yılı Belgeseli | 1999 | 32. Gün Arşivi (1999) Denktash warns against entry of southern Cyprus to EU (27 November 2001) Greek Cypriot president makes first trip to Turkish Cypriot north (5 December 2001) Turkish Cypriot migration to Australia - A moment with Irfan Hassan (27 September 2009) Turkish Cypriot migration to Australia - A moment with Goksel Yusuf (27 September 2009) Turkish Cypriot migration to Australia - A moment with Behayi Bilal (29 September 2009) Turkish Cypriot migration to Australia - A moment with Munure Huseyin (6 October 2009) Turkish Cypriot migration to Australia - A moment with Salih Huseyin (9 October 2009) Turkish Cypriot Migration To Australia - A Moment With Duriye Mehmed (13 October 2009) Turkish Cypriot migration to Australia - A Moment With Jale Dellal (3 November 2009) A Moment with Hasan Osman - Turkish Cypriot Migration To Australia (6 November 2009) Turkish Cypriot migration to Australia - A Moment With Kubilay Genc (20 November 2009) Turkish Cypriot migration to Australia - A Moment With Hakki Abdurrazak (22 November 2009) KEREM HASAN | DISPATCHES - RAUF DENKTAŞ 27.12.2010 (27 December 2010) Turkish Cypriots are being treated unjustly (13 November 2014) BİR FOTOGRAFIN HÜZNÜ BELGESELİ (2015) ARŞİV ODASI: Kıbrıs, 1963-2015 - BBC TÜRKÇE (23 July 2015) Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı sırasında esir düşen İslam Bahçe'nin yaşadığı inanılmaz olay (18 June 2017)[125] Rauf Denktaş'ın BBC röportajları (13 January 2018) BBC'nin Kıbrıs harekâtıyla ilgili 1975'te hazırladığı program (21 July 2018) Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı | TRT Arşiv (19 July 2019) Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı'nda Neler Yaşandı? | 20 Temmuz 1974 | 32. Gün Arşivi (21 July 2019) Cyprus: Operation for Peace (20 July 2020) Neo-Nazis of the Mediterranean (30 July 2020) A Thousand Words; The Voice Behind the Image (21 December 2020) The Lost Villages of Cyprus - Arpalık (Agios Sozomenos) (8 February 2021) 100 YEARS of Turkish Cypriot Migration to the UK (18 February 2021) TURKS IN PRE-OTTOMAN CYPRUS (2 March 2021) Yaşayan Tarih: Kıbrıs Barış Harekâtı (21 July 2021)[126] Turkish Cypriots' Struggle for Survival (25 October 2021) TURKISH NATIONAL STRUGGLE IN CYPRUS 1963-74 (15 February 2022) Explained: The Cyprus conflict (5 July 2022) Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı'nın Gazi Komutanları Anlatıyor! (21 July 2022) Performing Arts
I have a history of performing, although I'm a bit shy, I do play a number of instruments such as the alto saxophone, the piano, guitar... my favourite instrument of all time would probably have to be something chromatic percussion i.e. the marimba. I also like to play tune percussion such as the djembe etc. Here is a list of the instruments I have experience playing in-front of a live crowd (in order of appearance):
Here are some of the groups I've performed with:
Here are some of the places I've performed:
I also enjoy attending the odd concert or theatrical play here and there. Some of the plays I like:
I've also learned and performed Traditional Turkish Cypriot Folk Dance(s) and can balance a bunch of glasses full of water upside down on my head... I also play the sax for the odd wedding here and there... PhilosophyQuotes I Like
Idioms & Allegorical Sayings I Like
Things I Like to Say
Things I UseHelpful Wikipedia pages about editing, policies, editing guidelines etc
Images
Templates
Cooperation BoardsGreek and Turkish Wikipedians cooperation board Other Useful PagesDispute Resolution Requests page ↓ ↓ ↓ EDITING PRACTICE etc BELOW ↓ ↓ ↓
Super-Zuper-Thuper-Duper-Collapsible Lists
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- ^ I'm fluent/native in English, Turkish and Mandarin Chinese
- ^ Samuel White Baker (18 August 2008). Cyprus, As I Saw It In 1879. Kessinger Publishing, LLC (1879). ISBN 1437013201.
This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the original. Due to its age, it may contain imperfections such as marks, notations, marginalia and flawed pages. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions that are true to the original work.
- ^ Cobham, Claude Delaval (1908). Excerpta Cypria: Materials for a History of Cyprus. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 034376640X.
- ^ George Hill (1940–52). A History of Cyprus. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 110802064X.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: date format (link) - ^ CYPRUS: Deepening Tragedy. 21 May 1956.
{{cite book}}:|magazine=ignored (help) - ^ "CYPRUS: Fire & Smoke". Time. 2 July 1956.
- ^ "CYPRUS: For the Hangman". Time. 20 August 1956.
- ^ "CYPRUS: Riots & Resolution". Time. 23 December 1957.
- ^ The Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs
- ^ Time. 26 January 1959 https://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,892081,00.html.
{{cite magazine}}: Missing or empty|title=(help) - ^ [www.cypnet.co.uk/ncyprus/history/republic/akritas.html "London-Zürich Agreement"]. 11 February 1959.
{{cite web}}: Check|url=value (help) - ^ Also See: Documents Agreed in the French Text and initialed by the Greek and Turkish Prime Ministers at Zurich on February 11, 1959 (London-Zürich Agreement, 11 February 1959)
- ^ "Documents Agreed in the French Text and initialed by the Greek and Turkish Prime Ministers at Zurich on February 11, 1959". Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 11 February 1959.
- ^ [www.cypnet.co.uk/ncyprus/history/republic/try-guarantee.html "Treaty of Guarantee"]. 16 August 1960.
{{cite web}}: Check|url=value (help) - ^ [www.cypnet.co.uk/ncyprus/history/republic/try-alliance.html "Treaty of Alliance"]. 16 August 1960.
{{cite web}}: Check|url=value (help) - ^ [www.cypnet.co.uk/ncyprus/history/republic/try-establishment.html "Treaty of Establishment"]. 16 August 1960.
{{cite web}}: Check|url=value (help) - ^ Also See: Treaty Concerning The Establishment of The Republic of Cyprus (16 August 1960)
- ^ "Treaty Concerning The Establishment of The Republic of Cyprus". Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 16 August 1960.
- ^ "Cyprus: Death at High Noon". Time. 14 February 1964.
- ^ "World: MAKARIOS OF CYPRUS". Time. 28 February 1964.
- ^ "CYPRUS MASSACRE BY GREEK FORCES CHARGED BY TURKS; Minority Leader Tells U. N. Many Hostages Were Shot —New Solution Drafted". New York Times. 29 February 1964.
- ^ "Cyprus: Search for Compromise". Time. 6 March 1964.
- ^ . The New York Times. 6 June 1964 https://www.nytimes.com/1964/06/06/archives/johnson-warns-inonu-on-cyprus-invites-him-to-us-for-talksturkey.html.
{{cite web}}: Missing or empty|title=(help); Text "JOHNSON WARNS INONU ON CYPRUS; Invites Him to US for Talks" ignored (help) - ^ "Cyprus: The Parable of the Blue Beads". Time. 3 July 1964.
- ^ "Cyprus: Knocking Heads Together". Time. 19 June 1964.
- ^ "Cyprus: Taking Sides". Time. 2 October 1964.
- ^ The Chief AKRITAS. [www.cypnet.co.uk/ncyprus/history/republic/akritas.html "THE AKRITAS PLAN"]. Patris.
{{cite web}}: Check|url=value (help) - ^ Hugh Dominic Purcell. "Cyprus: A Place of Arms. Power Politics and Ethnic Conflict in the Eastern Mediterranean". Oxford Academic, International Affairs. 42 (4, October 1966): 737–738.
- ^ Also See: Cyprus: A Place of Arms - Power Politics and Ethnic Conflict in the Eastern Mediterranean (1966)
- ^ Stephens, Robert (1966). Cyprus: A Place of Arms - Power Politics and Ethnic Conflict in the Eastern Mediterranean. Pall Mall Press (London).
- ^ "BARBARIE A CHYPRE: BARBARIE A CHYPRE DE NOTRE ENVOYE SPECIAL". Le Soir Illustré. 1967.
- ^ Harry Scott Gibbons (1969). Peace Without Honour. ADA Publishing House.
- ^ Hugh Dominic Purcell (1969). Cyprus. Frederick A Praeger (New York). ISBN 9780510389512.
An introduction to modern Cyprus -- Early history to the time of Alexander -- Cyprus under the Ptolemies, the Romans, and the Byzantines -- From the conquest by Richard the Lionheart to the end of Venetian rule -- The Turkish period -- The British period -- Cyprus since independence
- ^ Akritas Planı - Türk'ü İmha Planı. Halkın Sesi Ltd. May 1972.
Bu kitaptan çıkarabileceğimiz hayatti ve çok önemli sonuçlar vardır: "Yıllardır Kıbrıs Türkünü yaşama hakkından mahru}m etmek isteyen Rumlar; siyasi, iktisadi baskı ve saldırılarla Kıbrıs Türkünün haklarını zorla gasbetmekte, Enosis'i tahakkuk ettirmek için AKRİTAS esas taktik ve strateji planı olarak uygulamaya devam etmektedir. Yarın Enosis'i öngörmeyen bir anlaşma yapılsa dahi Rumların, Akritas Planını bütün gücü ile uygulayarak saldırılara devam edeceklerdir. Her Türk bunu böyle bilmelidir."
- ^ "Gen. George Grivas Dies; Led Cyprus Underground". The New York Times. 28 January 1974.
- ^ "CYPRUS: Death of a Legend". TIME. 11 February 1974.
{{cite magazine}}: Cite magazine requires|magazine=(help) - ^ "The Speech by Makarios Delivered before the UN Security Council on 19 July 1974".
... the root of the evil is very deep, reaching as far as Athens. It is from there that the tree of evil, the bitter fruits of which the Greek Cypriot people are tasting today, is being fed and maintained and helped to grow and spread. In order to be absolutely clear I say that cadres of the military regime of Greece support and direct the activity of the EOKA terrorist organisation... It is also known, and an undeniable fact, that the opposition Cyprus press, which supports the criminal activity of EOKA and which has its sources of finance in Athens, received guidance and line from those in charge of the 2nd General Staff Office and the branch of the Greek Central Intelligence Services in Cyprus... Even the evil spirit which possesses the three defroced Cypriot Bishops who have caused a major crisis in the Church emanated from Athens... I have more than once so far felt and in some cases I have almost touched a hand invisibly extending from Athens and seeking to liquidate my human existence... I am not an appointed prefect or locum tenens of the Greek government in Cyprus, but an elected leader of a large section of Hellenism and I demand an appropriate conduct by the National Center towards me.
- ^ "Excerpts From Makarios's Statement to the U.N. Security Council". New York Times. 20 July 1974.
UNITED NATIONS, N. Y., July 19 — Following are excerpts from the statement made before the United Nations Security Council today by Archbishop Makarios: // What has been happening in Cyprus since last Monday morning is a real tragedy. The military regime of Greece has callously violated the independence of Cyprus. Without trace of respect of the democratic rights of the Cypriote people, without trace of respect for the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus, the Greek junta has extended its dictatorship to Cyprus. // It is indeed a fact that, for some time now, their intention was becoming obvious. The people of Cyprus had for a long time the feeling that a coup by the Greek junta was brewing and this became more intensive during the recent weeks when the terrorist organization EOKAB, directed from Athens, had renewed its wave of violence. // I do not know as yet all the details of the Cyprus crisis caused by the Greek military regime. I am afraid that large is the number of casualties and heavy is the material destruction. What is, however, our primary concern at present is the ending of the tragedy. // When I reached London was informed of the content of the speech of the representative of the Greek junta to the United Nations. I was surprised at the way they are trying to deceive world public opinion. Without a blush, the Greek junta is making efforts to simplify the situation, claiming that it is not involved in the armed attack and that the developments of the last few days are an internal matter of the Greek Cypriotes. // I do not believe that there are people who accept the allegations of the Greek military regime. The coup did not come about under such circumstances as to be considered an internal matter of the Greek Cypriotes. It is clearly an invasion from outside, in flagrant violation of the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus. The so‐called coup was the work of the Greek officers staffing and commanding the national guard, // I must also underline the fact that the Greek contingent composed of 950 officers and men stationed in Cyprus by virtue of the treaty of alliance played a predomi nant role in this aggressive affair against Cyprus. The capture of the airport outside the capital was carried out by officers and men of the Greek contingent camping near the airport. // After the coup the Agents of the Greek regime in Cyprus appointed a well‐known gunman, Nikos Sampson, as President, who in turn appointed as ministers known elements and supporters of the terrorist organization EOKAB. // It may be alleged that What took place in Cyprus is a revolution, and that a Government was established based on revolutionary law, This is not the case. No revolution took place in Cyprus which could be considered as an internal matter. It was an invasion which violated the independence and sovereignty of the republic. And the invasion is continuing so long as there are in Cyprus Greek officers. // The result of this invasion will be catalytic for Cyprus if there is no return to constitutional normality and if democratic freedoms are not restored. // 'Gradual Replacement' // For the purpose of misleading world public opinion the military regime of Greece announced yesterday the gradual replacement of the Greek officers of the national guard. But the issue is not their replacement. The issue is their withdrawal. // The gesture for replacement has the meaning of admission that the Greek officers now serving in the national guard were those who carried out the coup. These officers, however, did not act on their own initiative but upon instructions from Athens. And their replacements will also follow instructions from the Athens regime. Thus the nattona guard will always remain an instrument of the Greek military regime, and I am certain that the members of the Security Council understand this ploy. // I appeal to the members of the Security Council to do their utmost to put an end to this anomalous situation, which was created by the coup of Athens. I call upon the Security Council to use all ways and means at its disposal so that the constitutional order in Cyprus and the democratic rights of the people of Cyprus can be reinstated without delay. // As I have already stated, the events in Cyprus do not constitute an Internal matter of the Greeks of Cyprus. The Turks of Cyprus are also affected. The coup of the Greek junta is an invasion, and from its consequences suffer the whole people of Cyprus, both Greeks and Turks., // The United Nations have a peacekeeping force stationed in Cyprus. It is not possible for the role of the peacekeeping force to be effective under conditions of a military coup. The Security Council should call upon the military regime of Greece to withdraw from Cyprus the Greek officers serving in the national guard, and to put an end to its invasion of Cyprus.
- ^ "Situation in Cyprus and in the Eastern Mediterranean area (Resolution 573, 1974)". Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
- ^ Council of Europe [1] Archived 2014-05-14 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "CYPRUS: Big Troubles over a Small Island". Time. 29 July 1974.
- ^ "The G.O.P's Moment of Truth: The Battle Over Cyprus". Time. 29 July 1974.
- ^ UNFICYP (1 August 1974). "TRIPARTITE CONFERENCE & GENEVA DECLARATION". UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP).
The council, on 1 August, adopted resolution 355 (1974), taking note of the Secretary-General's statement and requesting him to take appropriate action in the light of his statement and to present a full report to the council, taking into account that the ceasefire will be the first step in the full implementation of Security Council resolution 353 (1974).
- ^ "NOTE BY THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (U.N. Document S/11413)". United Nations Digital Library. 4 August 1974.
- ^ Glafcos Clerides accuses Turkey of disregarding the 1949 Geneva Conventions and human rights, and of harassing the civilian population of the area under the Turkish Forces' control.
- ^ "LETTER DATED 7 AUGUST 1974 FROM THE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF TURKEY TO THE UNITED NATIONS ADDRESSED TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (U.N. Document S/11423)". United Nations Digital Library. 7 August 1974.
- ^ Turkey says hostilities resulting from the Greek armed resistance continue causing Greek Cypriot civilians to take refuge in the safer areas. Greek Cypriots continue having to be moved into safer areas by the Turkish forces until conditions permit them to be sent back. The Turkish Command's instructions to permit the Greek Cypriots with no military affiliation to return to their homes in Kyrenia if they so wish and when conditions permit are reiterated. It is confirmed that authorised personnel including the representatives of the Red Cross and the Turkish Red Crescent continue to be permitted to visit areas under Turkish control. The Turkish Cypriot inhabitants of 37 villages totaling 21,096 or what is left of them remain forced by the Greek National Guard to take refuge in other Turkish areas. 80 villages remain occupied by the Greek National Guard forces where a total of 35,882 Turkish Cypriots or what is left of them live. 60 villages remain surrounded by the Greek National Guard forces where a total of 26,157 Turkish Cypriots or what is left of them live under constant threat. The total affected Turkish Cypriot population outside the area controlled by the Turkish armed forces amounts to some 83,000 or approximately two thirds of the entire Turkish Cypriot population, or approximately one eighth of the island's entire population of roughly 600,000.
- ^ "Security Council Resolution 360 - UNSCR".
Records its formal disapproval of the unilateral military actions undertaken against the Republic of Cyprus
- ^ "Turkish Newsman Dies". The New York Times. 27 August 1974.
- ^ Laurence Marcus Stern (1977). The Wrong Horse: The Politics of Intervention and the Failure of American Diplomacy. Times Books. p. 113-115. ISBN 0812907345.
- ^ Theodoracopulos, Taki (January 1978). The Greek Upheaval: Kings, Demagogues, and Bayonets. Aristide D. Caratzas. ISBN 0892410809.
- ^ Rauf Raif Denktaş (4 August 1980). "THE "AKRITAS PLAN" AND THE "IKONES" DISCLOSURES OF 1980". The Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
- ^ Zaim M. Nedjatigil (1 January 1981). "The Cyprus Conflict: A Lawyer's View". Oxford Academic, International Affairs. 58 (1, Winter 1981). Kema Press: 154.
- ^ Rauf Raif Denktaş (1 September 1982). "The Cyprus Triangle". K. Rustem & Bro. and George Allen & Unwin. p. 222.
- ^ Rauf Raif Denktaş (1 January 1988). The Cyprus Triangle. K. Rustem & Brother. ISBN 0043270662.
- ^ Oberling, Pierre (1982). The Road to Bellapais: The Turkish Cypriot Exodus to Northern Cyprus (East European Monographs, No. 125). p. 120. ISBN 0880330007.
About author: Pierre Oberling is professor of history at Hunter College. About book: A study of the Turkish Cypriot exodus to Northern Cyprus in the context of the repeated Cypriot crises of the 1960s and 1970s. Summary: In 1963-64, and again in 1967 and 1974, the Greek Cypriots, with Greek military assistance, raided isolated Turkish villages and attacked the Turkish Cypriot quarters of the towns, pushing the Turkish Cypriots into even more densely populated enclaves and forcing them to survive on their own meagre economic resources... Professor Oberling recounts this dramatic story in vivid detail, and shows that the division of Cyprus into two ethnically homogeneous, self-governing states was not achieved by the Turkish armed intervention of 1974 but by the Grek Cypriots in their campaign of aggression against the Turkish Cypriot community during the previous decade. Review (Amazon): Harold Tc.: Sometimes we think that it is best to simply forget about the uncomfortable past and move on. But when today's politics are still so powerfully determined by a folk memory of that history, then we have an obligation to remember. For anyone interested in what is happening in Cyprus today, there is no way to see clearly through all the revisionism and obfuscation of various interested parties. Read this remarkable book by a scholar who knew the Middle East far better than most Westerners. Bloody Christmas (1963): Overall, 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed in the 1963-64 conflict.
- ^ Borowiec, Andrew (1983). The Mediterranean Feud. New York: Praeger Publishers. p. 98.
- ^ Mehmet Ali Birand (1 January 1985). 30 Hot Days. K Rustem and Brother.
- ^ Reddaway, John (1 January 1986). Burdened With Cyprus and the British Connection. Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN 0297791206.
- ^ Glafkos Clerides (1 January 1989). Cyprus: My Deposition. Alithia. ISBN 9963586066.
Just as the Greek Cypriot preoccupation was that Cyprus should be a Greek Cypriot state, with a protected Turkish Cypriot minority, the Turkish preoccupation was to defeat any such effort and to maintain the partnership concept, which in their opinion the Zurich Agreement created between the two communities. The conflict, therefore, was a conflict of principle and for that principle both sides were prepared to go on arguing and even, if need be to fight, rather than compromise. ... The same principle is still in conflict, even today, though a federal solution has been accepted -and though a federation is nothing more than a constitutional partnership of the component states, provinces or cantons which make up the federation."
- ^ The quote for this book was taken from Vol 3, page 105. With the preoccupations having been acknowledged and put so succinctly in his memoirs, the Turkish Cypriots had looked, over the years, for signs from the Greek Cypriot side that would indicate a change of heart or, at least, a change of policy, but unfortunately they saw none. On the contrary, all signs indicated to them a one-way traffic in the direction of a one-sided pre-occupation as explained in the above-quoted passage. What is worse is that Glafkos Clerides himself made his people believe that they were the legitimate Government of Cyprus and that as such they were entitled to speak for the whole island and take decisions and enter into Agreement with Greece which, if valid, would mean the end of the Turkish Cypriots in Cyprus.
- ^ Sabahattin Egeli (1 January 1991). How the 1960 Republic of Cyprus was Destroyed. Kastaş Corp. Publications.
- ^ Michael B. Bishku. "TURKEY, GREECE AND THE CYPRUS CONFLICT". POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND CULTURAL DEVELOPMENTS IN THE THIRD WORLD (SPRING, 1991). 8 (1). University of Florida Press: 165-179.
- ^ "Foreign Relations". Dış Politika. IV (2–3): 230-232.
1) The areas in Cyprus which were controlled by opposing forces on 30 July 1974 at 10 p.m. Geneva time, were not to be extended. 2) All armed forces, including irregular forces, were to desist from all offensive or hostile activities. 3) A security zone, closed to all armed forces except those of UNFICYP, was to be established at the limit of the areas occupied by the Turkish armed forces. 4) All Greek and Greek Cypriot forces were to immediately withdraw from the Turkish Cypriot enclaves which they had occupied. 5) All the Turkish Cypriot enclaves were to be protected by a security zone closed to all armed forces except those of UNFICYP. 6) Military personnel and civilians detained as a result of the recent hostilities were to be exchanged or released under the supervision of the International Committee of the Red Cross within the shortest time possible. 7) Measures were to be elaborated "within the framework of a just and lasting solution acceptable to all parties concerned and as peace, security and mutual confidence are established" which were to lead to the "timely and phased reduction of the number of armed forces and the amounts of armaments, munitions and other war material" on the island. 8) New talks, to being on 8 August, were to be held "to secue the restoration of peace in the area and the re-establishment of a constitutional government in Cyprus". 9) Representatives of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities were to be invited to participate in discussion relating to constitutional matters at the projected talks. 10) The three foreign ministers "noted the existence in practice in the Republic of Cyprus of two autonomous administrations, that of the Greek Cypriot community and that of the Turkish Cypriot community" and "problems raised by their existence" were to be considered at the projected talks.
- ^ Salahi Ramadan (S. R.) Sonyel (1991). Settlers and Refugees in Cyprus. Cyprus Turkish Association (London). ISBN 0950488631.
