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In 1872, Emperor Nasir al-Din negotiated a concession with [[Paul Reuter]], a British citizen, granting him control over the roads, telegraphs, mills, factories, extraction of resources, and other public works in exchange for a stipulated sum for five years and 60% of all the net revenue for 20 years. The [[Reuter concession]] was met with not only domestic outrage in the form of local protests, but also opposition from the Russian government.{{sfn|Keddie|1966|p=5}} Under immense pressure, Nasir al-Din Shah consequently canceled the agreement despite his deteriorating financial situation. While the concession lasted for approximately a year, the debacle set the foundation for the revolts against the tobacco concession in 1890 as it demonstrated that any attempt by a foreign power to infringe upon Iranian [[sovereignty]] would infuriate the local population as well as rival European powers.{{sfn|Lambton|1987|p=223}}
In 1872, Emperor Nasir al-Din negotiated a concession with [[Paul Reuter]], a British citizen, granting him control over the roads, telegraphs, mills, factories, extraction of resources, and other public works in exchange for a stipulated sum for five years and 60% of all the net revenue for 20 years. The [[Reuter concession]] was met with not only domestic outrage in the form of local protests, but also opposition from the Russian government.{{sfn|Keddie|1966|p=5}} Under immense pressure, Nasir al-Din Shah consequently canceled the agreement despite his deteriorating financial situation. While the concession lasted for approximately a year, the debacle set the foundation for the revolts against the tobacco concession in 1890 as it demonstrated that any attempt by a foreign power to infringe upon Iranian [[sovereignty]] would infuriate the local population as well as rival European powers.{{sfn|Lambton|1987|p=223}}


==The Tobacco Régie and subsequent protests==
== Tütün Reji'si ve Sonraki Protestolar ==
[[File:ImperialTobaccoCorporation.jpg|thumb|Share of the Imperial Tobacco Corporation, 1890]]
On 20 March 1890, Emperor Nasir al-Din granted a concession to Major G. F. Talbot for a full [[monopoly]] over the production, sale, and export of [[tobacco]] for fifty years. In exchange, Talbot paid the emperor an annual sum of £15,000 (present-day £1.845 million; $2.35 million) in addition to a quarter of the yearly profits after the payment of all expenses and a dividend of five percent on the capital. By the fall of 1890, the concession had been sold to the Imperial Tobacco Corporation of Persia, a company which some have speculated was essentially Talbot himself as he heavily promoted shares in the corporation.{{sfn|Keddie|1966|p=38}} At the time of the concession, the tobacco crop was valuable not only because of the domestic market but because Iranians cultivated a variety of tobacco "much prized in foreign markets" that was not grown elsewhere.{{sfn|Mottahedeh|2000|p=215}} The Tobacco Régie (monopoly) was subsequently established and all the producers and owners of tobacco in the Qajar Empire were forced to sell their goods to agents of the