- ^ "Confidence Building Measures (1992-1994)". Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
- ^ Salahi Ramadan (S. R.) Sonyel (1995). The struggles of the Turkish people of Cyprus. Cyprus Turkish Association (London).
- ^ Rauf Raif Denktaş (22 September 1996). "Letter sent by TRNC President Rauf Denktas to the Greek Cypriot Leader Glafkos Clerides, 22 September 1996". Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
- ^ Gibbons, Harry Scott (1 January 1997). The Genocide Files. Savannah Koch. ISBN 978-0951446423.
The
Genocide
Files is a thorough research into the so called "Cyprus Problem" it exposes the bias of the United Nations organisation towards the Cyprus Turks and its apparent inability to protect them against their more numerous and militarily more powerful co-inhabitants of the island, the Greek Cypriots. The book describes howthe Greek fixation with Enosis-union with Greece-led to a one-sided war against the Turks and the brutal massacres of their men, women and children.
- ^ "Resolution by the Turkish Grand National Assembly On 21 January 1997". The Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2 January 1997.
- ^ "Circular Note Sent to the Embassies of the EU Member States Concerning the Greek Cypriot Application to the EU, 30 June 1997". The Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 30 June 1997.
- ^ Salahi Ramadan (S. R.) Sonyel (1997). "Cyprus, The Destruction of a Republic: British Documents 1960-1965". Cambridgeshire: Eothen Press. ISBN 0906719402.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ Clement H. Dodd (1 January 1998). The Cyprus Imbroglio. Eothen Press. ISBN 0906719216.
This short history and analysis examines critically both Greek and Turkish Cypriot accounts of the developments of the dispute. It then summarises the legal argumentation on both sides and evaluates the success of the confidence-building measures, the UN sponsored negotiations, and the effects of the 'catalyst' provided by the EU accession talks with the Greek Cypriots. The arms build-up the Eastern Mediterranean and the regional and international implications of the Cyprus issue are also examined. Documents important to understanding the problem are appended.
- ^ Review: "Compulsive reading...should be compulsory reading for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, the State Department, the European Commission and the UN negotiators." -- Cyprus Today
- ^ Michael Moran. Resolution 186 – It's Genesis and Significance: Maneuvers at the UN in 1964. Cyrep (1999) (Lefkoşa).
- ^ "Resolution of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, 15 July 1999". The Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 15 July 1999.
- ^ Prof. Maurice H Mendelson, Q.C. (2001). Why Cyprus Entry into the European Union Would be Illegal. Meto (London). ISBN 0954067517.
- ^ Asuh Uslu (2003). The Cyprus Question as an Issue of Turkish Foreign Policy and Turkish American Relations 1959-2003. Nova Science Publishers, Inc New York.
- ^ Ülman, Haluk. "Geneva Conferences". Dış Politika. IV, nos. 2-3: 46–65.
- ^ The first Geneva talks begin between the foreign ministers of the guarantor powers (Greece, Turkey, and the United Kingdom) to discuss the situation on the island. The Turkish representative, Turan Güneş, determines to find a solution that can guarantee the safety and security of the Turkish Cypriots and the Turkish Armed Forces until a solution respecting the political situation on Cyprus could be reached. The Greek Foreign Minister, George Mavros, argues that according to Article 4 of Resolution 353 the Turks are to withdraw all troops from the island immediately, and agrees that a security zone should be established between the Greek and Turkish forces, but only on the Turkish side of the ceasefire line, threatening to otherwise evacuate 50 Greek Cypriot villages if Turkey refuses. He also accuses Turkey of advancing beyond the ceasefire line and demands that a new constitutional order be set up on the island. Güneş responds by stating Article 4 of Resolution 353 exempts the Turkish troops from those to be withdrawn because they are in Cyprus "under the authority of international agreements", specifically the Treaty of Guarantee, and reiterates that they would have to remain as long as the Turkish Cypriots remain under threat of attack, noting that attacks on the Turkish Cypriots and Turkish Armed Forces had persisted throughout the ceasefire. He also points out that the Turkish corridor in Cyprus is so narrow that should the safety zone be established on the Turkish side of the ceasefire line, there would not be any Turkish zone left, and further argues that the 1960 Constitution no longer has any validity to the Turkish Cypriots or Turkey as by the time of the current events the Cypriot state had already disintegrated, and a new state would therefore have to be established taking into account the fact that the Turkish Cypriots have already developed their own national and municipal administrations, namely, a federated, bi-zonal government needs to be contemplated. Finally, he maintains that Turkish encroachments on the ceasefire line were in response to multiple serious breaches of the ceasefire agreement on the part of the National Guard, EOKA and the Greek Armed Forces.
- ^ Michael Stephen (30 September 2004). "WHY IS CYPRUS DIVIDED?". UK Parliament Select Committee on Foreign Affairs.
- ^ "Turkish proposal for the simultaneous lifting of all restrictions in Cyprus by all relevant parties". The Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 30 May 2005.
- ^ Coughlan, Reed; Mallinson, William (July 2005). "Enosis, Socio-Cultural Imperialism and Strategy: Difficult Bedfellows". Middle Eastern Studies. 41, No. 4. Taylor & Francis, Ltd.: 575–604.
- ^ Makarios Drousiotis (2005). Cyprus 1974... Bibliopolis.
- ^ Cassia, Paul Sant (2005). Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus (PDF). Berghahn Books. ISBN 9781571816467.
... In modern Greek Cypriot culture there is a double connection of dogs and carrion. Extreme right-wing Greek nationalists in Cyprus referred to Turkish Cypriots whom they killed as shillii (dogs) – the implication being that, like dogs, they could be killed with impunity... It is well known that taxonomic violence defined in ethnic terms (or what is now called ethnic cleansing) is accompanied, indeed justified, by attempts to render the other as an outsider and a source of pollution... TURKS = shillii/polluting, therefore legitimated killing: metaphorical likeness... ... they (Turkish Cypriots) emphasise that their missing are dead because of a conscious policy of genocide... there were disclosures of reputed plans, such as the AKRITAS plan which purported to project a plan at ethnic cleansing... ... photographs as representations of suffering qua suffering confirm their belief that they are victims of genocide, and authenticate their claims to the wider world... ... Hospitals descend treacherously from enveloping sanctuaries to menacing endangerment... ... The white coat of the doctor/nurse is transfigured as the last concealment of uniform and the pursuit of genocidal plans through the murderous application of surgical implements...
- ^ "Items-in-Cyprus - documents, resolutions, reports by the Secretary-General - Security Council documents" (PDF). United Nations. 15 June 2006.
- ^ Fadil Elmasoğlu. Erenköy ve Hayat.
- ^ Vamık Volkan (2008). "Search for solution in CYPRUS". Insight Turkey. 10 (4). ISSN 1302-177X.
- ^ Vamık D. Volkan (2008). "Trauma, Identity and Search for a Solution in Cyprus". Insight Turkey. SET VAKFI İktisadi İşletmesi, SETA VAKFI: 95–110.
Turks... go back to 1963 and recount their horror story when the Greek Cypriots, who outnumbered the Cypriot Turks four to one, forced the Cypriot Turks to live in subhuman conditions in enclaves geographically limited to three percent of the island. They lived this way, surrounded by their enemies, for eleven years.
- ^ Michael Moran (1 January 2009). Britain and the 1960 Cyprus Acords: A Study in Pragmatism. Istanbul Kültür University Publications. ISBN 6054233068.
The author, a renowned expert on the Cyprus question and a respectable British political scientist used the British diplomatic exchange of letters and telegrams (released under the 30 year rule) that date from 1964 to 1969 as a source while writing this book. Moran tries to reflect on the historic attitudes towards a Cyprus settlement of the other external powers that have a direct interest in the problem.
- ^ Constandinos, Andreas (2009). America, Britain and the Cyprus Crisis of 1974: Calculated Conspiracy Or Foreign Policy Failure?. AuthorHouse. p. 206.
- ^ Dodd, Clement (2010). The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 113.
- ^ İslamoğlu, Mahmut; Öznur, Şevket (1 April 2010). "IDIOMS THAT COMPRISE THE PRESENCE OF TURKISH WORDS IN GREEK CYPRIOT LANGUAGE". Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken. 2 (1). Institut für die Welt der Türken: 25–35. ISSN 1868-8934.
- ^ Panikos Neokleus (1 January 2011). Tarihe Işık Tutan ANILAR: 1955-1974. Kalkedon Yayıncılık. ISBN 6055679922.
Belki Suat, Petros ve daha niceleri katilleri affetmiş olabilirler. Lakin ben bu insan kılıklı canavarların 36 yıldır serbestçe aramızda dolanıyor olmaları gerçeğini kabullenemiyorum. Onlar, annesinin kucağındaki 7 aylık yavrucağa hiç tereddüt etmeden kıyan canavarlardır. Şimdi ise ortalıkta serbestçe dolaşıyorlar ve hayatın tadını çıkarıyorlar. Kim bilir belki aralarından bazıları kamuoyu tarafından saygıdeğer vatandaşlar olarak benimsenmiş bile olabilir. Ne yazık ki bu insanların cezalandırılmaları için kimse bir çaba sarf etmedi. Sonuçta cezalandırılmadılar ama muhtemelen kurbanlarının vicdan azabı ve ağırlığı altında bir hayat sürdürüyorlar.
- ^ George Hill (13 June 2011). A History of Cyprus, V4: The Ottoman Province: The British Colony, 1571-1948. Cambridge University Press.
- ^ Lawrence Durrell (12 June 2012). Bitter Lemons of Cyprus: Life on a Mediterranean Island. Kalkedon Yayıncılık. ISBN 1604190043.
From the New York Times–bestselling author of the Alexandria Quartet: "A superlative piece of . . . writing . . . rooted in the Mediterranean scene" (Time). In 1953, as the British Empire relaxes its grip upon the world, the island of Cyprus bucks for independence. Some cry for union with Athens, others for an arrangement that would split the island down the middle, giving half to the Greeks and the rest to the Turks. For centuries, the battle for the Mediterranean has been fought on this tiny spit of land, and now Cyprus threatens to rip itself in half. Into this escalating conflict steps Lawrence Durrell—poet, novelist, and a former British government official. After years serving the Crown in the Balkans, he yearns for a return to the island lifestyle of his youth. With humor, grace, and passable Greek, Durrell buys a house, secures a job, and settles in for quiet living, happy to put up his feet until the natives begin to consider wringing his neck. More than a travel memoir, this is an elegant picture of island life in a changing world.
- ^ Review: “Brilliant depth of language . . . gathering slowly from the lighter delightful pages to its lost and questioning end. Never for a moment does [Durrell] lose the poet’s touch.” —The New York Times “The hospitality of local people, the quirky pace of life, and the beauty of the setting all come vividly to life.” —The Scotsman “A brilliant travel writer.” —Booklist
- ^ About the Author: Born in Jalandhar, British India, in 1912 to Indian-born British colonials, Lawrence Durrell was a critically hailed and beloved novelist, poet, humorist, and travel writer best known for the Alexandria Quartet novels, which were ranked by the Modern Library as among the greatest works of English literature in the twentieth century. A passionate and dedicated writer from an early age, Durrell’s prolific career also included the groundbreaking Avignon Quintet, whose first novel, Monsieur (1974), won the James Tait Black Memorial Prize, and whose third novel, Constance (1982), was nominated for the Booker Prize. He also penned the celebrated travel memoir Bitter Lemons of Cyprus (1957), which won the Duff Cooper Prize. Durrell corresponded with author Henry Miller for forty-five years, and Miller influenced much of his early work, including a provocative and controversial novel, The Black Book (1938). Durrell died in France in 1990.
- ^ Nicholas van der Bijl (19 May 2014). The Cyprus Emergency – The Divided Island 1955-1974. Pen and Sword Military. ISBN 1783462167.
The UK has been involved in Cyprus for over 125 years. Strategically placed in the Eastern Mediterranean, it was initially ideal for protection of the Suez Canal and more recently as a 'listening post' for the troubled Middle East and southern flank of NATO. // The British faced two serious problems – the first, the Greek Cypriots' desire for Enosis, (union with Greece) and, second, the intense rivalry and antipathy between the Greek and Turkish communities. // In 1955 the former resulted in a bitter EOKA terrorist campaign led by Colonel George Grivas. This resulted in the deaths of over 100 British servicemen. Nicosia's 'Murder Mile' was the scene of many shootings. The Governor Field Marshal Harding narrowly escaped assassination in his residence. Even British families were targeted. // The next phase was the Turkish Government's military intervention in 1974 to prevent what they saw as the Greek takeover. In a bloody invasion which saw widespread 'ethnic cleansing' and displacement of communities, the Island was divided into two sectors policed by the United Nations. This exists today, as do the British Sovereign Base areas at Dhekalia and Atrokiri/Episkopi. // This book describes the most troubled years of this beautiful island which is so well known to British servicemen, their families and holiday makers.
- ^ About the author: Nick van der Bijl BEM spent 25 years, most in the Intelligence Corps between 1970 and 1989. Since retiring from the Army, he has pursued a career in security management in the defence industry, courier sector and the NHS. He is a Trustee of the Military Intelligence Museum. He has numerous published works in print with Pen and Sword Books including Nine Battles to Stanley, Victory in the Falklands, Confrontation, Operation BANNER and Sharing the Secret, A History of the Intelligence Corps. // He lives in Somerset.
- ^ "Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı Gazete Manşetleri". Ekonomi Kıbrıs. 20 June 2015.
Kıbrıs Türkü'ne özgürlük ve bağımsızlık getiren çıkarma, Türkiye'den de yakından takip ediliyordu. O dönem gazetelerin attığı manşetler, bugün bile hafızlarda...
- ^ Vamık D. Volkan (2017). Immigrants and Refugees Trauma, Perennial Mourning, Prejudice, and Border Psychology. Routledge. ISBN 9781782204725.
- ^ Rally Papageorgiou (15 June 2017). "Sole Survivor of 1974 Tochni Massacre: They were firing for ten minutes". Cyprus Mail.
- ^ Nejla Clements (21 August 2018). The Battle of Kokkina. Troubador Publishing. ISBN 1789014514.
Description: "The riveting true story of the 13 year battle for the village of Kokkina in Northern Cyprus. The first book in English to detail this story. Written by someone who not only lived through but also participated in these events. // The Battle of Kokkina is the English Translation of Erenkoey ve Hayat, which is the extraordinary autobiography of Fadil Elmasoglu. It is a compulsive read, describing how Mr Elmasoglu lead a motley crew of men to form a resistance group that helped defend their coastal village in Northern Cyprus. The vivid descriptions of day to day life of a besieged community and their courage and determination to survive the state's attempts to annihilate them are riveting. // Amongst all the mayhem of various battles, the village folk, some of whom lived in caves for shelter, still pursued a normal life. The isolation of Kokkina continued for thirteen years but not once did the inhabitants consider giving up. Normal cultural practices still continued; socialising, matchmaking, weddings, babies being born, educating their young. All this while, men concentrated on fighting the armed attacks on their village from the hills behind them and the sea to their front. Not to mention the gathering and ceremonial burying of their dead during the fighting. // There are details of numerous gun-smuggling trips to Turkey; how these were organised and put into action, the incredible risks taken by the men who participated, and the perils of the sea when sailing in a small arms-laden boat. There is humour too. Like the time when Mr Elmasoglu, after years of walking around almost barefoot, was given a pair of boots by a journalist - one of many who periodically descended into Kokkina. His description of how he felt he `could fly', although touching, does not contain any self-pity; only delight and amazement.
- ^ Mehmet Atıf Ürük (September 2018). Kıbrıs Gerçeği - Geçmişten Günümüze, Platini’den Beşparmaklar’a Girne’den Lefkoşa’ya. Cinius Yayınları. ISBN 9786057979056.
Barış Harekâtından önce bölüğüme yaptığım konuşma: // "Arkadaşlar, Harekât esnasında bazılarımız vademiz gelmişse şehit, bazılarımız da gazi olacağız... Silah doğrultmayana ateş açılmayacak… Yaşlı, kadın ve çocuklara dokunulmayacaktır... Hepimizin gayreti 'Ölmeden öldürmek, vurulmadan vurmak' olacaktır. Gazanız mübarek olsun." // İkinci Barış Harekâtından sonra bölüğüme yaptığım konuşma: // "Kıbrıs'a çıktığımızdan bu yana 11 şehidimiz oldu… Onlar gönlümüzde ebediyen yaşayacaktır. Hepsine Allah'tan rahmet diliyorum, ruhları şad olsun… Bundan sonraki görevimiz, Kıbrıs'ta kalıcı barışı tesis etmek ve Türk, Rum, Ermeni, Süryani demeden herkese eşit yaklaşmaktır…" // Kore'de ABD askerini Kuzey Kore askerlerinin saldırılarına karşı korumak ve Amerikan kolordusunun imhasını önlemek için Türk Tugayı nasıl feda edilmişse, Kıbrıs'ta da 50. Piyade Alayı 2 gün süreyle adada takviye edilmemiş ancak daha sonra gelecek birlikle, gelişecek Barış Harekâtı için adeta feda edilmiştir. // TSK, Kıbrıs Barış Harekâtı ile Türk tarihine önemli bir daha zafer ilave etmiştir. Bunu yaparken de "Efendiler,... Kıbrıs düşman elinde bulunduğu sürece Anadolu'nun güneyinin ikmal yolları tıkanmıştır. Kıbrıs'a dikkat ediniz. Bu ada bizim için önemlidir…" sözüne sadık kalarak Atatürk'ün gerçek takipçisi olduğunu bir kez daha dünyaya ispat etmiştir. // Türk toplumunu azınlık statüsünde ikinci sınıf vatandaş kabul eden Rum yönetimi, "Siz Türk değil, Kıbrıslısınız!" diyerek adada suni olarak "Kıbrıslılık - Türkiyelilik" çatışması yaratmıştır. // Türkiye ve KKTC ile Yunan – Rum ikilisinin Kıbrıs adası çevresindeki doğalgaz konusunda anlaşarak siyasi, sosyal ve güvenlik ağırlıklı olan Kıbrıs sorununu ekonomik olarak çözmeye çalışmalarından endişe duymaktayım. Bu nedenle de Türk askerinin Kıbrıs'ta kalıcı olması gerekir. Yoksa Kıbrıs davası uğruna dökülen bunca kana yazık olur… // Kıbrıs'ta çözüm olmuyor… Çünkü Rum tarafının bir hedefi vardır. O da hiç değişmeyecek hedefi olan Enosis, yani adayı Yunanistan'a bağlamaktır. Türkiye ve Kıbrıs Türk tarafı son dönem görüşmelerinde çözüm için çok uğraştılar… Ancak anlayamadıkları husus, tarihin hiçbir döneminde Türklerle kader birliği yapmamış olan Rum - Yunan ikilisinin Enosis'ten vazgeçemeyeceğiydi... Bugünkü şartlarda Kıbrıs görüşmeleri belki başka bir bahara kalmıştır…
- ^ Tommy Clark (1 July 2020). A Brief History of Cyprus: The Story of a Divided Island.
- ^ "Grivas: legend or destroyer?". Cyprium News. 8 September 2021.
On January 17... in comments to the newspaper Eleftheria, Tassos Papadopoulos said "the builder Dighenis has now become Grivas the destroyer," adding: "There is no room today for a dilemma on lawfulness between Dighenis and Grivas, because the legend of Dighenis of Eoka, has been shattered and obliterated by Eoka B.
- ^ Mehmet Atıf Ürük (30 September 2022). Çilekeş Ada Kıbrıs. Cinius Yayınları. ISBN 9786258219265.
'Tarih tekerrür eder' denir. Doğrudur, ama tarihini bilmeyen uluslar, Tarihin olumsuz tekrarını önleyemezler... Tarih de tekerrür eder durur... Tarihini, özellikle yakın tarihini bilen uluslar Tarihin olumsuz tekrarını önleyebilirler... Kıbrıs sorunu, Türk askerinin çekilmesiyle çözülemez. Kıbrıs sorunu 20 Temmuz 1974'te başlamamış, bitmiştir. Tarih yazılırsa bilinir, okunursa öğrenilir.
- ^ Kerem Haser (Hassan) (2023). The Vision for Two States in Cyprus.
Description: This book is a living written account of the struggle of the Turkish Cypriot People for the reaffirmation and acknowledgment of their inherent sovereign equality and equal international status rights.
- ^ Mehmet Atıf Ürük (2023). Kıbrıs Şehitleri. Cinius Yayınları. ISBN 9786258219265.
Kıbrıs Şehitleri kitabım, öncelikle genö nesillere armağanım ve Türk Ulusu'nun kopmaz paröası olan Kıbrıs Türk'ünün var olma ve özgürlük mücadelesinde ŞEHİT düşen Aziz Kıbrıs Şehitlerimizin belgesidir. 1878 İngiliz sömürge yönetimden başlayarak, 1955-1974 ENOSİS amaölı TÜRK katliamları ile 20 Temmuz 1974 KURTULUŞ Savaşı'ndan günümüze Kıbrıs Tarihi'nin Şehitleri'ni kitabımda buluşturdum. Geçmişini bilmeyen uluslar geleceğine yön vermez. Tarih yazılırsa bilinir, okunursa öğrenilir.
- ^ M Zeka Hoşgör. Gizli Kalmasın. Okman Printing.
- ^ Clement Dodd. The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan.
- ^ Esat Mustafa. Kıbrıs Tarihinde Yaǧmuralan. Ateş Matbaacılık Ltd.
- ^ Sabahattin Ismail. 20 July Peace Operation: Reasons, Development and Consequences. Kastaş Ltd.
- ^ Ahmet Gazioǧlu, Michael Moran. Past Masters of Illegality. Cyrep (Lefkoşa).
- ^ Michael Moran. Rauf Denktaş at the United Nations: Speeches on Cyprus. The Eothen Press.
- ^ Metin Tamkoç. The Turkish Cypriot State – The Embodiment of the Right of Self-determination. K Rustem & Brother.
- ^ Oliver P Richmond. Mediating in Cyprus: The Cypriot Communities and the United Nations. Frank Cass.
- ^ David Matthews. The Cyprus Tapes. Downlow Productions.
- ^ M. ERGÜN OLGUN - Undersecretary of the KKTC Presidency. "Greek Cypriot state terror revealed". Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
- ^ Leontios Ierodiaconou. Fatal Leadership.
- ^ "Constitution of the Greek Cypriot Constituent State". Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
- ^ "Constitution of the Turkish Cypriot Constituent State". Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
- ^ "Treaty Provisions and Basic Documents with Regard to the EU Membership of Cyprus". The Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
- ^ Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı sırasında esir düşen İslam Bahçe'nin yaşadığı inanılmaz olay stüdyodaki izleyicilere ve Murat Yıldırım'a duygusal anlar yaşattı.
- ^ Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı'nın 47. yıl dönümünde tüm şehitlerimize rahmet, gazilerimize sağlıklı uzun ömürler diliyoruz. Emekli Tuğgeneral Cemal Eruç anlatıyor...
- ^
{{cite web}}: Empty citation (help) - ^ Isachenko 2012, p. 41.
- ^ "West London Turkish School".
- ^ "Namık Kemal Türk Okulu".
- ^ "Hakan Niyazi on ResearchGate".
- ^ "Stan Mielniczuk as mentioned in the Kingsdale School extra curricular activities programme 2017-18" (PDF).
- ^ "Kingsdale Music Festival at the Kingsdale Music Department's Homepage".
- ^ "Dulwich Youth Orchestra homepage".
- ^ "Old Spike Roastery homepage".
- ^ "Turkish Education Group London homepage".
- ^ "Southwark Turkish Education Group at OpenCharities.org".
Charity Number: 1036107, Date Registered: 1994-04-14, Date Removed: 2016-12-30
- ^ "SOUTHWARK TURKISH EDUCATION GROUP on Charity Commission website".
- ^ "Southwark Cyprus Turkish Association at Community Southwark webpage".
- ^ "Turkish Language, Culture and Education Consortium UK Charity Commission webpage".
- ^ "Turkish Language, Culture and Education Consortium website".
- ^ "UK Turkish Islamic Trust website".
- ^ Gibbons, Harry Scott. The Genocide Files. Savannah Koch. ISBN 978-0951446423.
The
Genocide
Files is a thorough research into the so called "Cyprus Problem" it exposes the bias of the United Nations organisation towards the Cyprus Turks and its apparent inability to protect them against their more numerous and militarily more powerful co-inhabitants of the island, the Greek Cypriots. The book describes howthe Greek fixation with Enosis-union with Greece-led to a one-sided war against the Turks and the brutal massacres of their men, women and children.
- ^ [https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200910/ldhansrd/text/91119-0011.htm
quote=19 Nov 2009 : Column 104
Is J D Bowers, the international authority and respected American professor of genocide studies at Northern Illinois University, correct when he openly confirms that Greek Cypriots and EOKA-B, under the leadership of Nikos Sampson, were guilty of the genocide of Turkish Cypriots within the 1963 United Nations definition of "genocide"? Did the Akritas and Ifestos 1974 plans not spell out the means and methodology for that genocide? Was Turkey justified in its intervention in 1974 that brought an end to the killings, when we had turned our backs on our treaty obligation? Have the Greek Cypriots rejected every potential settlement for the past 35 years? Did the Blair promises of 2004 to Turkish Cypriots, following their acceptance of the Annan Plan, run totally and completely into the sand? Unless the Government and the EU face up to the truth of these questions no progress will be made and we will have to face up to a two-nation island; perhaps that is inevitable. https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200910/ldhansrd/text/91119-0011.htm quote=19 Nov 2009 : Column 104 Is J D Bowers, the international authority and respected American professor of genocide studies at Northern Illinois University, correct when he openly confirms that Greek Cypriots and EOKA-B, under the leadership of Nikos Sampson, were guilty of the genocide of Turkish Cypriots within the 1963 United Nations definition of "genocide"? Did the Akritas and Ifestos 1974 plans not spell out the means and methodology for that genocide? Was Turkey justified in its intervention in 1974 that brought an end to the killings, when we had turned our backs on our treaty obligation? Have the Greek Cypriots rejected every potential settlement for the past 35 years? Did the Blair promises of 2004 to Turkish Cypriots, following their acceptance of the Annan Plan, run totally and completely into the sand? Unless the Government and the EU face up to the truth of these questions no progress will be made and we will have to face up to a two-nation island; perhaps that is inevitable.]
{{cite web}}: Check|url=value (help); Missing or empty|title=(help); Missing pipe in:|url=(help); line feed character in|url=at position 76 (help) - ^ "House of Lords Cyprus debate from 27 October 2016".
- ^ "Further written evidence from the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, President's Office: CYPRUS: OBJECTIVE REALITIES, VALIDITY OF GREEK CYPRIOT OBJECTIONS TO THE ANNAN PLAN AND THE WAY FORWARD".
Propaganda, Lobbying, and Cheating Turks and Turkish Cypriots have not yet realized the critical significance of public relations and propaganda. Greek Cypriots and Greeks, on the other hand, are experts in the use of propaganda and lobbying. Although propaganda and lobbying are legitimate, cheating is, to say the least, unethical. Unfortunately, even the European Union has allowed itself to be misled by the "unethical" propaganda machine of the Greek Cypriot side. Addressing the European Parliament on 21 April 2004, EU Enlargement Commissioner Gunter Verheugen, for example, recalled that in 1999 the then Greek Cypriot government had promised to do everything possible to secure a settlement in return for which the EU would not make a Cyprus solution a prerequisite for accession. An angry and disappointed Mr Verheugen stated to the European Parliament that: "What Mr Papadopoulos said after the negotiations in Switzerland is the rejection of that notion and I must draw the conclusion from his words that the government of the Republic of Cyprus opposes the international settlement and proposes the rejection of the Plan. I am going to be very undiplomatic now. I feel cheated by the Greek Cypriot government"
{{cite web}}: soft hyphen character in|quote=at position 563 (help) - ^ "CYPRUS - GENOCIDE OF TURKISH CYPRIOTS, EDM #276, Tabled 31 January 2001, 2000-01 Session".
That this House calls upon Her Majesty's Government to recognise the attempted genocide committed against the Turkish Cypriots by the Greek Cypriot militia in 1963-64, 1967 and 1974, well documented in 'The Genocide Files' by Harry Scott-Gibbons and in official British documents and newspaper reports at the time; considers that since those massacres of Turkish Cypriots were committed by Greek Cypriot forces pursuant to a written plan, 'the Akritas Plan', Articles 2(a) (b) and (c) of the UN Genocide Convention are clearly satisfied; and calls upon Her Majesty's Government to take action to bring to justice persons responsible who are still alive and living in southern Cyprus.
{{cite web}}: Missing or empty|url=(help) - ^ "Early day motion 156, Cyprus, Turkey and the European Union, & Amendment line 1 156A1". UK Parliament. 16 July 2001. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
That this House notes that 20th July this year is the 27th anniversary of Turkey's intervention in Cyprus under Article 4 of the 1960 Cyprus Treaty of Guarantee, to prevent the annexation of Cyprus to Greece in violation of Article 1 of that Treaty and to stop renewed attempts under the Iphestos Plan at genocide to which the Turkish Cypriots had already been subjected by Greek Cypriots under the Akritas Plan in 1963, 1964 and 1967 and in violation of Articles 2(a), (b) and (c) and 3(a), (b), (c), (d) and (e) of the 1948 Genocide Convention; considers that the accession of Cyprus to the European Union without the consent of the Turkish Cypriots and Turkey would be a violation of Article 1 of the 1960 Treaty by the Greek Cypriots and of Article 2 by the United Kingdom and Greece; and that it would seriously damage Europe's relations with Turkey and the cohesion of NATO; further considers that the acceptance of the Greek Cypriot Administration in Southern Cyprus as the Government of Cyprus has made a Cyprus settlement impossible; and calls upon Her Majesty's Government to deal with both the peoples of Cyprus and their elected institutions on a basis of equality in all respects without further delay.
- ^ House of Commons. "Session 2004-05". Foreign Affairs Committee Publications, Prepared 22 February 2005. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
Here you can browse the Written Evidence ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 1 February 2005.
- ^ Stephen, Michael. "Written evidence submitted by Michael Stephen[107], Why is Cyprus Divided?". Foreign Affairs Committee Publications. Retrieved 24 December 2018.
Foreword: "It is necessary to know what happened in Cyprus between the foundation of the Republic in 1960 and the Turkish intervention in 1974, not for historical interest but in order to determine whether the political status of the Greek Cypriot Administration today, and its acceptance by the world is justified. If the Turkish Cypriots had simply withdrawn from the institutions of the Republic in 1964 with no reasonable excuse, and if the Turkish army had invaded in 1974 without any legal right or humanitarian justification, then perhaps the world would be right to treat the Greek Cypriot Administration as if it were the Government of Cyprus. The truth of the matter is however very different. This is an important question, because the ability of the Greek Cypriot Administration to enforce an embargo on Turkish Cypriot trade, sport, and communications derives from their acceptance by other countries and institutions as if they were the lawful government of all Cyprus." / On Genocide: "On 17 February 1964 the Washington Post reported that
"Greek Cypriot fanatics appear bent on a policy of genocide...
" / "A Greek Cypriot journalist, Antonis Angastionotis, concerned that the truth had been kept from the Greek Cypriot people for so long, has madea documentary film entitled "The Voice of Blood" which shows the attempted genocide carried out against the Turkish Cypriots by Greek Cypriots in the villages of Murataga-Sandallar-Atly«lar and Taskent in 1974
." / "On 22 JulyTurkish Prime Minister Ecevit called upon the UN to "stop the genocide of Turkish-Cypriots"
and declared "Turkey has accepted a cease-fire, butwill not allow Turkish-Cypriots to be massacred.
" / "Even if the Treaty of Guarantee had not existed Turkey would have been wholly justified in intervening to protect the Turkish Cypriots from attempted genocide
and remaining there for as long as their protection was needed,on the same legal basis as NATO intervened to protect ethnic Albanians in Kosovo from attempted genocide.
" / "Cypriots are guilty of attempted genocide in violation of Articles 2(a), (b) and (c) and Articles 3(a), (b), (c), (d) and (e) of the 1948 Genocide Convention
" / On Turkish Cypriot Exclusion from Government (incl. loss of control, loss of representation, loss of presence, loss of rights...): "After 1963 Turkish Cypriot MPs, judges, and other officials were intimidated or prevented by force from carrying out their duties
. The UK House of Commons Select Committee said[133] "The effect of the crisis of December 1963 was to deliver control of the formal organs of Government into the hands of the Greek Cypriots alone
. Claiming to be acting in accordance with "the doctrine of necessity"the Greek Cypriot members of the House of Representatives enacted a series of laws which provided for the operation of the organs of government without Turkish Cypriot participation
." The Select Committee continued at para. 29 "Equally damaging from the Turkish Cypriot point of view was what they considered to be their effectiveexclusion from representation at, and participation in, the international fora
where their case could have been deployed..." "An official Turkish Cypriot presence in the international political scene virtually disappeared overnight.
" It is not therefore surprising that the world has been persuaded to the Greek Cypriot point of view"...{{cite web}}: line feed character in|quote=at position 710 (help) - ^ House of Commons. "Cyprus Second Report Volume II Oral and written evidence" (PDF). Foreign Affairs Committee Publications, On 22 February 2005 by authority of the House of Commons, London: The Stationery Office Limited. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
- ^ House of Commons. "Written evidence submitted by the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, President's Office". Foreign Affairs Committee Publications, Prepared 22 February 2005. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
Letter to the Clerk of the Committee from M Ergun Olgun, Under-Secretary, 12 October 2004
{{cite web}}: soft hyphen character in|quote=at position 51 (help) - ^ the Council of Europe and the Republic of Cyprus. "Resolution 573 (1974)".
Regretting the failure of the attempt to reach a diplomatic settlement which led the Turkish Government to exercise its right of intervention in accordance with Article 4 of the Guarantee Treaty of 1960.
- ^ the Council of Europe and the Republic of Cyprus. "Resolution 573 (29 July 1974)" (PDF).
The legality of the Turkish intervention on Cyprus has also been underlined by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe in its resolution 573 (1974), adopted on 29 July 1974.
- ^ Denktaş, Rauf R. "THE CYPRUS PROBLEM 1968". Foreign Policy Institute (Turkey), 26 November 2016. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
The search for a settlement of the Cyprus problem through inter-communal talks has been in progress since June, 1968. The success of the intercommunal talks must necessarily depend on identity of views on the diagnosis of the Cyprus problem.
- ^ Denktaş, Rauf R. "PROPOSAL FOR A LASTING SOLUTION IN CYPRUS 1998". Foreign Policy Institute (Turkey). Retrieved 27 December 2018.
- ^ Pearson, Connor (12 February 2017). "MU director introduces students to international justice". News Tribune. Retrieved 7 January 2019.
... "When I was teaching in Hawaii, the students there were well versed about the island's annexation by the United States," he said. "It was impossible for them to be unbiased about it. So, I showed them a different story. I showed them how in Cyprus, the same situation turned violent."... ... Cyprus is an island country in the Mediterranean. After World War II, tensions began to rise between the Greek and Turkish populations. During the 1960s, violence broke out. The island saw coups, invasions and armed conflict in the years that followed. Bowers said that there is still no solution in Cyprus, and there never will be."... ... "If your country is persecuting people with a fair system, the ICC will not get involved," he said. "But, if there is a failure of justice, the ICC will step in."...
{{cite web}}: line feed character in|quote=at position 292 (help) - ^ "1963 Is Still a Historical Minefield". Cyprus Mail
url=http://cyprus-mail.com/2013/12/22/1963-is-still-a-historical-minefield/. 22 December 2013.
Forceful Exodus of Turkish Cypriots: Newspapers at the time reported the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes in the days and weeks that followed. According to the Times, threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes. Authoritative Accounts: Research produced by Canadian scholar Richard Patrick in the 1970s is considered among the most authoritative accounts of the period. (Patrick was an officer in UNFICYP in the late 1960s and pursued his interest in the Cyprus conflict as a doctoral student in political geography at the London School of Economics. This research was published as 'Political Geography and the Cyprus Conflict, 1963-1971.') Summarising his findings, Patrick wrote: "The general trends of the December 1963 – August 1964 period are clear. . . Violence induced a refugee movement which altered existing demographic fields." From his research, Patrick argued that most Turkish Cypriots moved only after Turkish Cypriots had been killed, abducted or harassed by Greek Cypriots within their village or quarter. Turkish Cypriots Didn't Want Segregation: These findings cast doubt on the argument that the Turkish Cypriot gathering into enclaves was a calculated move by hardline Turkish politicians wanting ethnic segregation. Reasons for Denial: The researcher also makes this interesting point: "In any case, by August 1964, the abandoned homes were looted…Neither community had the resources to rebuild the houses, to purchase new farming equipment or to provide resettlement grants. The side that undertook such indemnities would also be tacitly admitting to a degree of responsibility in the creation of the refugee problem, and that neither community was prepared to do." In light of the facts surrounding the events, this can be understood as follows: The Greek Cypriots are solely responsible for everything that has happened, but they refuse to come to terms with it; they try to "share the blame", thus alleviating themselves of the responsibility. Costas M Constantinou, professor of international relations at the University of Cyprus, believes it could have been (averted). The segregation that followed the forceful movement of the Turkish Cypriots into enclaves in 1963-64 had tremendous implications and created a paradoxical alliance between Greek and Turkish nationalisms, he said. Who Blames Who: The dominant narrative on the Greek Cypriot side has been that in 1963 the Turkish Cypriots mounted an insurrection, effectively seceding/withdrawing from the Republic which they sought to undermine. (Note: The truth of the matter is of course that the Greeks themselves tried to undermine the Republic, which they never even wanted to begin with, and when the Turks resisted, as the Greeks knew would happen, they pushed ahead and created a Thucydides trap, whereby Turkish resistance has became a tool for them to blame the Turkish Cypriots and take advantage of the ill-informed or stupid to legitimate their otherwise non-sensical narrative.) The Turkish Cypriot official narrative holds that the Greeks, the majority, never regarded them as equal partners and provoked the conflict by attempting to scrap the 1960 Constitution: they were the victims reacting to the violence initiated by the Greeks. (Note: This couldn't be summarised any better.) Failures to Uphold the Constitution: A constitutional court ruled in 1963 that Archbishop Makarios had failed to uphold article 173 of the constitution which called for the establishment of separate municipalities for Turkish Cypriots. Makarios subsequently declared his intention to ignore the judgement. Akritas Plan: The 'Akritas' plan, drafted at the height of the constitutional dispute by the Greek Cypriot Interior Minister Polycarpos Yiorkadjis, called for the removal of undesirable elements of the constitution so as to allow power-sharing to work. The plan stipulated an organised attack on Turkish Cypriots should they show signs of resistance to the measures, stating: "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside intervention would be either justified or possible." First Signs of Intent (Greece Sewing the Seeds of Discord): Political commentator and columnist Loucas Charalambous was a teenager at the time; he recalls how preparations for an armed conflict were underway long before December 1963. "Weeks before, our teachers would come to school and speak to us, rather excitedly, about a 'struggle' that was imminent. Some of them even bore side arms," he told the Sunday Mail. Charalambous personally witnessed military exercises taking place by paramilitaries months prior to the outbreak of hostilities. Charalambous also remembers seeing sandbags being filled in the days before December 21 near what came to be known as the 'Green Line' in Nicosia.
{{cite web}}:|access-date=requires|url=(help); Missing or empty|url=(help); Missing pipe in:|publisher=(help); line feed character in|publisher=at position 12 (help); line feed character in|quote=at position 43 (help) - ^ Cyprus Mail, 06 July 1974, "Greek Regime Accused by Makarios" "...President Makarios said yesterday the Athens regime bears great responsibility for what has been in Cyprus, and accused the Greek government of trying to introduce dictatorship and turning the national guard into an army of occupation" "Northern Cyprus#1974-1983: On 6 July 1974, Makarios accused the Greek government of turning the Cypriot National Guard into an army of occupation."
- ^ ELIAS HAZOU. "1963 is still a historical minefield". Cyprus Mail. Retrieved 31 October 2018.
- ^ "The Peace Plans: 1978 Anglo-American-Canadian Plan (The 12-Point Plan)". Cyprus Mail. 29 December 2016. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
This is one of a series of articles from our new feature 'Background briefing: The Divided Island'. It is a comprehensive interactive information guide on the Cyprus problem which we are publishing at this critical moment in the settlement negotiations.
- ^ Christou, Jean (10 February 2016). "Positive view among Greek Cypriots to changing history books". Cyprus Mail. Retrieved 2 January 2019.
About the article: This is promoting the positive side of this survey in that the results are better than they were in a similar poll in 2010. What isn't discussed is the implications of so many Greek Cypriots not having a positive attitude towards Turkish Cypriots in their community, attitudes towards Turkish settlers living in a post-settlement Cyprus, or the south being ready for the integration of Turkish and Greek Cypriots, or whether or not there is/will be a considerable minority actively working against it, or if this has any bearing on the current situation on either side, where there is relative peace especially for Turkish Cypriots who would be less than happy in a United Cyprus which would not fare any better than when it was last founded in 1960....
- ^ CNA News Service (3 November 2017). "Anastasiades calls on Turkey, Turkish Cypriots to abandon position". Cyprus Mail. Retrieved 7 January 2019.
- ^ Rainsford, Sarah (21 November 2006). "Bones of Cyprus missing unearthed". BBC News Online. Retrieved 14 February 2014.
Northern Cyprus#1974-1983: as did also Catholic Maronites in Asomatos, Karpasia and Kormakitis. Approximately 1,500 Greek Cypriots and 500 Turkish Cypriots remain missing.
- ^ "1974: Turkey Invades Cyprus". BBC. Retrieved 2 October 2010.
- ^ "The Cyprus Dispute at a Glance" (PDF). Turkish Heritage Organisation (THO). 22 May 2017. Retrieved 4 February 2019.
Summary: • The island of Cyprus has long been home to both Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. After Cyprus gained its independence in 1960, the communities entered into a partnership agreement. • In 1964, political disagreements led to communal violence, prompting the UN to establish a peacekeeping force. A political separation along ethnic lines was also introduced. • In 1974, after a Greece-backed coup d'etat, Turkey deployed troops to the northern part of the island. Eventually, Turkish forces came into control of over 1/3 of the island. • In 1983, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus unilaterally declared independence. • In 2004, the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities voted in a referendum to decide whether to implement a reunification plan negotiated under UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. While the Turkish Cypriot community voted to implement the plan, the Greek Cypriot community rejected it. • The current negotiations process continues under the terms set forth by the February 2014 Joint Statement. Major negotiation issues include questions of political power-sharing, property and territory, security guarantees, and the use of energy resources in the Mediterranean Sea.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ "Historical Background". Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 3 April 2016.
Northern Cyprus#1974-1983: The invasion led to the formation of the first sovereign administrative body of Northern Cyprus in August 1974, the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration... In 1975, the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (Kıbrıs Türk Federe Devleti) was declared as a first step towards a future federated Cypriot state, but was rejected by the Republic of Cyprus and the United Nations... After eight years of failed negotiations with the leadership of the Greek Cypriot community,[citation needed] the north unilaterally declared its independence on 15 November 1983 under the name of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus.
- ^ "Cyprus (Historical Overview)". the Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
- ^ "Cyprus". the Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
On 17th February 1964 the Washington Post reported that
Greek Cypriot fanatics appear bent on a policy of genocide
." "Greek Cypriots are guilty of attempted genocide
but no action has ever been taken against them" "On 22nd July Turkish Prime Minister Ecevit called upon the UN to "stop thegenocide of Turkish-Cypriots
" and declared "Turkey has accepted a cease-fire, but will not allow Turkish-Cypriots to be massacred
". - ^ Ertekün, Necati Münir. "The Status of the Two Peoples in Cyprus". the Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 27 December 2018.
- ^ the Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. "Press Releases, Statements, Notes/Articles and Letters". the Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
- ^ Bora, Erhan. "Cyprus in International Law" (PDF).
About the author: Erhan Bora was accepted with full scholarship to Ankara University Faculty of Law in 983. He holds a Master's Degree of the same university in European Union Law in 2008. He is registered at the Ankara Bar Association, and has continuously been practicing as a Barrister-At-Law for 23 years. He has represented his clients in more than 550 cases in the European Court of Human Rights. He is currently studying Phd Law at Bilkent University.
- ^ Denktaş, Rauf R. "The Failed Test of Legality" (PDF). Retrieved 24 December 2018.
Foreword: "The right of Turkish Cypriots "to life, liberty and the pursuit of Happiness" as stated in the US Declaration of Independence has been denied to them by several resolutions of the UN Security Council starting from March 1964. Greek Cypriot attempts to subjugate and exploit Turkish Cypriots by denying their fundamental human rights have been endorsed by the UN Security Council by refusing to put a proper, impartial diagnosis on the so-called Cyprus problem, which has been occupying the agenda of the UN since 1954 with only a short break between 1958 and 1960, when the partnership Republic of Cyprus was declared to be an independent state and accepted as a full member of the UN and its deliberate destruction by the Greek Cypriot partner in December 1963." On Genocide: "Is
J. D. Bowers
, the international authority and respected American professor of genocide studies at Northern Illinois University, correct when heopenly confirms that Greek Cypriots and EOKA-B, under the leadership of Nikos Sampson, were guilty of the genocide of Turkish Cypriots within the 1963 United Nations definition of "genocide"
? "Did the Akritas and Ifestos 1974 plans not spell out the means and methodology for that genocide?
" - ^ Yener, M. Serhat. "Turkish Foundations in Cyprus" (PDF). Retrieved 28 December 2018.
It would be right to define the foundations that were established in Cyprus after 1571 when the island was conquered by the Ottoman Empire as " Turkish Cypriot Foundations."
- ^ Carment, David; James, Patrick; Taydas, Zeynep (2006). Who Intervenes?: Ethnic Conflict and Interstate Crisis. Ohio State University Press. p. 189. ISBN 978-0-8142-1013-0.
On 28 December 1967, the Turkish Cypriot Provisional Administration was founded.
- ^ "Immovable object". The Economist. 21 October 2010. Retrieved 23 August 2012.
Northern Cyprus#1983-present: In recent years, the politics of reunification has dominated the island's affairs. The European Union decided in 2000 to accept Cyprus as a member, even if it was divided. This was due to their view of Rauf Denktaş, the pro-independence Turkish Cypriot President, as the main stumbling block, but also due to Greece threatening to block eastern EU expansion. It was hoped that Cyprus's planned accession into the European Union would act as a catalyst towards a settlement. In the time leading up to Cyprus becoming a member, a new government was elected in Turkey and Rauf Denktaş lost political power in Cyprus. In 2004, a United Nations–brokered peace settlement was presented in a referendum to both sides... The proposed settlement was opposed by both the president of Cyprus, Tassos Papadopoulos, and Turkish Cypriot president Rauf Denktaş; in the referendum, while 65% of Turkish Cypriots accepted the proposal, 76% of Greek Cypriots rejected it. As a result, Cyprus entered the European Union divided, with the effects of membership suspended for Northern Cyprus.
- ^ Ker-Lindsay, James; Faustmann, Hubert (2008). The Government and Politics of Cyprus. Political Science. p. 253. ISBN 978-3-03911-096-4.
Northern Cyprus#1983-present: Denktaş resigned in the wake of the vote, ushering in the pro-settlement Mehmet Ali Talat as his successor. However, the pro-settlement side and Mehmet Ali Talat lost momentum due to the ongoing embargo and isolation,
- ^ Gibbons, Harry Scott (1997). The Genocide Files. Charles Bravos Publishers, London, 1997. ISBN 0-9514464-2-8.
- ^ Danopoulos, Constantine P. (October 1982). "The Greek Military Regime (1967-1974) and the Cyprus Question - Origins and Goals". Journal of Political and Military Sociology (1982): 257-273.
... on November 15, 1967 fighting broke out. The National Guarct under the cc1mmand of Gel}eral Grivas moved in and smashed the Tur1dsh-Cypriot fighters . .Ankara react~d sharply to these developments and through President General Sunay stated that "we decided to solve the Cyprus problem one•~ and for all" (l;{.atsis, 1976:122). ·yt:lrkey's threat of military action alairmed ,Johnson, who quickly dispatched Unde11secretary of Defl?nse Cyru.s Vance to the area to defuse the crisis. Under Wasbingtfm's pressure and f,earing an internal upheaval, the Colonels accepted Vance's recommendaJiobs 1.vhich indud~d withdrawal of all Greek forces clandestinely stationed on the island, dissolution of the Cypriot National Guard-largely run by officers from mainland Greece, expansion of the size and scope of the U.N. peace-keeping contingent, and compensation by Greece to all Turkish Cypriots who had suffered losses as a result of the fighting. In addition, the Greek Government voluntarily recalled General Grivas, who had become an embarrassment. Archbishop Makarios, however, refused to accede to the dismantlement of the National Guard and to transfer police responsibility to UNFICYP troops. After extensive manuevering in the U.N., the Turkish government finally agreed to modify its position regarding these two key issues. By the end of 1967 the Greek forces were out and the two communities had agreed to engage in intercommunal talks under the auspices of the U.N. aimed at solving the problem from within. However, the intercommunal talks led nowhere and the blame for this failure in Athens, Ankara, and Washington was put on Makarios' intransigence.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help); line feed character in|quote=at position 332 (help) - ^ Gibbons, Harry Scott (1997). "GENOCIDE" (PDF). The Journal of International Affairs, September - November 2001 Vol. VI Num. 3. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
... Greek actions seemed so haphazard that although it quickly became obvious the attack on the Turks was premeditated, the extent of the planning was not fully discovered until April 1966, when a Greek Cypriot newspaper, Patris, gave details of what has become known as the Akritas Plan. This was the first exercise in ethnic cleansing - racial extermination or genocide, as I prefer to call it - the Makarios government undertook... Harry Scott Gibbons is a journalist. He served in the Middle East, Cyprus, Turkey, Greece and the United States and is the author of the book The Genocide Files, published by Charles Bravos, London, 1997."
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ Denktaş, Raul R. "THE CRUX OF THE CYPRUS PROBLEM" (PDF). The Journal of International Affairs, September - November 1999 Volume IV - Number 3. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
Anthony Nutting, who was the British Minister of State at the Foreign Office during the period 1954-56, wrote in his book I Saw for Myself his impression following talks with the leaders of Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots: "There is nothing Cypriot about Cyprus except its name. In this beautiful beleaguered island you are either a Greek or a Turk. From the leaders of the two communities downwards the chasm of suspicion and hatred which separates them is frighteningly wide."
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help); line feed character in|quote=at position 227 (help) - ^ "Resolution By The Turkish Grand National Assembly On 21 January 1997". Retrieved 27 December 2018.
- ^ Telegraph Reporters. "Telegraph 03.02.2017 - Criminals fleeing British justice can no longer use Cyprus as a safe haven, judges rule, in landmark decision". The Telegraph.
Foreign relations of Northern Cyprus#UK: "On 3 February 2017, UK's High Court ruled that "There was no duty in UK law upon the Government to refrain from recognising Northern Cyprus. The United Nations itself works with Northern Cyprus law enforcement agencies and facilitates co-operation between the two parts of the island." ... Turkish Cypriot governmental officials declared that Northern Cyprus must be ready to Brexit since EU acquis will not be binding on UK thereby UK and Northern Cyprus can trade just as pre-1994 ECtHR ruling.
- ^ "Final farewell to martyrs". BRT Bayrak Radio Television Corporation. 22 January 2018. Retrieved 22 November 2018.
8 martyrs from the Ayvasıl region were laid to rest today... In 1963 some Greek Cypriots carried out massacres in the Ayvasıl region, after many excavation efforts from the Missing Persons Committee the missing persons were identified and returned to their families for burial...
- ^ a b Hoffmeister, Frank (2006). Legal aspects of the Cyprus problem: Annan Plan and EU accession. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. pp. 17–20. ISBN 978-90-04-15223-6. Cite error: The named reference "hoff" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ "Split for infinity?". The Guardian. Retrieved 28 March 2017.
Bloody Christmas (1963): A number of Turkish Cypriot mosques, shrines and other places of worship were desecrated.
- ^ "'Ayşe will go on holiday again': Cyprus invasion talk returns to Turkey". the Guardian. 21 November 2018. Retrieved 23 January 2019.
- ^ "Greece hands Cyprus secret files on 1974 coup". Financial Times. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
- ^ "Turkish Cypriot Leader Hails Turkey's 1974 'Intervention' (video)".
- ^ "'No Solution': The 43rd Anniversary of the Turkish Invasion of Cyprus". Sputnik News. 20 July 2017. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
Dr. Kabaalioglu has given up hope of the two communities ever living in a single state on the island, instead believing the pair should agree a "divorce" akin to the friendly severance achieved by Czechs and Slovaks in 1993. "It's clear there cannot be a solution to the problem. It is time now that the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus is recognized internationally," he explained.
{{cite web}}: line feed character in|quote=at position 226 (help) - ^ Uras, Umut (13 February 2017). "Cyprus talks falter over nationalist commemoration row". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 24 January 2019.
1950 Enosis Referendum: Only Greek Cypriots voted in the referendum that took place when the island was a British colony and they approved enosis with more than 95 percent of the votes. The vote was not legally binding. Comment: On the Cyprus crisis (1955–64) page it says
Greek Cypriots felt that this position paid little respect to the right of self-determination of the Greek Cypriot people.
- this is based on the 1950 Cypriot enosis referendum which was held in the orthodox churches exclusively with Greek Cypriots - Turkish and other Cypriots were either excluded by default or boycotted the referendum. Summary: 95% of Greek Cypriots who were told by the Greek Orthodox Church (by threat of excommunication) and Orthodox Church of Cyprus to vote positively did so - no other communities on the island were involved - the British authorities said "no" to allowing a referendum, but they still went ahead with it - it didn't legally represent the view of the entire island - it was not legally binding. Contemporary Views on Enosis: Enosis is an outdated marginal ideal for the vast majority of Greek Cypriots, but it is a sensitive issue for many Turkish Cypriots who believe that the idea historically was a core source of the problems on the island. - ^ "Her şey buradan başladı [Everything started here]". Havadis. 21 December 2014. Retrieved 28 March 2017. The paper summarises a book by Tzambazis, who investigated this precise event using police records and eyewitness accounts.
- ^ a b Eric Solsten, Country Studies, US Library of Congress, retrieved on 25 May 2012. Cite error: The named reference "solsten" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ Ker-Lindsay, James (1 April 2009). Britain and the Cyprus Crisis: 1963–1964 (Peleus), p. 24. Otto Harrassowitz. ISBN 3447059737.
This work casts light on the actions of the United Kingdom during the Cyprus Crisis of 1963-64. In particular, the volume concentrates on a very specific period of events, charting the course of British actions from the start of fighting to the moment when UN Security Council Resolution 186 passed responsibility for peacekeeping and peacemaking over to the United Nations...
- ^ John Oakes (02 November 2016). "Greek Cypriot High Commission "way out of line" in comments to British politicians visiting North Cyprus". T-Vine.
{{cite web}}: Check date values in:|date=(help) - ^ Eltan Halil (20 February 2019). "Lord Balfe Blasts Britain's Stance on Turkish Cypriots". T-Vine. Retrieved 20 February 2019.
- ^ Eltan Halil (1 February 2019). "Queen recognises Turkish Cypriot human rights campaigner". T-Vine. Retrieved 1 February 2019.
- ^ Thompson, Wayne C. (2014). Western Europe. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 307. ISBN 978-1-4758-1230-5.
Northern Cyprus#1983-present: As a result, the Turkish Cypriot electorate became frustrated. This led ultimately to the pro-independence side winning the general elections in 2009 and its candidate, former Prime Minister Derviş Eroğlu, winning the presidential elections in 2010. Although Eroğlu and his National Unity Party favours the independence of Northern Cyprus rather than reunification with the Republic of Cyprus, he is negotiating with the Greek Cypriot side towards a settlement for reunification.
- ^ Lieberman, Benjamin (2013). Terrible Fate: Ethnic Cleansing in the Making of Modern Europe. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 264.
Bloody Christmas (1963): Greek Cypriot irregulars headed by Nikos Sampson committed the massacre of Omorphita and then some... they attacked Turkish Cypriots indiscriminately, including women and children. The Turkish Cypriot residents of the quarter were expelled from their homes
- ^ Borowiec, Andrew (2000). Cyprus: A Troubled Island. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 56–57.
- ^ "Greece will not accept Turkish intervention rights, Tsipras says". ekathimerini.com.
- ^ "Moments in U.S. Diplomatic History: The 1974 Turkish Intervention in Cyprus (sourced from TRT World & Agencies)". TRT World News. 20 July 2017. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
- ^ "Turkish intervention in Cyprus commemorated (sourced from TRT World & Agencies)". TRT World News. 20 July 2017. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
It is 43 years since Turkey intervened in Cyprus in the wake of violent clashes to prevent the forced unificatıon with Greece. Since then the island remains divided despite several peace talks.
- ^ "Kotzias: Turkey's intervention rights in Cyprus could not be accepted, the dream for a solution remains alive". the Greek Observer. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
- ^ "Tsipras Rejects Turkish Intervention Demands on Cyprus". the National Herald.
- ^ "The Double Standards of Genocide Denial in Cyprus". Daily Sabah. 21 April 2015. Retrieved 24 December 2018.
The ethnic cleansing of tens of thousands of Turks from Morea by Greeks throughout the 19th century... In 1897, historian W. Alison Phillips wrote of the Massacre of Tripolitsa in 1821, when some 32,000 Muslim and Jewish civilians were slaughtered by men loyal to Greek General Theodoros Kolokotronis... Turks were also almost completely erased from Thessaly and Crete by the beginning of the 20th century, while Greeks invading western Anatolia during the Greco-Turkish War between 1919 and 1922 burned hundreds of villages and massacred tens of thousands of civilians in the hope of realizing their pan-Hellenic "Megali Idea" (Great Idea) of establishing a Greater Greece... the establishment in 1955 of the Greek Cypriot militant group, the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (EOKA) and its bloody campaign to rid Cyprus of its Turkish Cypriot population, was a continuation of a greater war that began in 1821... were not the 126 defenseless Turkish Cypriot women, children and elders who were brutally massacred in the villages of Maratha, Santalaris and Aloda on August 14, 1974 killed for the same "Megali Idea" as their fellow Turks in Morea, Crete and Thessaly? Was it not Greek Cypriot President Archbishop Makarios III who in 1964 warned: "If Turkey comes in order to save Turkish Cypriots, Turkey will find no Turkish Cypriots to save," after Turkish Cypriots were forced out of the government?...
- ^ Kyriacos C. Markides. The Rise and Fall of the Cyprus Republic. Yale Univ Pr; First edition. edition (April 1, 1977). ISBN 978-0300020892.
- ^ Cassia, Paul Sant (2005). Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus (PDF). Berghahn Books. ISBN 9781571816467.
Genocide & Photographs...they emphasise that their missing are dead because of a conscious policy of genocide... ... To many right-wing nationalist Turkish Cypriots such photographs as representations of suffering qua suffering confirm their belief that they are victims of genocide, and authenticate their claims to the wider world... ...Such photographs and associated narratives by subjects as representations of their suffering become markers of irreversible time (e.g. 'Never Again'). They become a watershed of 'history' narrated by subjects as a series of events ('These are the facts of Cyprus … .') to which there must be no return ('… and the main reason why Cyprus must stay divided'), and they contain an imperative for a clear unidirectional solution ('Thank You Turkey')... ... it is important for right-wing Turkish Cypriots to retain that ethical charge by grasping and holding on to the notions of genocide... Genocide & Hospitals...Hospitals descend treacherously from enveloping sanctuaries to menacing endangerment... ... The white coat of the doctor/nurse is transfigured as the last concealment of uniform and the pursuit of genocidal plans through the murderous application of surgical implements... ...Images of butchery and medicine fuse in mid-1970s Cyprus. EOKA B gunmen are referred to as 'butchers' by other Greek Cypriots (Sant Cassia, 1999), and a short-lived new terrorist group called Eoka-Gamma in 1977 was led by an individual known as O Iatros- the Doctor... ...
- ^ Ann Van Thomas Wynen, A. J. Thomas Jr. "Cyprus Crisis 1974-75 Political, Juridical Aspects, SMU Law Review, Volume 29, Issue 2 Article 2, 1975". Law Journals at SMU Scholar.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ Rahe, Paul A. "PAR-21 Revelations" (PDF). Institute of Current World Affairs. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
- ^ "FAQ" (in Greek). Supreme Court of Cyprus. Retrieved 14 February 2014.
Northern Cyprus#1960-1974: On 21 May, the president of the SCCC resigned due to Makarios's stance. On 15 July, Makarios ignored the decision of the SCCC.
- ^ United Nations Security Council (5 August 1975). "United Nations Document S/11789" (PDF). United Nations Security Council. Retrieved 19 February 2019.
Population Exchange Agreement, Signed on August 2, 1975, as cited by Cypnet.com, which demonstrates There are no Greek Cypriot Refugees: 1. The Turkish Cypriots at present in the south of the island will be allowed, if they want to do so, to proceed north with their belongings under an organised programme and with the assistance of UNFICYP. 2. Mr. Denktash reaffirmed, and it was agreed, that the Greek Cypriots at present in the north of the island are free to stay and that they will be given every help to lead a normal life, including facilities for education and for the practice of their religion, as well as medical care by their own doctors and freedom of movement in the north. 3. The Greek Cypriots at present in the north who, at their own request and without having been subjected to any kind of pressure, wish to move to the south, will be permitted to do so. 4. UNFICYP willhave free and normal access to Greek Cypriot villages and habitations in the north. 5. In connexion with the implementation of the above agreement, priority will be given to the reunification of families, which may also involve the transfer of a number of Greek Cypriots, at present in the south, to the north.
{{cite web}}: line feed character in|quote=at position 150 (help) - ^ United Nations Security Council (30 October 1976). "United Nations Document S/12222" (PDF). United Nations Security Council. Retrieved 19 February 2019.
- ^ U.N. Secretary General (26 March 1965). "Note by the Secretary General on the REPORT OF THE UNITED NATIONS MEDIATOR ON CYPRUS TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL" (PDF). Retrieved 11 January 2019.
What I have to report on the positions s&p-ted by t&various parties concerned and on my efforts to help bring about a Feaceful solution and an agreed settlement of the problem confronting Cyprus can be best appreciated when viewed in the light of the circumstances which led to the adoption of the Constitution of 1960, the special nature of that Constitution, the developments which resulted in the intercommunal fighting of Decembw 1963 and the general situation prevailing in the island since then. These snb,jects are briefly oxtlined below. The Zurich and London AF;:ceements. The Constitution of 16 Aup,ust 1960. The President's proposed amendments. The London Conference (1964.). The general situation in Cyprus. The external effects of the ,problem...
- ^ "Links to documents". United Nations. 9 September 2002. Retrieved 14 February 2014.
Northern Cyprus#1974-1983: On 2 August 1975, in the negotiations in Vienna, a population exchange agreement was signed between community leaders Rauf Denktaş and Glafcos Clerides under the auspices of United Nations.
- ^ "UN SG S/5950 Report" (PDF). 10 September 1964. paragraph 180.
Northern Cyprus#1960-1974: In September 1964, the then United Nations Secretary General, U Thant reported that "UNFICYP carried out a detailed survey of all damage to properties throughout the island during the disturbances; it shows that in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting".
- ^ "UNFICYP: a living fossil of the Cold War". Cyprus-Mail. 9 March 2014.
Northern Cyprus#1960-1974: Turkish Cypriot members of the government had by now withdrawn, creating an essentially Greek Cypriot administration in control of all institutions of the state. After the partnership government collapsed, the Greek Cypriot led administration was recognized as the legitimate government of the Republic of Cyprus at the stage of the debates in New York in February 1964.
- ^ İlkin, Baki; Gökeri, M. Kemal; Talat, Mehmet Ali. "Letter dated 31 October 2007 from the Permanent Representative of Turkey to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General" (PDF). General Assembly Security Council, Sixty-second session Agenda item 22 Question of Cyprus District General 1 November 2007.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Batu, Inal; Ertuğ, Osman. "Letter dated 29 April 1993 from the Permanent Representative of Turkey to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General; Letter dated 28 April 1993 from Mr. Osman Ertug to the Secretary-General" (PDF). General Assembly Security Council, Forty-seventh session Forty-eighth year, Agenda item 45 Question of Cyprus District General 29 April 1993. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
Akritas Plan: The architects of the so-called "Akritas Plan", a notorious scheme devised by the Greek Cypriot leadership in the early 1960s and aimed at destroying the Turkish Cypriot component of the bi-national Republic of Cyprus of 1960, both politically and physically, cannot possibly have anything to say about human rights or respect for the high principles of the Charter of the United Nations... Denial & Propaganda: The very title under which the Greek Cypriot representative operates today is an illegitimate one usurped by force of arms in 1963. The Greek Cypriot side has been exploiting this title to the maximum in the propaganda onslaught that it has launched against the Turkish Cypriots, particularly since 1974... Ethnic Cleansing: No amount of rhetoric, however, can confuse the issue or cover up the fact that it was the Greek Cypriots who practised the sinister method of "ethnic cleansing" or worse in Cyprus between 1963-1974. As a testimony to the severity of that campaign, the British newspaper The Guardian, in an article dated 16 February 1993, described the Cyprus of that period as "the mini-Bosnia of its day". (A more detailed reply to the Greek Cypriot allegations on "ethnic cleansing" can be found in document A/46/964-S/24490.) UNFICYP: The United Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) was sent to Cyprus in order to protect the Turkish Cypriots against this aggression and not to provide protection for the Greek Cypriot aggressors, as Mr. Jacovides claims...
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ "Decision no. 2688/79 23 March 1979".
- ^ "The 1967 Crisis". UNFICYP. Retrieved 16 January 2019.
- ^ Borowiec, Andrew (2000). Cyprus:A troubled island. Praeger/Greenwood. p. 56.
Northern Cyprus#1960-1974: Seven hundred Turkish hostages, including children, were taken from the northern suburbs of Nicosia. Nikos Sampson, a nationalist and future coup leader, led a group of Greek Cypriot irregulars into the mixed suburb of Omorphita/Küçük Kaymaklı and attacked the Turkish Cypriot population. Northern Cyprus#1960-1974: The violence had also seen thousands of Turkish Cypriots attempt to escape the violence by emigrating to Britain, Australia and Turkey
- ^ Hadar, Leon (16 November 2005). "In Praise of 'Virtual States'". Antiwar.com. Singapore Press Holdings Ltd.
Northern Cyprus#1960-1974: Widespread looting of Turkish Cypriot villages prompted 20,000 refugees to retreat into armed enclaves, where they remained for the next 11 years, relying on food and medical supplies from Turkey to survive. Turkish Cypriots formed paramilitary groups to defend the enclaves, leading to a gradual division of the island's communities into two hostile camps.
- ^ "HUDOC Search Page". European Court of Human Rights. Archived from the original on 10 September 2011. Retrieved 14 February 2014.
Northern Cyprus#1960-1974: After the resignation of the president of the SCCC, the SCCC ceased to exist. The Supreme Court of Cyprus (SCC) was formed by merging the SCCC and the High Court of Cyprus, and undertook the jurisdiction and powers of the SCCC and HCC.
{{cite web}}: Unknown parameter|deadurl=ignored (|url-status=suggested) (help) - ^ "Cyprus — The Republic of Cyprus". Country Studies. Library of Congress.
Northern Cyprus#1960-1974: On 30 November, Makarios legalized the 13 proposals. In 1963, the Greek Cypriot wing of the government created the Akritas plan which outlined a policy that would remove Turkish Cypriots from the government and ultimately lead to union with Greece. The plan stated that if the Turkish Cypriots objected then they should be "violently subjugated before foreign powers could intervene".
- ^ Theophanous, Andreas; Christou, Odysseas. "The Cyprus Question and the Role of the UN: An Overall Assessment". the Journal of Modern Hellenism. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Ioannides, Christos P. "Cyprus, British Colonialism and the Seeds of Partition: From Coexistence to Communal Strife". the Journal of Modern Hellenism.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ Spyros Spyrou (2007). "Bodies of Evidence: Burial, Memory and the Recovery of Missing Persons in Cyprus (review)". Journal of Modern Greek Studies, Johns Hopkins University Press, Volume 25, Number 1, May 2007, pp. 129-132. ISSN 1086-3265.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ Ulvi KESER. "Bloody Christmas of 1963 in Cyprus in the Light of American Documents". Çağdaş Türkiye Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi, Journal Of Modern Turkish History Studies, XIII/26 (2013-Bahar/Spring), ss. 249-271. Retrieved 31 October 2018.
- ^ Bahcheli, Tozun (1987). Greek-Turkish Relations Since 1955. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1990. ISBN 0-8133-7235-6.
- ^ Jack Straw (1 October 2017). "Only a partitioned island will bring the dispute between Turkish and Greek Cypriots to an end". the Independent. Retrieved 24 February 2019.
After some Turkish-Cypriot enclaves had been subject to some pretty terrible atrocities, Turkish forces on the island were dramatically increased in August 1974.
- ^ "Mathiatis". PRIO Cyprus Displacement Centre. Retrieved 21 December 2017.
- ^ a b Bryant, Rebecca (2012). Displacement in Cyprus Consequences of Civil and Military Strife Report 2 Life Stories: Turkish Cypriot Community (PDF). Oslo: PRIO Cyprus Centre. pp. 5–15.
Bloody Christmas (1963): 25,000 Turkish Cypriots from 104 different villages abandoned their homes. These consisted of 72 mixed and 24 Turkish Cypriot villages that were completely evacuated and eight mixed villages that were partially evacuated. The displacement amounted to a quarter of the Turkish Cypriot population. 1,200 Armenian Cypriots and 500 Greek Cypriots were also displaced.
Cite error: The named reference "bryant" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page). - ^ "AGIOS VASILEIOS". PRIO Displacement Centre. Retrieved 22 November 2018.
Bloody Christmas (1963): An investigating committee led by independent British investigators then linked the incident to an ostensible disappearance of Turkish Cypriot patients in the Nicosia General Hospital, but evidence that was to emerge decades later indicated that many of the bodies had been murdered elsewhere, stored in the hospital for a while and then buried in Ayios Vasilios... However, several of the village's residents were also amongst those killed by radical Greek Cypriots.
- ^ Papadakis, Yiannis. History Education in Divided Cyprus: A Comparison of Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot Schoolbooks on the “History of Cyprus”, PRIO Report 2/2008 (PDF) (Report). International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO), 2008.
- ^ Papadakis, Yiannis. “Narrative, Memory and History Education in Divided Cyprus: A Comparison of History Books on the ʻHistory of Cyprus,ʼ”, History and Memory, 20, no. 2, 2008: 128-148 (Report). International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (PRIO), 2008.
- ^ "The International Commercial Arbitration Law, 1987, Cyprus" (PDF). Retrieved 24 December 2018.
- ^ Stavrinides, Zenon. "Dementia Cypria: On the social psychological environment of the intercommunal negotiations". Inter Security Forum.org, 25 July 2009 (also published in 'The Cyprus Review', Spring 2009, Vol. 21, No 1.). Retrieved 28 December 2018.
- ^ "Takey Crist, Eugene T. Rossides and Daniel Rossides v. The Republic of Turkey and The Army of the Republic of Turkey (C.A. 93-2605) MOTION TO DISMISS Submitted by Saltzman & Evinch and Perles Law Firm" (PDF). Assembly of Turkish American Associations. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
- ^ Stephen, Michael. "Attempted Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in Cyprus". Ankara - Turkish Daily News 13 May 1999. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
Foreword: "The assertion by Mr. Christides (May 10, 1999) that there was no ethnic cleansing or attempted genocide of Turkish Cypriots by Greek Cypriots is ridiculous. Until influential Greek Cypriots come to terms with the appalling behavior of their community toward the smaller Turkish Cypriot community and stop trying to persuade themselves and the world that each side was as much to blame as the other, there will be no reconciliation in Cyprus."
- ^ Kitromilides, Paschalis M.; Couloumbis, Theodore A. "special report: ethnic conflict in a strategic area: the case of Cyprus" (PDF). Retrieved 29 December 2018.
"Acknowledgements: In preparing this paper we benefited from the comments of Simon Simeonides of the Harvard Law School and Daniel P. Tompkin of Swarthmore College." ... also see: references.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ C.H. Dodd (1993). Cyprus: A Historical Introduction, in C.H. Dodd (ed.), "The Political, Social, and Economic Development of Northern Cyprus". Eothen Press, Huntingdon, Cambridgeshire, England.
Population Exchange Agreement Signed on August 2, 1975, as cited by cypnet.com, which demonstrates There are no Greek Cypriot Refugees, uses this book as a reference
- ^ Mirbagheri, Farid (2010). Historical dictionary of Cyprus ([Online-Ausg.]. ed.). Lanham, Md. [u.a.]: Scarecrow Press. p. 83. ISBN 9780810862982.
- ^ Salin, Ibrahm (2004). Cyprus: Ethnic Political Components. Oxford: University Press of America. p. 29.
- ^ Strategic Review, Volume 5. United States Strategic Institute. 1977. p. 48.
Northern Cyprus#1974-1983: The Greek Cypriot coupists proclaimed the establishment of the "Hellenic Republic of Cyprus".
- ^ Allcock, John B. (1992). Border and territorial disputes. Longman Current Affairs. p. 55. ISBN 978-0-582-20931-2.
Northern Cyprus#1974-1983: The Greek Cypriot coupists proclaimed the establishment of the "Hellenic Republic of Cyprus".
- ^ Yesilada, Birol (2013). EU–Turkey Relations in the 21st Century. Routledge. p. 2. ISBN 978-1-135-12680-3.
Northern Cyprus#1983-present: despite promises from the European Union that these would be eased.
- ^ Cook, Chris; Diccon Bewes (1997). What Happened Where: A Guide to Places and Events in Twentieth-century History. Routledge. p. 65. ISBN 1-85728-533-6.
Northern Cyprus#1974-1983: On 15 July 1974, the Greek military junta and the Cypriot National Guard backed a Greek Cypriot military coup d'état in Cyprus. Pro-Enosis Nikos Sampson replaced President Makarios as the new president.
- ^ Robert B. Kaplan; Richard B. Baldauf Jr.; Nkonko Kamwangamalu (22 April 2016). Language Planning in Europe: Cyprus, Iceland and Luxembourg. Routledge. p. 5. ISBN 978-1-134-91667-2.
Five days later, on 20 July 1974, Turkey, claiming a right to intervene as one of the guarantors of the 1960 agreement, invaded the island on the pretext of restoring the constitutional order of the Republic of Cyprus.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ Goktepe, Cihat (2013). British Foreign Policy Towards Turkey, 1959-1965. Routledge. p. 130. ISBN 1135294143.
Note: A joint call for calm was issued on 24 December by the governments of Turkey, Greece and the United Kingdom.
- ^ Dodd, Clement. The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan UK, Published in 2010. ISBN 978-0-230-27528-7.
The Cyprus conflict was for long an inactive volcano, but it erupted violently in 1955, 1963 and 1974. Now more of a smouldering fire, its persistence is a serious obstacle on Turkey's route to EU accession. Uniquely utilizing Turkish sources, this book looks at how the conflict has developed since 1978.
- ^ Christalla Yakinthou. Political Settlements in Divided Societies: Consociationalism and Cyprus. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9780230223752.
- ^ Murat Metin Hakki (2007). The Cyprus Issue: A Documentary History, 1878–2006. I.B.Tauris. pp. 194–195. ISBN 978-1-84511-392-6.
Northern Cyprus#1974-1983: On 2 August 1975, in the negotiations in Vienna, a population exchange agreement was signed between community leaders Rauf Denktaş and Glafcos Clerides under the auspices of United Nations.
- ^ O'Malley, Brendan; Craig, Ian. The Cyprus Conspiracy: America, Espionage and the Turkish Invasion. I.B. Tauris. p. 93.
Bloody Christmas (1963): A mass grave was exhumed at Ayios Vasilios on 12 January 1964 in the presence of foreign reporters, Officers of British Army and officials from Red Cross. 21 Turkish Cypriots' bodies were found in this grave.
- ^ Pericleous, Chrysostomos (2009). Cyprus Referendum: A Divided Island and the Challenge of the Annan Plan. I.B. Tauris. p. 201. ISBN 9780857711939.
- ^ Bryant, Rebecca; Papadakis, Yiannis, eds. (2012). Cyprus and the Politics of Memory: History, Community and Conflict. I.B.Tauris. p. 249. ISBN 1780761074.
Bloody Christmas (1963): Harry Scott Gibbons, a reporter in Cyprus at the time, reported the murder of 21 Turkish Cypriot patients from the Nicosia General Hospital on Christmas Eve. This is taken as a fact in the Turkish Cypriot narrative, but not in the Greek Cypriot narrative. An investigation of the incident by a "highly reliable" Greek Cypriot source found that three Turkish Cypriots died, of which one died of a heart attack and the other two were shot by a "lone psychopath".
- ^ James Ker-Lindsay; Hubert Faustmann; Fiona Mullen (15 May 2011). An Island in Europe: The EU and the Transformation of Cyprus. I.B.Tauris. p. 15. ISBN 978-1-84885-678-3.
Classified as illegal under international law, the occupation of the northern part leads automatically to an illegal occupation of EU territory since Cyprus' accession.
- ^ Mallinson, William (8 December 2008). Cyprus: A Modern History. I B Tauris & Co Ltd. ISBN 1845118677.
Review: johny ... the north of the island many times I was disappointed with this book // Having read most of the literature on Cyprus (modern and ancient) and visited the north of the island many times I was disappointed with this book. Most of the atrocities carried out by the Greek Cypriots from the time of Lawrence Durrell to 1974 has been omitted yet the Turkish acts are mentioned frequently. I gave up reading it towards the end as I felt it told a one sided story unlike some of the other books available on this subject.
- ^ Hitchens, Christopher (12 August 1997). Hostage to History: Cyprus from the Ottomans to Kissinger. Verso Books. ISBN 1859841899.
Synopsis: In a compelling study of great-power misconduct, Christopher Hitchens examines the events leading up to the partition of Cyprus and its legacy. He argues that the intervention of four major foreign powers, Turkey, Greece, Britain and the United States, turned a local dispute into a major disaster. In a new preface for this 1997 edition, Hitchens reviews the implications of the Republic of Cyprus's applications for European union membership, the escalating regional arms race between Greece and Turkey, and last year's Greek Cypriot protests along the partition border.
- ^ Patrick, Richard A. (author), 1942-1974; Bater, James H. (editor); Preston, Richard E. (editor). Political geography and the Cyprus conflict, 1963-1971. Dept. of Geography, Faculty of Environmental Studies, University of Waterloo, c1976.
{{cite book}}:|author=has generic name (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ Stratis, S. and Akbil, E. "Reclaiming political urbanism in peace building processes: The Hands-on Famagusta project, Cyprus. Footprint, 2016 (19). pp. 157-162". White Rose Research Online. doi:10.7480/footprint.10.2.1503. ISSN 1875-1490.
This case study is about reclaiming a political form of urbanism before the potential Cyprus reunification by enhancing, through the Hands-on Famagusta project, 'agonistic' collective practices across the Cypriot divide. References: Chantal Mouffe, Agonistics: Thinking The World Politically, (London: Verso, 2013); Jacques Ranciere, Dissensus: On Politics and Aesthetics, ed. and trans. Steven Corcoran (London: Continuum, 2010); Erik Swyngedouw, 'Insurgent Architects, Radical Cities and the Promise of the Political', in The Post-Political and Its Discontents: Spaces of Depoliticization, Spectres of Radical Politics, ed. Erik Swyngedouw and Japhy Wilson, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2015), 169–87; Stavros Stavrides, 'Common Space as Threshold Space: Urban Commoning in Struggles to Re-Appropriate Public Space', Footprint no. 16 (2016): 9–18.
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ Euromosaic III: Presence of Regional and Minority Language Groups in the New Member States (PDF). Research Centre on Multilingualism, Catholic University of Brussels. 2004. p. 18.
Northern Cyprus#1974-1983: On the basis of the Agreement, 196,000 Greek Cypriots living in the north were exchanged for 42,000 Turkish Cypriots living in the south
- ^ Bahcheli, Tozun; Bartmann, Barry; Srebrnik, Henry Felix (2004). De Facto States: The Quest for Sovereignty. Psychology Press. p. 168. ISBN 978-0-7146-5476-8.
...the number of settlers was disputed between Turkish and ... Northern Cyprus#1974-1983: the number of settlers was disputed
- ^ Oberling, Pierre (1982). The Road to Bellapais: The Turkish Cypriot Exodus to Northern Cypress (East European Monographs, No. 125). p. 120. ISBN 0880330007.
About author: Pierre Oberling is professor of history at Hunter College. About book: A study of the Turkish Cypriot exodus to Northern Cyprus in the context of the repeated Cypriot crises of the 1960s and 1970s. Summary: In 1963-64, and again in 197, the Greek Cypriots, with Grek military assistance, raided isolated Turkish villages and attacked the Turkish Cypriot quarters of the towns, pushing the Turkish Cypriots into even more denely populated enclaves and forcing them to survive on their own meagre economic resources... Professor Oberling recounts this dramatic story in vivid detail, and shows that the division of Cyprus into two ethnically homogeneous, self-governing states was not achieved by the Turkish armed intervention of 1974 but by the Grek Cypriots in their campaign of aggression against the Turkish Cypriot community during the previous decade. Review (Amazon): Harold Tc.: Sometimes we think that it is best to simply forget about the uncomfortable past and move on. But when today's politics are still so powerfully determined by a folk memory of that history, then we have an obligation to remember. For anyone interested in what is happening in Cyprus today, there is no way to see clearly through all the revisionism and obfuscation of various interested parties. Read this remarkable book by a scholar who knew the Middle East far better than most Westerners. Bloody Christmas (1963): Overall, 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots were killed in the 1963-64 conflict.
- ^ "Weekly UNFICYP trip to enclaved Cypriots a respite from daily hardships". Famagusta Gazette. 30 January 2014. Archived from the original on 18 March 2014. Retrieved 1 October 2014.
Northern Cyprus#1974-1983: The Orthodox Greek Cypriots in Rizokarpaso, Agios Andronikos and Agia Triada chose to stay in their villages,
{{cite web}}: Unknown parameter|deadurl=ignored (|url-status=suggested) (help) - ^ Soulioti, Stella (1996). Fettered Independence. Minneapolis, United States: Minnesota Mediterranean and East European Monographs. pp. 275–81, 350.
Bloody Christmas (1963): The Republic of Cyprus states that between 21 December 1963 and 10 August 1964, 191 Turkish Cypriots were killed and 173 went missing, presumed killed, while Greek Cypriots suffered 133 killed and 41 missing, presumed killed.
- ^ Bill Kissane (15 October 2014). After Civil War: Division, Reconstruction, and Reconciliation in Contemporary Europe. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 135. ISBN 978-0-8122-9030-1.
were incorporated in the Greek Cypriot armed forces, gave Turkey reason and a pretext to invade Cyprus, claiming its role under the Treaty of Guarantees.
- ^ A. C. Chrysafi (2003). Who Shall Govern Cyprus - Brussels Or Nicosia?. Evandia Publishing UK Limited. p. 28. ISBN 978-1-904578-00-0.
On 20 July 1974, Turkey invaded Cyprus under the pretext of protecting the Turkish-Cypriot minority.
- ^ Quigley. The Statehood of Palestine. Cambridge University Press. p. 164. ISBN 978-1-139-49124-2.
The international community found this declaration invalid, on the ground that Turkey had occupied territory belonging to Cyprus and that the putative state was therefore an infringement on Cypriot sovereignty.
- ^ Kalotsa, Gergely (2012). "The 1974 Turkish invasion in Cyprus" (PDF). University of Pannonia. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
- ^ "Letter from Lord Ken Maginnis to Baroness Kinnock". North Cyprus Free Press. Retrieved 7 January 2019.
... The UK government is fundamentally wrong to regard the Cyprus problem as one for which both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots are to blame. ... You concede that the atrocities committed against the Turkish Cypriots in the 1963/64 period are well documented, and the detailed research conducted by JD Bowers cannot be simply dismissed as "his opinions... ... Where is the evidence to which you refer, Baroness Kinnock, of "… the Greek Cypriots who were also killed during this troubled time"? Where is there evidence that the Turkish Cypriot leadership were in any way responsible for what had happened?... ...This merciless attack upon Turkish Cypriot men, women and children was a premeditated act of policy on the part of the Greek Cypriots. According to Lt. Gen. Karayiannis of the Greek Cypriot militia (reported in "Ethnikos Kiryx" 15.6.65)"When the Turkish Cypriots objected to the amendment of the constitution Makarios put his plan into effect, and the Greek Cypriot attack began in December 1963" The General is referring to the notorious "Akritas Plan", which was the blueprint for the extermination of the Turkish Cypriots and the annexation of the island to Greece. This plan was prepared in 1960 before the new constitution had been given any chance to work, and was published in Patris on 24th April 1966. Its existence is admitted by Glafcos Clerides in "Cyprus: My Deposition" (Nicosia 1989) Vol. 1 pp 212-219... ... Where is the evidence that the Turkish Cypriots were responsible for the next merciless attack by Greek Cypriots on Turkish Cypriot civilians in 1967, or for the civil war which erupted between Greek Cypriots in July 1974 and which caused the Turkish intervention five days later? Let there be no doubt that if Turkey had not intervened, the attacks on Turkish Cypriot men, women and children would have continued until the Turkish Cypriots had been utterly destroyed or expelled... ... The Turkish Cypriot leader, Rauf Denktas, correctly described the situation as follows:"The Akritas Plan destroyed the only compromise ever reached between Greece and Turkey and between Greek and Turkish Cypriots about Cyprus. It revived bloodshed and hatred. It thrust Cyprus and its peoples back into the extremes of ENOSIS and partition. It was bound sooner or later to bring some kind of intervention from Turkey. This rash, wicked, conspiracy was an act of supreme folly by the Greek Cypriot leaders, who still refuse to admit their wrongdoing. They continue to accuse others of bringing undeserved disasters upon them, but the truth is that it was they who broke up the bi-communal state and separated the Greeks and Turks from one another... ... Anyone who understands Cyprus knows that the Greek Orthodox Church still has enormous influence on the political life of the Greek Cypriots. The churches, and educational institutions administered by the Church, are used to incite hatred against Turkish people and the Bishops and priests are actively involved in politics. They campaigned against the Annan Plan in 2004, and as recently as 25th December 2009 Archbishop Chrysostomos II issued a hard-line statement against a settlement, in which he said "Concessions do not lead to any compromise."... ... The British Government can not ignore the views expressed in the opinion poll conducted in Cyprus in November which showed that 60% of Greek Cypriots and 77.9% of Turkish Cypriots favoured a two-state solution. Britain should abandon its futile attempts to encourage the two peoples of Cyprus into a new partnership which they clearly do not want, and should work for the recognition of two states in Cyprus. A new federal constitution unwillingly accepted by one or both of the peoples of Cyprus would be much worse than the status quo... ... I will place a copy of this letter in the Library of both Houses, together with a copy of your letter of 7th December and of my 19th November speech...
{{cite web}}: line feed character in|quote=at position 146 (help) - ^ "Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Cyprus: A Comparison of Constructivism and Realism with an Emperical Focus on the Events of 1974" (PDF). Institut fur Politikiwissenschaft and University of Twente, School of Management and Governance, Department of Public Administration.
See: "2 Chronology of the Conflict, 2.1 Pre-Independence Era, 2.2 Post-Independence Era, 2.3 Post-1974 Era, Pages 5-12"
- ^ Assist. Prof. Türkmen, Füsun (2012). "CYPRUS 1974 REVISITED: WAS IT HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION?, PERCEPTIONS • Winter 2005" (PDF). Galatasaray University, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Department of
International Relations. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
{{cite web}}: line feed character in|publisher=at position 88 (help) - ^ Olga Demetriou (Research Fellow, School of Humanities, Social Sciences, Languages and Law, Intercollege, Nicosia). "EU and the Cyprus Conflict: Perceptions of the border and Europe in the Cyprus conflict" (PDF). University of Birmingham. Retrieved 31 October 2018.
Intervention or Invasion?: This point has notoriously taken over both political and academic debate beyond Cyprus, to the extent that mention of either term to describe what took place is tantamount to partiality on either side. In this respect, it is interesting to note that out of the 11 UN Security Council resolutions passed on the issue of Cyprus in 1974, 10 have been passed after July and refer directly to the events of the day, yet in only the first of them (Resolution 365 [1974]) is reference made to "foreign military intervention" (the end of which it demands) and in none of them is reference to 'invasion' made. Instead, terms like "fighting" are used (Resolutions 354 [1974]) and 357 [1974]), "violence and bloodshed" (Resolution 358 [1974]), and "military operations" (Resolution 360 [1974]). As a result of this politicisation of the term, references that aspire to be objective normally subscribe to a similar distanciation from both terms, referring instead to 'the events of 1974' or simply to '1974', sometimes also making use of the phrase 'the war of 1974'... Greek Cypriot Propaganda on Visitor Perceptions: This link between a Greek-Cypriot perception of 'justice' and the division is clear in the semantics of the layout of the military post at the end of Ledra Street, one of Nicosia's most famous streets. Within the last decade this post has become a popular tourist attraction, where visitors to the capital are invited to climb the steps that lead to the post, where a soldier on duty will lend them his binoculars so that they can view the 'other', 'inaccessible' part, of the town (Bollens, 2002). What is actually visible over that blue-and-white-striped wall (strongly reminiscent of the Greek flag) is an overgrown field, symbolic of the dereliction throughout the years of separation, beyond which rises another wall that similarly stops access from the northern side of the same street. Following this experience of actually viewing the abruptness of the division and the irregularity it creates to the 'natural' urban spatial flow ('a street that just stops' in the words of visitors interviewed), the visitor is then invited to view a photo exhibition at the foot of the exit stairs, where the 'injustice' suffered by the Greek-Cypriot people as a result of the Turkish invasion is documented. This includes photos of the destruction during the war, the refugee camps set up in the months following the war, the capture of Greek-Cypriots by the Turkish army, etc. According to foreign visitors, this is a highly emotive experience, in the words of some 'the first time they really understood what the problem was about', or alternatively, 'the first time they understood the injustice of the division'. Thus, in connecting the concepts of 'division' and 'injustice', this feature also links the 'Cyprus problem' to the GreekCypriot discourse about its solution.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ GÜNEY, AYLI. N. "The USA's Role in Mediating the Cyprus Conflict: A Story of Success or Failure?" (PDF). Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey. Retrieved 2 January 2019.
This article is an attempt to assess the role played by the United States in the search for a solution to the Cyprus conflict both during and after the Cold War. Keywords: conflict • crisis • Cyprus • mediation • United States"
- ^ Olga Campbell-Thomson at Abu Dhabi Polytechnic (January 2014). "Pride and Prejudice: The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus". Research Gate. Retrieved March 2019.
Abstract: During the five decades of its involvement in the infamous 'Cyprus problem', the United Nations (UN) has undertaken several large-scale attempts to lead the process of conflict resolution, however, the UN's mediation has failed to produce a settlement on the island. The issue at the heart of the conflict, political inequality, remains the major stumbling block. This block is firmly and consistently embedded in the UN's successive resolutions on Cyprus which continue to sustain the status of inequality and thus, perpetuate the problem. By drawing attention to the roots of the current conflict in Cyprus, and to the UN's positioning in the conflict, this article challenges the UN's myopic policy towards Cyprus. It is argued that the UN's partiality protracts the conflict, and that attempts to reach a workable solution are deemed improbable as long as the UN's stance on Cyprus remains uncontested. Origin of the Problem (Political Inequality): .The UN's positioning in, and subsequent effects on, the 'Cyprus problem' can only be appreciated with an understanding of the origins of the current conflict, namely the Constitutional Crisis of 1963, and the resulting political disparity. Origin of Enosis: The idea of enosis was imported to Cyprus from Greece in the 19th century, as part of the irredentist movement, or the claiming of Greek speaking lands in the name of Greece. Origin of Taksim: Towards the end of the 1950s, the Greek Cypriot enosis movement was confronted by calls for taksim emanating from the Turkish Cypriot camp, but the goal of taksim was not unification of the entire island with the Republic of Turkey. Constitutional Crisis: The 1960 Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus was abrogated in November 1963 by the then President of the Republic, Archbishop Makarios, who tried to create a unitary Greek Cypriot state based on a majority rule, in which Turkish Cypriots would be considered a minority. Thirteen amendments proposed by Makarios on 30 November 1963 undermined the principles of bi-communality and were not accepted by the Turkish Cypriot members of the government. Start of Conflict: If there was any room for dialogue between the two parties, armed attacks on Turkish Cypriot civilians in December 1963 by re-armed Greek Cypriot police and irregulars from the banned EOKA movement, made any constructive initiatives impossible. From Refugees to Citizens: According to the UN Secretary- General's report of 10 September 1964, approximately twenty-five thousand Turkish Cypriots and five hundred Greek Cypriots had become refugees since the outbreak of violence in December 1963. The report stated that "in 109 villages, most of them Turkish Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage or looting".6 Those fleeing from their homes sought refuge in the areas already densely populated by Turkish Cypriots. These 'enclaves' would exist up until 1974 and would absorb a considerable portion of the Turkish- Cypriot population. Turks Barred from Government: The return of the Turkish Cypriot deputies to the government of the Republic of Cyprus in 1964 was not a viable option. The President of the Republic, Makarios, who declared the constitution to be "dead and buried," announced that he did not recognize the Vice-President and "cut off even telephone contacts with Dr Küçük".7 The UN Mediator, Galo Plaza, confirmed in his report to the General-Secretary that "since the outbreak of disorder in December 1963, the Turkish Cypriot Vice-President and the Turkish Cypriot Ministers were barred from their offices and from meetings of the cabinet". With the gradual restoration of a ceasefire on the island, Turkish Cypriot deputies to the Government of the Republic of Cyprus made an attempt to return to the government as partners in the Republic, under the provisions of the 1960 Constitution. Any possibility of such return was impeded by parliamentary acts which were passed unilaterally by the remaining Greek Cypriot members of the parliament. As reported by Droushiotis, on 20 July 1965, "the Council of Ministers approved a revision of the electoral law, abolishing the Turkish Cypriots' rights separately to elect the Vice-President and the Members of the House of Representatives from their community".9 In response to the request by the Turkish Cypriot representatives to attend the session of the House, the then Speaker of the House Glafkos Clerides imposed conditions which were "tantamount to an acceptance of minority status by the Turkish Cypriots".10 Following the statement of Clerides on 22 July 1965 that the Greek Cypriot community "did not recognise the relevant provisions of the Constitution", the Greek Cypriot press announced that Turkish Cypriots "had no right to return to the House of Representatives". Smuggling of Greek Contingents: An agreement between the involved parties was reached on 30 November 1967, in which the Greek government agreed to withdraw the nearly 12,000 Greek military personnel who had been clandestinely smuggled into Cyprus, and to recall General Grivas to Greece. Mob Rule, Not Democracy: Resuming in 1968, inter-communal talks under UN auspices took place intermittently until 1974 between Rauf Denktaş and Glafkos Clerides, who represented the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities respectively. During the first round of the talks in 1968-1971, the Turkish Cypriot side agreed to considerable concessions, yet firmly resented any possibility of downgrading their partnership status to that of a minority.19 Meanwhile, Glafkos Clerides insisted that the Turkish Cypriots were given representation in government disproportionate to the number of their population and, hence, declared that it was impossible to return to the Zürich-London Agreements.20 Denktaş's position on the matter was as follows: In the modern concept of democratic rule the primary business of political democracy is to defend the rights of all. Where the will of the minority is not given expression within these rights, 'mob rule' replaces 'democratic rule.' The concept of the partnership status in Cyprus was evolved in order to establish a modern system of democracy with sufficient safeguards to prevent its ultimate emergence as tyranny or mob rule. Military Assaults on Turks 1967: The military assaults on Turkish Cypriots in 1967 were all too vivid illustrations of what mob rule could bring about in the absence of political parity or of any possibility of the Turkish Cypriot side to participate in the management of the state. If the insistence of the Greek Cypriot administration on its control over the entire Cypriot population went against Turkish Cypriot desire of equal political representation in the Republic of Cyprus, overt claims to pursue the policy of enosis were met with resolute indignation by the Turkish Cypriot leadership. The UN Secretary-General, reporting on the impasse in the inter- communal talks in 1971, noted that the public statement made by Archbishop Makarios earlier in 1971 that "he would never sign an agreement that barred the way to enosis made the issue a fundamental one for the Turkish Cypriot side, which would accept no agreement unless it closed the door to enosis". Coup On 15 July 1974, the Cypriot National Guard and Greek officers led an armoured attack on the presidential palace in Nicosia. Makarios was hastily proclaimed dead and the presidency was assumed by Nikos Sampson, who had distinguished himself as a convicted murderer of British civilians and police in the 1950s, and was later nicknamed 'the butcher of Omorphita' for his ruthless assaults on the Turkish Cypriots in 1963-1964, specifically for his leadership of the attacks on the mixed suburb of Omorphita. Although he announced that the ensued fighting on the island was an internal Greek Cypriot affair, Sampson's presidency became an imminent threat to any possibility of peace for either the Greek Cypriot or Turkish Cypriot population. Iphestos Files: The elaborate plan codenamed Iphestos 1974 [volcano], which was captured with other documents of the Greek Cypriot National Guard in the weeks following the coup, contained the specifics of the annihilation of the Turkish Cypriots, up to the exact location as to where to bury their corpses.23 The raging attacks on Turkish Cypriots in summer 1974 were all the necessary proof of the vulnerability of the Turkish Cypriot population in the face of extremists' control over the island. Outcome of the First Peace Operation In Cyprus: The outcome of this operation (First Peace Operation in Cyprus) was the restoration of a democratically elected government in Cyprus with Makarios as President. By preventing enosis, Turkey had preserved the island's independence. As noted by Loizos, Turkey's intervention stopped the miniature civil war between the Greeks in Cyprus, and so it is impossible to say how long it would have gone on, and how many lives would have been lost in it.27 The intervention had aided the overthrow of the brutal dictatorship in Greece; the junta regime was toppled the day following the landing of the Turkish troops in Cyprus, and civilian democratic rule in Greece was restored. In order to protect the Turkish Cypriot community, the Turkish forces carved out a piece of land- seven percent- which would become a safety island under protection of the Turkish troops until other proper guarantees to the Cypriot population were installed. First Geneva Conference: A round of talks between Turkey, Greece and Cyprus in Geneva on 25- 30 July 1974 (First Geneva Conference) resulted in a Declaration, signed on 30 July, which stipulated the establishment of a security zone, immediate evacuation of all Turkish Cypriot enclaves occupied by Greek and Greek Cypriot forces, and the release of detained military personnel and civilians.28 The provisions of the First Geneva Conference were immediately violated by Greek and Greek Cypriot forces, who continued to attack and put under siege Turkish Cypriots residing outside the protective umbrella of the Turkish armed forces. According to Türkmen, the Turkish Cypriot inhabitants of Aloa, Sandallaris, Maratha, Tochni, Zigi and Mari were "almost entirely wiped out."29 UNFICYP admitted that its resources did not "permit complete surveillance over all the areas concerned",30 but regular reports of the Secretary-General in July-August 1974 registered instances of looting, and harassment of civilian population, as well as instances of the National Guard taking prisoners and undertaking military action against Turkish Cypriot enclaves throughout the island.31 Second Geneva Conference: The Second Geneva Conference, with the participation of Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom, took place on 9-13 August 1974. As the talks were going on, the occupation and siege of Turkish enclaves in the Greek sector of the island continued; the situation in the regions of Serdarlı and Nicosia were particularly disturbing. On 14 August, talks broke down and Turkey undertook a second intervention. The operation was concluded on 16 August 1974 and resulted in demarcation of the territory (approximately one third of the island) in the north of Cyprus, where Turkish Cypriots could live under the protection of Turkish forces. Two Administrations and the Population Exchange Agreement: Slengesol reports that an American envoy, Hartman, who was sent to Cyprus "on a fact finding mission" in the interim period between the two Geneva Conferences in summer 1974, concluded that "there were 'genuine reasons' for the Turkish Cypriots to feel threatened".32 Hartman's observation was also that a separation of both communities was necessary and that "two autonomous administrations existed on the island and would continue to exist regardless of constitutional arrangements".33 Throughout the summer of 1974, and most of 1975, groups of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots alike were escorted where possible by the UNFICYP and British Armed forces, to areas of protection. A Population Exchange Agreement was signed on 2 August 1975 in Vienna.34 Most Greek Cypriots moved to the south to live under the governance of a Greek Cypriot administration and most Turkish Cypriots moved to the north to live under the governance of a Turkish Cypriot administration. The ceasefire line (buffer zone) established in August 1974 and the following exchanges of population were necessary measures for the maintenance of peace on the island, and for the first time in ten years, the Turkish Cypriot population was able to live in safety. Status of Inequality Bestowed by the UN: On 13 February 1975, the Turkish Cypriot community, which had already been governed by its own autonomous administration for more than ten years, proclaimed the establishment of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus. The proclamation of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus in 1975 was an inevitability, and reflected the reality of the two separate political and territorial entities on the island. The Security Council Resolution 367 (1975) regretted the declaration of a Federated Turkish State, which it saw "inter alia, tending to compromise the continuation of negotiations between the representatives of the two communities on an equal footing." What exactly the authors of the UN resolutions perceived as "equal footing" remains unclear. There has been no evidence of equal footing in the UN's dealings with the Cyprus problem since the outbreak of the conflict in 1963. The UN's regrets of any efforts undertaken by the Turkish Cypriot community to establish some form of political and administrative mechanisms to run the affairs of their community were short of constituting an equal footing approach. The acceptance of a Turkish Cypriot state would establish political parity between the two communities of Cyprus. Yet, an obdurate insistence of the UN resolutions that the Greek Cypriot administration was the legal government of all Cypriots, compromised equal footing and endorsed continuing political and economic disparity between the two communities. Present Day: As the negotiation process towards an alternative political arrangement in Cyprus continues, there are, in fact and in substance, two separate states in Cyprus: the TRNC in the north, and the Greek Cypriot controlled area of the Republic of Cyprus in the south. They function as two states independent from each other, and a stark political and economic disparity exists between the two communities. Despite the constraints imposed on the TRNC by its precarious existence as an internationally unrecognized political entity, the TRNC has all the characteristics and institutions of a nation-state. But as the UN continues to call to all countries to deplore the existence of the Turkish Cypriot state, a living community of the TRNC carries on its daily subsistence in a state which is customarily referred to as 'quasi state', 'so-called state', 'runaway state', 'the north of the green line', 'the nation-in- waiting' or 'de facto state.' This list is not comprehensive but it provides an idea of the unusual nature of the Turkish Cypriot state's existence. At the time of this writing, negotiations on the settlement of the Cyprus problem continue. The most recent (at the time of this writing) UN resolution asks all parties to engage "fully, flexibly and constructively in the negotiations" and makes a note that "the status quo is unsustainable".54 In point of fact, the status quo in Cyprus is sustainable and is being sustained precisely due to the UN resolutions, which do not allow for an equal standing of the two parties in conflict. Convinced in their righteousness by strong UN backing, the Greek Cypriot administration has learnt that it could scorn proposed settlement plans without any loss of the privileges it has been granted by the international community. The status quo in Cyprus will sustain itself for as long as the United Nations continues to endorse the conditions of inequality between the two parties. The root of the problem was (and is) the issue of inequality. The UN's endorsement of the status of inequality of the two prominent communities in Cyprus has escalated the problem to the point of a deadlock. As the UN continues to send emissaries to the island, it would be timely to review the organization's myopic policies, and to consider focusing on the roots, and not the symptoms, of the conflict. Afterwards: Glafkos Clerides, a long-term Greek Cypriot negotiator, summed up the Cyprus problem as the following: Just as the Greek Cypriot preoccupation was that Cyprus should be a Greek Cypriot state, with a protected Turkish Minority, the Turkish preoccupation was to defeat any such effort and to maintain the partnership concept, which in their opinion the Zurich Agreement created between the two communities. The conflict, therefore, was a conflict of principle and for that principle both sides were prepared to go on arguing and even, if need be, to fight, rather than to compromise.55 Indeed, the Cypriot conflict has been a matter of principle, or rather, two very different principles. If the Greek Cypriot principle of domination at any cost can be seen as an atavism of a supremacist ideology which has been shamed and banished from the scene of modern human order, the Turkish Cypriot principle of equality is not at odds with any of the principles underpinning the philosophy of the modern Western world. The UN's wilful imposition of political and economic sanctions on the Turkish Cypriot community, and its partiality in the Cyprus conflict, contradicts the very foundational principles of the organization's existence and operation. The slogan of modern democracy Liberty, Equality, Fraternity has been held high in Western society. The UN Charter itself was founded on the principles which adhere to liberty and equality as necessary pre-conditions for a dignified human existence. As it is stated in the Preamble to its Charter, the Organization of the United Nations was established in order "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small" and "to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom".56 It was also foreseen that the formation of the organization would be a way "to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples."57 The purpose of the creation of the UN was to ascertain the existence of an impartial organization which would safeguard basic human rights "in conformity with the principles of justice" and "based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of people".58 The UN was not foreseen as a tool of manipulation and certainly not as a tool of arbitrary punishment. The principles of justice, equality, and the right for the economic and social advancement have no less significance today than they did in 1945, when the UN Charter was adopted. The UN's wilful imposition of political and economic sanctions on the Turkish Cypriot community, and its partiality in the Cyprus conflict, contradicts the very foundational principles of the organization's existence and operation. The UN's prejudice in the case of Cyprus is of an even greater sorrow, since the core of the Cyprus problem is the issue of inequality, and the UN's endorsement of inequality exacerbates the problem. It is argued here that the UN has failed to lead the island towards a workable solution, because it has actively prevented any possibility for the two sides to act as equal partners in the process, and has not created a level playing field. There are no more reasons to grant legality to a separatist Greek Cypriot administration than there are to deplore the proclamation of the Turkish Cypriot state. As stated in numerous UN reports and resolutions, the two sides indeed have to be on equal footing; and to go forward, either both have to be treated as legal political partners or both deplored. It is hardly possible to anticipate any success in the UN's attempts to fraternize the two communities of Cyprus unless equality is achieved first. Although the UN has advocated for equal footing, its partiality has, in fact, hobbled the process of settlement in Cyprus.
{{cite journal}}: Check date values in:|accessdate=(help); Cite journal requires|journal=(help); line feed character in|quote=at position 16 (help) - ^ "Turkey and Its Position on the Cyprus Question Since 1974". Research Gate, publication 280575675.
- ^ Alice Robinson (28 December 2006). "Wicked ethnic cleansing of Turkish Cypriots (Updated 29 Jan 2008)". Malaysiakini.
I refer to the letter Turkey's action in Cyprus against int'l law by Michael Anastasiadis. Anastasiadis is wrong. No court has ever held Turkey's intervention in 1974 to be illegal. They had every right to intervene to save the Turkish Cypriots from the merciless attacks of the Greek Cypriots, and should have done so eleven years earlier. They have every right to stay in Northern Cyprus until a settlement can be found, which will give the Turkish Cypriots some security. Turkey agreed to a phased withdrawal of its army under the Annan Plan, which the Greek Cypriots rejected. Remember that the Annan Plan was accepted by the whole world - except the Greek Cypriots - as a fair settlement. Like most Greek Cypriots, history for Anastasiadis begins in 1974, for they are ashamed to admit the wicked ethnic cleansing to which they subjected the Turkish Cypriots to in 1963, 1964, and 1967. How can they have the nerve to talk, as they incessantly do, about human rights and legality, when in their treatment of the Turkish Cypriots they have shown utter contempt for the very meaning of law.
{{cite web}}: line feed character in|quote=at position 482 (help) - ^ Ayse Sensoy Boztepe (20 July 2018). "Turkish Cypriots always stood for solution on island". Anadolu Agency.
In his message, Kalin commemorated the martyrs of the operation and praised the Turkish army for preventing an attempt to commit genocide against Cyprus' Turks
- ^ "Cyprus History: 1974 Greek Coup d'etat & Turkish Intervention".
- ^ "Population Exchange Agreement Signed on August 2, 1975".
Comment: There are no Greek Cypriot Refugees
{{cite web}}: line feed character in|title=at position 31 (help) - ^ Mario Hajiloizis (20 July 2016). "July 20, 1974 - A day Cyprus will never forget". Sigmalive.
- ^ Rauf R. Denktaş. The Cyprus triangle. ISBN 0043270662.
- ^ Makarios. "13 Points (30 November 1963)" (PDF).
SUGGESTED MEASURES FOR FACILITATING THE SMOOTH FUNCTIONING OF THE STATE AND FOR THE REMOVAL OF CERTAIN CAUSES OF INTER-COMMUNAL FRICTION (1963)
- ^ Freeman, Dominic. "Cyprus Problem, Christmas Eve 1963 Massacre". North Cyprus Free Press (NCFP).
Ergun Olgun, now a co-ordinator in President Eroglu's secretariat, remembers the events well: "I was a 19-year-old student in Ankara at the time, and we knew there was no organised Turkish Cypriot resistance capable of dealing with this sort of situation. A group of 500 of us pleaded with the Turkish government to allow us to return and fight for our community. We were given training by the Turkish equivalent of Dad's Army, issued with World War 2 weapons, and sent back to Cyprus." "I was a Bren gun carrier, got seriously wounded for my pains, and so was forced to leave the conflict before it was over.These acts showed what Greek intentions were, long before 1974."
{{cite web}}: line feed character in|quote=at position 487 (help) - ^ "7th Annual Conference of the Historical Dialogues, Justice, & Memory Network" (PDF).
- ^ "Present Past: Time, Memory, and the Negotiation of Historical Justice December 7-9, 2017 Columbia University, New York City" (PDF).
- ^ https://espressostalinist.com/genocide/.
Greece is guilty of genocide of Ottoman Muslims in Crete and of Turkish Cypriots in Cyprus twice, 1963-64 and 1974. The evidence of genocide is voluminous, including testimony from former U.S. Undersecretary of State George Ball and foreign reporters on the scene.
{{cite web}}: Missing or empty|title=(help) - ^ "MISSING PERSONS".
Chapters: Turkish Cypriot Missing Persons, 1963/64, 1974 & Greek Cypriots.
- ^ Günay Evinch (Övünç). "Legal Action Under the London-Zurich Accords To Arrest the Illegal Accession of Cyprus to the European Union" (PDF).
Turkish Peace Operation: There are only two military interventions in recent history that have resulted in enhanced democracy and human rights: the English intervention against Argentina in the Falklands, and the Turkish intervention against Greece in Cyprus -- both toppled fascist dictatorships and stopped ethnic killings.
- ^ Stephen, Michael (1987). "Cyprus:Two Nations in One Island". Bow Educational Briefing №5. London. pp. 1–7.
Northern Cyprus#1960-1974: On 25 April 1963, the SCCC decided that Makarios's 13 amendments were illegal. The Cyprus Supreme Court's ruling found that Makarios had violated the constitution by failing to fully implement its measures and that Turkish Cypriots had not been allowed to return to their positions in government without first accepting the proposed constitutional amendments.
- ^ Suvarierol, Semin (21 February 2003). "The Cyprus Obstacle on Turkey's Road to Membership in the European Union" (PDF).
see: "Chronology (of events from February 11, 1959 to December 12–13, 2002)", Pages 18/72 - 21/75
- ^ "History: 1964-1974". Retrieved 24 December 2018.
In 1974, the attempted
genocide against the Turkish Cypriots
was repeated once more." "These happy children once attending the joint primary school of Murataga (Maratha), Sandallar (Sandallaris) and Atlilar (Aloa) in Famagusta Area do not live any more. They weremassacred, with their families, by Greek Cypriot armed elements and buried into mass-graves in 1974
. Had Turkey not acted this time, this annihilation would have been extended to the rest of the Turkish Cypriot Community in Cyprus. Thusthe Turkish Army clearly averted a wholesale genocide of the entire Turkish community
. - ^ AKSU, FUAT; GUDER, SULEYMAN. "A LONG-LASTING FOREIGN POLICY CRISIS: TURKEY'S MILITARY INTERVENTION TO CYPRUS IN ITS 40TH ANNIVERSARY" (PDF).
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - ^ N/A. "Akritas Plan" (PDF). Cyprus Scene. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
- ^ N/A. "Akritas Plan" (PDF). Association of Turkish Cypriots Abroad (ATCA). Retrieved 28 December 2018.
- ^ N/A. "Akritas Plan (From Page 7)" (PDF). Institute of Current World Affairs. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
- ^ "Wikisource link to Treaty of Guarantee (1960)".
In so far as common or concerted action may not prove possible, each the three guaranteeing Powers reserves the right to take action with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs created by the present Treaty.
- ^ http://mstohl.faculty.comm.ucsb.edu/failed_states/2000/papers/jacksonpreece.html The following are but a few European examples: ... 45,000 Turkish Cypriots cleansed from Greek Cyprus...
- ^ "If Greek Cypriots vote ‘no' and Turkish Cypriots vote ‘yes', I shall seek recognition for the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus," the Turkish Cypriot Foreign Minister Gul said in remarks published by the daily Hurriyet. In that event - which according to latest opinion polls is a likely outcome of the vote on April 24 - "I shall proudly travel the planet advocating recognition of the TRNC."
- ^ https://dailytimes.com.pk/141748/cypruss-current-situation/ OP-ED Cyprus's Current Situation, S M Hali (The writer is a retired Group Captain of PAF. He is a columnist, analyst and TV Talk show host, who has authored six books on current affairs, including three on China), 18 November 2017 "Programmed ethnic cleansing of Turkish Cypriots to force them into accepting the role of a minority continued for 11 years"
- ^ https://www.nytimes.com/1992/09/19/opinion/l-turkish-cypriots-needed-protection-401392.html The New York Times Archives 1992 Turkish Cypriots Needed Protection 19 September 1992 "To the Editor: The whole tenor of " 'Ethnic Cleansing,' Cypriot Style" (editorial, Sept. 5) gives the wrong impression that an "ethnic cleansing" was started on the Mediterranean island in 1974 and that Turkey was at fault. Isn't it amazing how soon the news media forget? The Cyprus question has a history of more than 28 years. I would like to quote "Turkish Cypriote Villagers Resist Greek Onslaught," your March 21, 1964, report. It was this article that informed the world about the beginning of an "ethnic cleansing" perpetrated by the Greek Cypriots against Turkish Cypriots. The same article also informed us how Archbishop Makarios, who had been President of Cyprus from 1959, resisted disclosing any information about the fate of scores of Turkish Cypriots who were seized by the Greek Cypriots. Such massacres and abductions of Turkish Cypriots continued until 1974. Turkey's action in 1974 as a guarantor power under the 1960 treaties stopped this violent campaign and saved Cyprus from being "cleansed" of its ethnic Turks. Even today it is the only effective deterrent against renewed Greek Cypriot aggression for another ethnic cleansing by the Greek Cypriots. M. ATA ERIM Chairman, World Turkish Congress New York, Sept. 10, 1992"
- ^ https://www.ataa.org/press-releases/ataa-remembers-hon-rauf-denktas ATAA Remembers Hon. Rauf Denktas "The founder and the first president of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, Rauf Denktas was a leading figure in protecting the Turkish Cypriots from annihilation and ethnic cleansing on the island of Cyprus (1963-1974)."
- ^ https://www.quora.com/Do-Greek-Cypriots-get-awkward-or-upset-when-people-mention-Turkish-Cypriot-or-when-they-are-asked-if-they-are-Greek-or-Turkish Do Greek Cypriots get awkward or upset when people mention Turkish Cypriot or when they are asked if they are Greek or Turkish? 1) Faey Stern, Greek, Interested in Linguistics, Foreign Languages, Politics, Answered 24 May 2015 From my experience, this is a topic they would rather avoid. I don't think they hold much hostility for the Turkish Cypriots, but they certainly dislike Turkey and its mixing in their affairs. You should remember that all parts suffered. The Turkish Cypriots suffered whn the military junta came, and the Greek Cypriots sufferd when the invasion happened and they died in large masses. However what they haven't forgotten is that they had to abandon their homes. I wish this hadn't happened. The Greek Cypriots don't hate the Turkish Cypriots for 'existing'. They hate the fact that they exist in 'Northern Cyprus'. Because in order for them to live in Northern Cyprus, they had to abandon their homes. So, yes the idea of Northern Cyprus is appaling to them, but not the idea of Turkish Cypriots as a whole. I hope that what I is understandable. So, if you can, don't refer to Northern Cyprus at all. Remember, the atrocities were just some decades ago and mentioning them can create feelings of hate and sorrow in both side-some lost mothers, brothers etc, and you asking them could feel disrespectful and be a memory of death, even if you don't realise it. So don't ask. You never know what you will hear, or how the other people perceive what you say. It is a very touch subject for them. I don't agree with Turan Birol. If something is painful for someone, we should not disguss it. I will not ask people from Armenia or Aerbaijan about Nagorno-Karabakh, because changes are I'm going to say something ignorant that will hurt them. I have hopes that the Greek and Turkish Cypriots will start seeing each other more like Cypriots. It would help to be 'abandoned' by both Greek and Turkish influence. As long as those exist, there will be hate and disagreements. I wish that the new politicians will change the situation. 2) Bashman Ahmet, lived in Turkey, Answered 18 August 2016 Such a narsist point of view. I personally lost 5 family members. My family lost all of its money and property in Paphos because they had to move North to SURVIVE. Now should I be offended because you mention "Greek Cypriot"?? No I will not be. As much as I hate the fact that I never get to see my uncle, I cannot chance that past and the facts. Whether you accept or don't Greek Cypriots committed the biggest ethnic cleansing of modern history after the holocaust. +50% of TOTAL POPULATION MURDERED & DISPLACED There is approx. 900,000 Turkish Cypriots in the world and only 15-180k is living in Cyprus because they were forecefully deported from the island. There is more Turkish Cypriot living in city of London ALONE than in Cyprus. This pretty much explains everything. It was Greek Cypriots who started the problem, Greek Coup to annex island to Greece just made it worse. I will not play the "blame game" but if it wasn't for Turkish intervention, probably I wouldn't be writing this. So just stop being offended and do not avoid the problem. Take responsibility of your actions and negotiate with us to solve this problem. ...
- ^ https://www.ata-a.org.au/cyprus-1974-preventing-a-genocide/ Australian Turkish Advocacy Alliance "Massacres and Ethnic Cleansing by Greek EOKA-B"
- ^ http://www.mfa.gov.tr/why-greece-and-the-greek-cypriots-do-not-want-peace-in-the-island_.en.mfa Why Greece and the Greek Cypriots do not Want Peace in the Island? "the Greek Cypriots attempted to eliminate the Turkish Cypriots through ethnic cleansing in order to clear the way for Enosis"
- ^ https://www.thenationalherald.com/171725/greece-turkey-spar-1964-cyprus-napalm-bombing-anniversary/ Greece, Turkey Spar Over 1964 Cyprus Napalm Bombing Anniversary 10 August 2017 Turkey’s Foreign Ministry: "“The Greek statement contained allegations concerning the support provided by Turkey as a motherland and guarantor to the courageous and noble struggle of the Turkish Cypriots in 1964 against the common enosis aspirations and ethnic cleansing attempts of the Greek Cypriots and Greeks,” ”For many years, the Greek Cypriots and Greeks resorted to every possible means of propagating fear and instigating violence with the aim of expelling the Turkish Cypriots from the Island of Cyprus through ethnic cleansing. This most recent statement probably reflects a futile attempt to cover up their feeling of guilt regarding their acts,”
- ^ http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/10-turks-ordered-to-be-killed-for-each-greek-during-war-report-135574 Ömer Bilge - LEFKOŞA 8 August 2018 "The killings, which are considered by Turkish Cypriots as ethnic cleansing"
- ^ https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/letter-safe-haven-for-turkish-cypriots-1239353.html HAKKI MUFTUZADE 16 September 1997 LETTER : Safe haven for Turkish Cypriots "the ethnic cleansing of Turkish Cypriots by the Greeks" "ethnic cleansing to which they have been periodically subjected by the Greeks"
- ^ https://pio.mfa.gov.ct.tr/en/cypruss-current-situation/ Cyprus’s current situation, 18 November 2017, Daily Time Pakistan, S M Hali, "Programmed ethnic cleansing of Turkish Cypriots to force them into accepting the role of a minority continued for 11 years. Tales of barbarism and genocide resound even today."
- ^ https://www.trtworld.com/europe/turkish-cypriots-pull-out-of-cyprus-peace-talks-5325 "for many Turkish Cypriots, Enosis represents their ethnic cleansing from the island"
- ^ http://newdelhi.emb.mfa.gov.tr/Mission/ShowAnnouncement/334620 No: 256, 9 August 2017, Press Release Regarding Certain Baseless Allegations Contained In A Statement Of The Greek Foreign Ministry Dated 8 August "The 53rd anniversary of the Erenköy Resistance was commemorated yesterday (8 August) in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. We have also observed that an unfortunate statement has been made on this issue by the Greek Foreign Ministry. The Greek statement contained allegations concerning the support provided by Turkey as a motherland and Guarantor to the courageous and noble struggle of the Turkish Cypriots in 1964 against the common enosis aspirations and ethnic cleansing attempts of the Greek Cypriots and Greeks. We deplore and condemn these completely baseless and false allegations. For many years, the Greek Cypriots and Greeks resorted to every possible means of propagating fear and instigating violence with the aim of expelling the Turkish Cypriots from the Island of Cyprus through ethnic cleansing. This most recent statement probably reflects a futile attempt to cover up their feeling of guilt regarding their acts."
- ^ https://www.unece.org/fileadmin/DAM/trans/doc/2017/wp5/Statement_by_Turkey.pdf "The Greek Cypriots subsequently conducted an armed ethnic cleansing campaign against them from 1963 to 1974"
- ^ Oberling, Pierre (1982). The Road to Bellapais: The Turkish Cypriot Exodus to Northern Cypress (East European Monographs, No. 125). p. 120. ISBN 0880330007.
In 1963-64, and again in 1967, the Greek Cypriots, with Greek military assistance, raided isolated Turkish villages and attacked the Turkish Cypriot quarters of the towns, pushing the Turkish Cypriots into even more densely populated enclaves... the division of Cyprus into two ethnically homogeneous, self-governing states was not achieved by the Turkish armed intervention of 1974 but by the Greek Cypriots in their campaign of aggression against the Turkish Cypriot community during the previous decade...
- ^ Olga Campbell-Thomson at Abu Dhabi Polytechnic (January 2014). "Pride and Prejudice: The Failure of UN Peace Brokering Efforts in Cyprus". Research Gate. Retrieved March 2019.
... armed attacks on Turkish Cypriot civilians in December 1963 by re-armed Greek Cypriot police and irregulars from the banned EOKA movement... military assaults on Turkish Cypriots in 1967 were all too vivid illustrations of what mob rule could bring about... The elaborate plan codenamed Iphestos 1974 [volcano], which was captured with other documents of the Greek Cypriot National Guard in the weeks following the coup, contained the specifics of the annihilation of the Turkish Cypriots, up to the exact location as to where to bury their corpses.23 The raging attacks on Turkish Cypriots in summer 1974 were all the necessary proof of the vulnerability of the Turkish Cypriot population in the face of extremists' control over the island... The provisions of the First Geneva Conference were immediately violated by Greek and Greek Cypriot forces, who continued to attack and put under siege Turkish Cypriots residing outside the protective umbrella of the Turkish armed forces... As the (Second Geneva Conference) talks were going on, the occupation and siege of Turkish enclaves in the Greek sector of the island continued; the situation in the regions of Serdarlı and Nicosia were particularly disturbing...
{{cite journal}}: Check date values in:|accessdate=(help); Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ Gibbons, Harry Scott. The Genocide Files. Savannah Koch. ISBN 978-0951446423.
... the Greek fixation with Enosis-union with Greece-led to a one-sided war against the Turks and the brutal massacres of their men, women and children...
- ^ Gibbons, Harry Scott (1997). "Genocide" (PDF). The Journal of International Affairs, September - November 2001 Vol. VI Num. 3. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
Greek actions seemed so haphazard that although it quickly became obvious the attack on the Turks was premeditated, the extent of the planning was not fully discovered until April 1966, when a Greek Cypriot newspaper, Patris, gave details of what has become known as the Akritas Plan. This was the first exercise in ethnic cleansing - racial extermination or genocide, as I prefer to call it - the Makarios government undertook...
{{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires|journal=(help) - ^ Patrick, Richard A. (Richard Arthur), 1942-1974; Bater, James H.; Preston, Richard (1976). Political geography and the Cyprus conflict, 1963-1971. Dept. of Geography, Faculty of Environmental Studies, University of Waterloo.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ Stephen, Michael. "Attempted Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in Cyprus". Ankara - Turkish Daily News 13 May 1999. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
- ^ "Cyprus". the Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 24 December 2018.
- ^ Oberling, Pierre (1982). The road to Bellapais: The Turkish Cypriot exodus to Northern Cyprus. p. 120. ISBN 978-0880330008.
- ^ "REPORT BY THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ON THE UNITED NATIONS OPERATION IN CYPRUS" (PDF). United Nations. 10 September 1964. Retrieved 17 December 2018.
The trade of the Turkish community had considerably declined during the period, due to the existing situation, and unemployment reached a very high level as approximately 25,000 Turkish Cypriots had become refugees.
- ^ Risini, Isabella (2018). The Inter-State Application under the European Convention on Human Rights: Between Collective Enforcement of Human Rights and International Dispute Settlement. BRILL. p. 117. ISBN 9789004357266.
- ^ Smit, Anneke (2012). The Property Rights of Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons: Beyond Restitution. Routledge. p. 51.
- ^ "UN SG S/5950 Report" (PDF). 10 September 1964. paragraph 180.
... when the disturbances broke out in December 1963 and continued during the first part of 1964, thousands of Turkish Cypriots fled their homes, taking with them only what they could drive or carry, and sought refuge in safer villages and areas... in 109 villages, most of them Turkish-Cypriot or mixed villages, 527 houses have been destroyed while 2,000 others have suffered damage from looting...
- ^ İpek Özerim (4 March 2019). "Turkish Cypriots, UN Resolution 186 of 4 March 1964, and the start of the embargoes". T-Vine. Retrieved 4 March 2019.
Greek Cypriots took advantage of the world shutting down to celebrate Christmas and the New Year, and seized power. This brutal coup, dubbed by international media as 'Bloody Christmas', started on 21 December 1963 and during a 10-day period, resulted in 133 Turkish Cypriots being murdered and some 20,000 Turkish Cypriots made homeless.
- ^ "1963 Is Still a Historical Minefield". Cyprus Mail. 22 December 2013. Retrieved 6 March 2019.
Newspapers at the time reported the forceful exodus of the Turkish Cypriots from their homes in the days and weeks that followed... threats, shootings and attempts of arson were committed against the Turkish Cypriots to force them out of their homes... Research produced by Canadian scholar Richard Patrick in the 1970s is considered among the most authoritative accounts of the period... Patrick argued that most Turkish Cypriots moved only after Turkish Cypriots had been killed, abducted or harassed by Greek Cypriots within their village or quarter... Costas M Constantinou, professor of international relations at the University of Cyprus, believes the segregation that followed the forceful movement of the Turkish Cypriots into enclaves in 1963-64 had tremendous implications... The 'Akritas' plan... stipulated an organised attack on Turkish Cypriots should they show signs of resistance to the measures, stating: "In the event of a planned or staged Turkish attack, it is imperative to overcome it by force in the shortest possible time, because if we succeed in gaining command of the situation (in one or two days), no outside intervention would be either justified or possible."... Political commentator and columnist Loucas Charalambous recalls how preparations for an armed conflict were underway long before December 1963. Charalambous personally witnessed military exercises taking place by paramilitaries months prior to the outbreak of hostilities.
- ^ Nejla Clements (28 August 2018). The Battle of Kokkina (English Translation of Erenköy ve Hayat). Troubador. ISBN 9781789014518.
- ^ Örek, Makarios on Enosis p. 30
- ^ Cassia, Paul Sant (2005). Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus (PDF). Berghahn Books. ISBN 9781571816467.
... In modern Greek Cypriot culture there is a double connection of dogs and carrion. Extreme right-wing Greek nationalists in Cyprus referred to Turkish Cypriots whom they killed as shillii (dogs) – the implication being that, like dogs, they could be killed with impunity... It is well known that taxonomic violence defined in ethnic terms (or what is now called ethnic cleansing) is accompanied, indeed justified, by attempts to render the other as an outsider and a source of pollution... TURKS = shillii/polluting, therefore legitimated killing: metaphorical likeness...
- ^ "Die Welt 27 December 1963".
(Professor Ernst Forsthoff, the neutral president of the Supreme Constitutional Court of Cyprus, told) Makarios bears on his shoulders the sole responsibility for the recent tragic events. His aim is to deprive the Turkish community of their rights
- ^ "the Daily Express 28 December 1963".
We went tonight into the sealed-off Turkish Cypriot quarter of Nicosia in which 200 to 300 people had been slaughtered in the last five days. We were the first Western reporters there, and we have seen sights too frightful to be described in print. Horror was so extreme that the people seemed stunned beyond tears.
- ^ "UPI 30 December 1963".
(Professor Ernst Forsthoff, the neutral president of the Supreme Constitutional Court of Cyprus, told) All this happened because Makarios wanted to take away all constitutional rights from the Turkish Cypriots.
- ^ "The Guardian 31 December 1963".
It is nonsense to claim, as the Greek Cypriots do, that all casualties were caused by fighting between armed men of both sides. On Christmas Eve many Turkish Cypriot people were brutally attacked and murdered in their suburban homes, including the wife and children of a doctor-allegedly by a group of 40 men, many in army boots and greatcoats.
- ^ "the Daily Herald 1 January 1964".
When I came across the Turkish Cypriot homes they were an appalling sight. Apart from the walls they just did not exist. I doubt if a napalm attack could have created more devastation. Under roofs springs, children's cots, and gray ashes of what had once been tables, chairs and wardrobes. In the neighboring village of Ayios Vassilios I counted 16 wrecked and burned out homes. They were all Turkish Cypriot's. In neither village did I find a scrap of damage to any Greek Cypriot house.
- ^ "the Daily Telegraph 2 January 1964".
The Greek Cypriot community should not assume that the British military presence can or should secure them against Turkish intervention if they persecute the Turkish Cypriots. We must not be a shelter for double-crossers.
- ^ "ll Giorno 14 January 1964".
Right now we are witnessing the exodus of Turkish Cypriots from the villages. Thousands of people abandoning homes, land, herds. Greek Cypriot terrorism is relentless. This time the rhetoric of the Hellenes and the statues of Plato do not cover up their barbaric and ferocious behavior.
- ^ "the Daily Telegraph 15 February 1964".
It is a real military operation which the Greek Cypriots launched against the 6,000 inhabitants of the Turkish Cypriot quarter yesterday morning. A spokesman for the Greek Cypriot government has recognized this officially. It is hard to conceive how Greek and Turkish Cypriots may seriously contemplate working together after all that has happened.
- ^ "Washington Post 17 February 1964".
Greek Cypriot fanatics appear bent on a policy of genocide
- ^ "Ethnikos Kiryx 15 June 1965".
(Lt. Gen. George Karayiannis wrote) When the Turkish Cypriots objected to the amendment of the Constitution, Makarios put his plan into effect, and the Greek Cypriot attack began in December 1963
- ^ "Washington Post 23 July 1974".
In a Greek raid on a small Turkish village near Limassol 36 people out of a population of 200 were killed. The Greeks said that they had been given orders to kill the inhabitants of the Turkish villages before the Turkish forces arrived.
- ^ "Times 23 July 1974".
The Greeks began to shell the Turkish quarter on Saturday, refugees said. Kazan Dervis, a Turkish Cypriot girl aged 15, said she had been staying with her uncle. The [Greek Cypriot] National Guard came into the Turkish sector and shooting began. She saw her uncle and other relatives taken away as prisoners, and later heard her uncle had been shot... Before my uncle was taken away by the soldiers, he shouted to me to run away. I ran to the streets, and the soldiers were shooting all the time. I went into a house and I saw a woman being attacked by soldiers. They were raping her. Then they shot her in front of my eyes. I ran away again and Turkish Cypriot men and women looked after me. They were escaping as well. They broke holes in the sides of houses, so we could get away without going into the streets. There were lots of women and children screaming, and soldiers were firing at us all the time.
- ^ "France Soir 24 July 1974".
the Greeks burned Turkish mosques and set fire to Turkish homes in the villages around Famagusta. Defenseless Turkish villagers who have weapons live in an atmosphere of terror and they evacuate their homes and go and live in tents in the forest. The Greeks' actions are a shame to humanity.
- ^ "Die Zeit 30 August 1974".
The massacre of Turkish Cypriots in Paphos and Famagusta is the proof of how justified the Turks were to undertake their intervention
- ^ "Eleftherotipia 26 February 1981".
Had Turkey not intervened I (Nicos Sampson) would not only have proclaimed ENOSIS, I would have annihilated the Turks in Cyprus.
- ^ "the Daily Telegraph 15 August 1996".
Turkish Cypriots, who had suffered from physical attacks since 1963, called on the guarantor powers to prevent a Greek conquest of the island...
- ^ Ball, George (American Undersecretary of State). The Past Has Another Pattern: Memoirs. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0393301427.
Makarios's central interest was to block off Turkish intervention so that he and his Greek Cypriots could go on happily massacring Turkish Cypriots. Obviously we would never permit that.
- ^ British High Commission (Letter to London) 12 January 1964 "The Greek [Cypriot] police are led by extremist who provoked the fighting and deliberately engaged in atrocities. They have recruited into their ranks as 'special constables' gun-happy young thugs. They threaten to try and punish any Turkish Cypriot police who wishes to return to the Cyprus Government... Makarios assured Sir Arthur Clark that there will be no attack. His assurance is as worthless as previous assurances have proved."
- ^ UK Commons Select Committee "... there is little doubt that much of the violence which the Turkish Cypriots claim led to the total or partial destruction of 103 Turkish villages and the displacement of about a quarter of the total Turkish Cypriot population was either directly inspired by, or connived at, by the Greek Cypriot leadership."
- ^ Denktaş, Rauf R. "The Failed Test of Legality" (PDF). Retrieved 24 December 2018.
Is J. D. Bowers, the international authority and respected American professor of genocide studies at Northern Illinois University, correct when he openly confirms that Greek Cypriots and EOKA-B, under the leadership of Nikos Sampson, were guilty of the genocide of Turkish Cypriots within the 1963 United Nations definition of "genocide"? Did the Akritas and Ifestos 1974 plans not spell out the means and methodology for that genocide?
- ^ Enosis (Kıbrıs'ta Katliamlar). Şehit Aileleri Ve Malül Gaziler Derneği Yayınları. 2004.
(Rauf Denktaş) In fighting everything happens. People die. Martyrs are made. But on Kibris it wasn't fighting that was happening. In following a systematic program of massacres, to make Kıbrıs Greek, the Turks had to go. Everything the Greeks had done: crushing hundreds of villages to take them out of the equation. Forcing the Cypriot people to live apart for 11 years, and making people "disappear". Mass graves, all the men from villages gathered, taken away and shot. 16 day old babies, 1-2 year old children, primary school children, burying people alive in mass graves without asking if they're elderly or if they're women. These were not fighting. These were massacres. These were crimes against humanity. And they were barbaric. They forced Turkey's children to shed their blood. They need to be brought to account for all that they have done...
- ^ Homeland. Association of Turkish Cypriots Abroad (ATCA). 2010.
(Ertan Ersan) Everybody visiting the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus from abroad should visit the Remembrance Museum for Turkish Cypriot Casualties to learn how they saved their right to their homeland, and how they lost close to 2,200 lives. No nation has lost this many lives in relation to their population. Amongst the deceased are children, including a 3 day old baby. 40 bullets were sprayed across the 3 day old baby's body. 90 year old Mehmet Emin was doused with petrol and burnt. At the village of Arpalık, inside the mosque, 5 people were murdered in a hail of bullets. In Baf, 4 people were pushed to the ground and had their heads beaten with an axe. In Muratağa/Sandallar, 10-15 members of the same home and family were tied up and buried alive. Also in Muratağa/Sandallar, 89 civilians were murdered and buried in a mass grave. In Taşkent, all the males were rounded up in the town square then taken to the mountains and shot. In the village of Terazi, they did the same thing. 3 children in the arms of their mother were shot in the head while in the bathtub. In Lefkoşa, 200 to 300 people had been slaughtered. In Ayios Vassilios, all Turkish Cypriot inhabitants were massacred, buried, then exhumed from a mass grave in the presence of the Red Cross. In Limassol, the Greeks and Greek Cypriots attacked the Turkish Cypriot quarter with tanks, killing 16 and injuring 35. In a small Turkish village near Limassol, 36 people out of a population of 200 were killed. In Tokhni, all the Turkish Cypriot men between the ages of 13 and 74, except for eighteen who managed to escape, were taken away and shot. In Zyyi, all the Turkish Cypriot men aged between 19 and 38 were taken away and were never seen again. In Paphos, Greek Cypriots opened fire on the Turkish Cypriot quarter killing men, women, and children indiscriminately. Kazan Dervis, a Turkish Cypriot girl aged 15, saw her uncle and other relatives taken away as prisoners, and later heard her uncle had been shot. In Alaminos, 14 Turkish-Cypriot men had been shot. An officer's wife, three children and a neighbour were killed by machine gun fire, while he was away on duty, and 6 neighbours were seriously injured. Children from the ages of 13 were imprisoned, invited to play football, urged to chase a ball in a field and then shot. Men both young and old were forced to separate from their families. Children both young and old were forced to separate from their families. Women both young and old were taken to private rooms, raped, maimed, mutilated and murdered... the age of the deceased ranges from 90+ (years) to 35-4 (months) to 3 (days). This is genocide.
- ^ Cassia, Paul Sant (2005). Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus (PDF). Berghahn Books. ISBN 9781571816467.
... they (Turkish Cypriots) emphasise that their missing are dead because of a conscious policy of genocide... there were disclosures of reputed plans, such as the AKRITAS plan which purported to project a plan at ethnic cleansing... Turkish Cypriots subsequently claimed that the violence was the expression of a secret Greek Cypriot plan (the AKRITAS plan) to exterminate them...
- ^ Günay Evinch (Övünç). "Legal Action Under the London-Zurich Accords To Arrest the Illegal Accession of Cyprus to the European Union" (PDF).
There are only two military interventions in recent history that have resulted in enhanced democracy and human rights: the English intervention against Argentina in the Falklands, and the Turkish intervention against Greece in Cyprus -- both toppled fascist dictatorships and stopped ethnic killings.
- ^ "Early day motion 156, Cyprus, Turkey and the European Union, & Amendment line 1 156A1". UK Parliament. 16 July 2001. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
That this House notes that 20th July this year is the 27th anniversary of Turkey's intervention in Cyprus under Article 4 of the 1960 Cyprus Treaty of Guarantee, to prevent the annexation of Cyprus to Greece in violation of Article 1 of that Treaty and to stop renewed attempts under the Iphestos Plan at genocide to which the Turkish Cypriots had already been subjected by Greek Cypriots under the Akritas Plan in 1963, 1964 and 1967 and in violation of Articles 2(a), (b) and (c) and 3(a), (b), (c), (d) and (e) of the 1948 Genocide Convention...
- ^ "CYPRUS - GENOCIDE OF TURKISH CYPRIOTS, EDM #276, Tabled 31 January 2001, 2000-01 Session".
That this House calls upon Her Majesty's Government to recognise the attempted genocide committed against the Turkish Cypriots by the Greek Cypriot militia in 1963-64, 1967 and 1974, well documented in 'The Genocide Files' by Harry Scott-Gibbons and in official British documents and newspaper reports at the time; considers that since those massacres of Turkish Cypriots were committed by Greek Cypriot forces pursuant to a written plan, 'the Akritas Plan', Articles 2(a) (b) and (c) of the UN Genocide Convention are clearly satisfied; and calls upon Her Majesty's Government to take action to bring to justice persons responsible who are still alive and living in southern Cyprus.
- ^ "Letter from Lord Ken Maginnis to Baroness Kinnock". North Cyprus Free Press. Retrieved 7 January 2019.
... You concede that the atrocities committed against the Turkish Cypriots in the 1963/64 period are well documented, and the detailed research conducted by JD Bowers cannot be simply dismissed as "his opinions"... Where is the evidence that the Turkish Cypriots were responsible for the next merciless attack by Greek Cypriots on Turkish Cypriot civilians in 1967, or for the civil war which erupted between Greek Cypriots in July 1974 and which caused the Turkish intervention five days later? Let there be no doubt that if Turkey had not intervened, the attacks on Turkish Cypriot men, women and children would have continued until the Turkish Cypriots had been utterly destroyed or expelled...
- ^ {{cite book |first=Pierre |last=Oberling |title=The road to Bellapais: The Turkish Cypriot exodus to northern Cyprus |year=1982 |page=87-88 |isbn=978-0880330008 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jakLAAAAIAAJ
- ^ H. Scott Gibbons, Peace Without Honour (Ankara, 1969), p. 100
- ^ Enosis (Kıbrıs'ta Katliamlar). Şehit Aileleri Ve Malül Gaziler Derneği Yayınları. 2004.
(Rauf Denktaş) In fighting everything happens. People die. Martyrs are made. But on Kibris it wasn't fighting that was happening. In following a systematic program of massacres, to make Kibris Greek, the Turks had to go. Everything the Greeks had done. Crushing hundreds of villages to take them out of the equation. Forcing the Cypriot people to live apart for 11 years, and making people "disappear". Mass graves, all the men from villages gathered, taken away and shot. 16 day old babies, 1-2 year old children, primary school children, burying people alive in mass graves without asking if they're elderly or if they're women. These were not fighting. These were massacres. These were crimes against humanity. And they were barbaric. They forced Turkey's children to shed their blood. They need to be brought to account for all that they have done. After all this time, have we forgotten? Will we let forget? No. But talks are ongoing. These will be mentioned in the talks. Years have gone by for these talks to bear fruit. Nothing has happened. Why? Because the Greeks haven't abandoned Enosis. They've extended their time, paraded themselves to the rest of the world as the legitimate Cyprus, and played everyone into their game to take Cyprus for itself. This is now continuing with the European Union...
- ^ Örek, Makarios on Enosis p. 30 "In an address at Rizokarpasso, on May 26, 1965, he (Makarios) declared: "Either the whole of Cyprus is to be united with Greece or (it will) become a HOLOCAUST... The road to the fulfillment of national aspirations may be full of difficulties, but we shall reach the goal - which is Enosis - dead or alive""
- ^ Homeland. Association of Turkish Cypriots Abroad. 2010.
We had equal political rights protected and maintained by separate veto rights, by separate working in certain matters, and we thought that this was sufficient. We didn't realise that when Makarios signed the 1960 agreements with Dr. Kucuk on (the) basis of equality, he had already appointed his minister of interior, Mr. Yeorgadjis, as the commander of a new Cypriot army, to try and destroy what was achieved within (those) 3 or 4 years. We didn't realise that. We came to know of it later. It was too late... I had been given an Australia soldier when the Greek coup started. He was staying with me in the residence... he was with us watching this moment (the Turkish intervention), and when people said "thank god, they have come!", (he) took my hand in his two palms, (and) "congratulations", he said. "Now you are saved"... this man left Cyprus soon afterwards but I invited him here later with his wife just to ask him "what did he mean?" And he came and I asked him and he said: "We knew what the Greek Cypriots would've done to you". What did they do to us? They did what Makarios told them to do, in the old days. "If Turkey comes to save Turkish Cypriots, Turkey will find no Turkish Cypriot to save." And therefore in Murataga, Sandallar, Atlilar, Taskent, they really started (the) massacre of (the) complete civilian population. They are all in mass graves. And that is why the Turkish army had to move what it said (was) the second movement of the Turkish army, otherwise we would have been completely annihilated on the island.
- ^ "Die Welt 27 December 1963".
(Professor Ernst Forsthoff, the neutral president of the Supreme Constitutional Court of Cyprus, told) Makarios bears on his shoulders the sole responsibility for the recent tragic events. His aim is to deprive the Turkish community of their rights
- ^ "the Daily Express 28 December 1963".
We went tonight into the sealed-off Turkish Cypriot quarter of Nicosia in which 200 to 300 people had been slaughtered in the last five days. We were the first Western reporters there, and we have seen sights too frightful to be described in print. Horror was so extreme that the people seemed stunned beyond tears.
- ^ "UPI 30 December 1963".
(Professor Ernst Forsthoff, the neutral president of the Supreme Constitutional Court of Cyprus, told) All this happened because Makarios wanted to take away all constitutional rights from the Turkish Cypriots.
- ^ "The Guardian 31 December 1963".
It is nonsense to claim, as the Greek Cypriots do, that all casualties were caused by fighting between armed men of both sides. On Christmas Eve many Turkish Cypriot people were brutally attacked and murdered in their suburban homes, including the wife and children of a doctor-allegedly by a group of 40 men, many in army boots and greatcoats.
- ^ "the Daily Herald 1 January 1964".
When I came across the Turkish Cypriot homes they were an appalling sight. Apart from the walls they just did not exist. I doubt if a napalm attack could have created more devastation. Under roofs springs, children's cots, and gray ashes of what had once been tables, chairs and wardrobes. In the neighboring village of Ayios Vassilios I counted 16 wrecked and burned out homes. They were all Turkish Cypriot's. In neither village did I find a scrap of damage to any Greek Cypriot house.
- ^ "the Daily Telegraph 2 January 1964".
The Greek Cypriot community should not assume that the British military presence can or should secure them against Turkish intervention if they persecute the Turkish Cypriots. We must not be a shelter for double-crossers.
- ^ "ll Giorno 14 January 1964".
Right now we are witnessing the exodus of Turkish Cypriots from the villages. Thousands of people abandoning homes, land, herds. Greek Cypriot terrorism is relentless. This time the rhetoric of the Hellenes and the statues of Plato do not cover up their barbaric and ferocious behavior.
- ^ "the Daily Telegraph 15 February 1964".
It is a real military operation which the Greek Cypriots launched against the 6,000 inhabitants of the Turkish Cypriot quarter yesterday morning. A spokesman for the Greek Cypriot government has recognized this officially. It is hard to conceive how Greek and Turkish Cypriots may seriously contemplate working together after all that has happened.
- ^ "Washington Post 17 February 1964".
Greek Cypriot fanatics appear bent on a policy of genocide
- ^ "Ethnikos Kiryx 15 June 1965".
(Lt. Gen. George Karayiannis wrote) When the Turkish Cypriots objected to the amendment of the Constitution, Makarios put his plan into effect, and the Greek Cypriot attack began in December 1963
- ^ "Washington Post 23 July 1974".
In a Greek raid on a small Turkish village near Limassol 36 people out of a population of 200 were killed. The Greeks said that they had been given orders to kill the inhabitants of the Turkish villages before the Turkish forces arrived.
- ^ "Times 23 July 1974".
The Greeks began to shell the Turkish quarter on Saturday, refugees said. Kazan Dervis, a Turkish Cypriot girl aged 15, said she had been staying with her uncle. The [Greek Cypriot] National Guard came into the Turkish sector and shooting began. She saw her uncle and other relatives taken away as prisoners, and later heard her uncle had been shot... Before my uncle was taken away by the soldiers, he shouted to me to run away. I ran to the streets, and the soldiers were shooting all the time. I went into a house and I saw a woman being attacked by soldiers. They were raping her. Then they shot her in front of my eyes. I ran away again and Turkish Cypriot men and women looked after me. They were escaping as well. They broke holes in the sides of houses, so we could get away without going into the streets. There were lots of women and children screaming, and soldiers were firing at us all the time.
- ^ "France Soir 24 July 1974".
the Greeks burned Turkish mosques and set fire to Turkish homes in the villages around Famagusta. Defenseless Turkish villagers who have weapons live in an atmosphere of terror and they evacuate their homes and go and live in tents in the forest. The Greeks' actions are a shame to humanity.
- ^ "Die Zeit 30 August 1974".
The massacre of Turkish Cypriots in Paphos and Famagusta is the proof of how justified the Turks were to undertake their intervention
- ^ "Eleftherotipia 26 February 1981".
Had Turkey not intervened I (Nicos Sampson) would not only have proclaimed ENOSIS, I would have annihilated the Turks in Cyprus.
- ^ "the Daily Telegraph 15 August 1996".
Turkish Cypriots, who had suffered from physical attacks since 1963, called on the guarantor powers to prevent a Greek conquest of the island...
- ^ Ball, George (American Undersecretary of State). The Past Has Another Pattern: Memoirs. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0393301427.
Makarios's central interest was to block off Turkish intervention so that he and his Greek Cypriots could go on happily massacring Turkish Cypriots. Obviously we would never permit that.
- ^ Jack Straw (1 October 2017). "Only a partitioned island will bring the dispute between Turkish and Greek Cypriots to an end". the Independent. Retrieved 24 February 2019.
After some Turkish-Cypriot enclaves had (still) been subject to some pretty terrible atrocities, Turkish forces on the island were dramatically increased in August 1974.
- ^ . British High Commission (Letter to London). 12 January 1964.
The Greek [Cypriot] police are led by extremist who provoked the fighting and deliberately engaged in atrocities. They have recruited into their ranks as 'special constables' gun-happy young thugs. They threaten to try and punish any Turkish Cypriot police who wishes to return to the Cyprus Government... Makarios assured Sir Arthur Clark that there will be no attack. His assurance is as worthless as previous assurances have proved.
{{cite web}}: Missing or empty|title=(help); Missing or empty|url=(help) - ^ . UK Commons Select Committee.
there is little doubt that much of the violence which the Turkish Cypriots claim led to the total or partial destruction of 103 Turkish villages and the displacement of about a quarter of the total Turkish Cypriot population was either directly inspired by, or connived at, by the Greek Cypriot leadership.
{{cite web}}: Missing or empty|title=(help); Missing or empty|url=(help) - ^ . the House of Lords. 17 December 1986.
Turkey intervened to protect the lives and property of the Turkish-Cypriots, and to its credit it has done just that. In the 12 years since, there have been no killings and no massacres
{{cite web}}: Missing or empty|title=(help); Missing or empty|url=(help) - ^ Günay Evinch (Övünç). "Legal Action Under the London-Zurich Accords To Arrest the Illegal Accession of Cyprus to the European Union" (PDF).
There are only two military interventions in recent history that have resulted in enhanced democracy and human rights: the English intervention against Argentina in the Falklands, and the Turkish intervention against Greece in Cyprus -- both toppled fascist dictatorships and stopped ethnic killings.
- ^ "CYPRUS - GENOCIDE OF TURKISH CYPRIOTS, EDM #276, Tabled 31 January 2001, 2000-01 Session".
That this House calls upon Her Majesty's Government to recognise the attempted genocide committed against the Turkish Cypriots by the Greek Cypriot militia in 1963-64, 1967 and 1974, well documented in 'The Genocide Files' by Harry Scott-Gibbons and in official British documents and newspaper reports at the time; considers that since those massacres of Turkish Cypriots were committed by Greek Cypriot forces pursuant to a written plan, 'the Akritas Plan', Articles 2(a) (b) and (c) of the UN Genocide Convention are clearly satisfied; and calls upon Her Majesty's Government to take action to bring to justice persons responsible who are still alive and living in southern Cyprus.
{{cite web}}: Missing or empty|url=(help) - ^ Alice Robinson (28 December 2006). "Wicked ethnic cleansing of Turkish Cypriots (Updated 29 Jan 2008)". Malaysiakini.
They (Turkey) had every right to intervene to save the Turkish Cypriots from the merciless attacks of the Greek Cypriots, and should have done so eleven years earlier. They have every right to stay in Northern Cyprus until a settlement can be found, which will give the Turkish Cypriots some security... Like most Greek Cypriots, history for Anastasiadis begins in 1974, for they are ashamed to admit the wicked ethnic cleansing to which they subjected the Turkish Cypriots to in 1963, 1964, and 1967... How can they have the nerve to talk, as they incessantly do, about human rights and legality, when in their treatment of the Turkish Cypriots they have shown utter contempt for the very meaning of law.
- ^ Ayse Sensoy Boztepe (20 July 2018). "Turkish Cypriots always stood for solution on island". Anadolu Agency.
In his message, Kalin commemorated the martyrs of the operation and praised the Turkish army for preventing an attempt to commit genocide against Cyprus' Turks
- ^ "The Double Standards of Genocide Denial in Cyprus". Daily Sabah. 21 April 2015. Retrieved 24 December 2018.
the establishment in 1955 of the Greek Cypriot militant group, the National Organization of Cypriot Fighters (EOKA) and its bloody campaign to rid Cyprus of its Turkish Cypriot population, was a continuation of a greater war that began in 1821... were not the 126 defenseless Turkish Cypriot women, children and elders who were brutally massacred in the villages of Maratha, Santalaris and Aloda on August 14, 1974 killed for the same "Megali Idea" as their fellow Turks in Morea, Crete and Thessaly? Was it not Greek Cypriot President Archbishop Makarios III who in 1964 warned: "If Turkey comes in order to save Turkish Cypriots, Turkey will find no Turkish Cypriots to save," after Turkish Cypriots were forced out of the government?...
- ^ Denktaş, Rauf R. "The Failed Test of Legality" (PDF). Retrieved 24 December 2018.
Is J. D. Bowers, the international authority and respected American professor of genocide studies at Northern Illinois University, correct when he openly confirms that Greek Cypriots and EOKA-B, under the leadership of Nikos Sampson, were guilty of the genocide of Turkish Cypriots within the 1963 United Nations definition of "genocide"? Did the Akritas and Ifestos 1974 plans not spell out the means and methodology for that genocide?
- ^ Stephen, Michael. "Attempted Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in Cyprus". Ankara - Turkish Daily News 13 May 1999. Retrieved 28 December 2018.
The assertion by Mr. Christides (May 10, 1999) that there was no ethnic cleansing or attempted genocide of Turkish Cypriots by Greek Cypriots is ridiculous
- ^ "Cyprus". the Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 24 December 2018.
"On 17th February 1964 the Washington Post reported that Greek Cypriot fanatics appear bent on a policy of genocide." "Greek Cypriots are guilty of attempted genocide but no action has ever been taken against them" "On 22nd July Turkish Prime Minister Ecevit called upon the UN to "stop the genocide of Turkish-Cypriots" and declared "Turkey has accepted a cease-fire, but will not allow Turkish-Cypriots to be massacred
- ^ Stephen, Michael. "Written evidence submitted by Michael Stephen[107], Why is Cyprus Divided?". Foreign Affairs Committee Publications. Retrieved 24 December 2018.
"On 17 February 1964 the Washington Post reported that "Greek Cypriot fanatics appear bent on a policy of genocide..." / "A Greek Cypriot journalist, Antonis Angastionotis, concerned that the truth had been kept from the Greek Cypriot people for so long, has made a documentary film entitled "The Voice of Blood" which shows the attempted genocide carried out against the Turkish Cypriots by Greek Cypriots in the villages of Murataga-Sandallar-Atly«lar and Taskent in 1974." / "On 22 July Turkish Prime Minister Ecevit called upon the UN to "stop the genocide of Turkish-Cypriots" and declared "Turkey has accepted a cease-fire, but will not allow Turkish-Cypriots to be massacred." / "Even if the Treaty of Guarantee had not existed Turkey would have been wholly justified in intervening to protect the Turkish Cypriots from attempted genocide and remaining there for as long as their protection was needed, on the same legal basis as NATO intervened to protect ethnic Albanians in Kosovo from attempted genocide." / "Greek Cypriots are guilty of attempted genocide in violation of Articles 2(a), (b) and (c) and Articles 3(a), (b), (c), (d) and (e) of the 1948 Genocide Convention"...
- ^ "Early day motion 156, Cyprus, Turkey and the European Union, & Amendment line 1 156A1". UK Parliament. 16 July 2001. Retrieved 29 December 2018.
"That this House notes that 20th July this year is the 27th anniversary of Turkey's intervention in Cyprus under Article 4 of the 1960 Cyprus Treaty of Guarantee, to prevent the annexation of Cyprus to Greece in violation of Article 1 of that Treaty and to stop renewed attempts under the Iphestos Plan at genocide to which the Turkish Cypriots had already been subjected by Greek Cypriots under the Akritas Plan in 1963, 1964 and 1967 and in violation of Articles 2(a), (b) and (c) and 3(a), (b), (c), (d) and (e) of the 1948 Genocide Convention...
- ^ Cassia, Paul Sant (2005). Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus (PDF). Berghahn Books. ISBN 9781571816467.
...they (Turkish Cypriots) emphasise that their missing are dead because of a conscious policy of genocide...
- ^ "Letter from Lord Ken Maginnis to Baroness Kinnock". North Cyprus Free Press. Retrieved 7 January 2019.
... The UK government is fundamentally wrong to regard the Cyprus problem as one for which both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots are to blame... You concede that the atrocities committed against the Turkish Cypriots in the 1963/64 period are well documented, and the detailed research conducted by JD Bowers (which recognises the Turkish Cypriot genocide by Greek Cypriots) cannot be simply dismissed as "his opinions"... This merciless attack upon Turkish Cypriot men, women and children was a premeditated act of policy on the part of the Greek Cypriots. According to Lt. Gen. Karayiannis of the Greek Cypriot militia (reported in "Ethnikos Kiryx" 15.6.65) "When the Turkish Cypriots objected to the amendment of the constitution Makarios put his plan into effect, and the Greek Cypriot attack began in December 1963". The General is referring to the notorious "Akritas Plan", which was the blueprint for the extermination of the Turkish Cypriots and the annexation of the island to Greece. This plan was prepared in 1960 before the new constitution had been given any chance to work, and was published in Patris on 24th April 1966. Its existence is admitted by Glafcos Clerides in "Cyprus: My Deposition" (Nicosia 1989) Vol. 1 pp 212-219... Where is the evidence that the Turkish Cypriots were responsible for the next merciless attack by Greek Cypriots on Turkish Cypriot civilians in 1967, or for the civil war which erupted between Greek Cypriots in July 1974 and which caused the Turkish intervention five days later? Let there be no doubt that if Turkey had not intervened, the attacks on Turkish Cypriot men, women and children would have continued until the Turkish Cypriots had been utterly destroyed or expelled...
- ^ Cassia, Paul Sant (2005). Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus (PDF). Berghahn Books. ISBN 9781571816467.
...they (Turkish Cypriots) emphasise that their missing are dead because of a conscious policy of genocide... there were disclosures of reputed plans, such as the AKRITAS plan which purported to project a plan at ethnic cleansing... Turkish Cypriots subsequently claimed that the violence was the expression of a secret Greek Cypriot plan (the AKRITAS plan) to exterminate them...
- ^ Cassia, Paul Sant (2005). Bodies of evidence burial, memory and the recovery of missing persons in Cyprus (PDF). Berghahn Books. ISBN 9781571816467.
... In modern Greek Cypriot culture there is a double connection of dogs and carrion. Extreme right-wing Greek nationalists in Cyprus referred to Turkish Cypriots whom they killed as shillii (dogs) – the implication being that, like dogs, they could be killed with impunity... It is well known that taxonomic violence defined in ethnic terms (or what is now called ethnic cleansing) is accompanied, indeed justified, by attempts to render the other as an outsider and a source of pollution... TURKS = shillii/polluting, therefore legitimated killing: metaphorical likeness...
- ^ "An open letter to members of the Churches of Christ". The Christian Chronicle. 30 August 2016. Retrieved 4 February 2019.
Comment: This is talking about the White-Black divide in America and the Church's involvement in that issue. This can be reflected on by the Greek Orthodox Church of Cyprus, which has cultivated the same dissemination of hate and division along ethnic-cultural lines on Cyprus between Greek-Turkish people
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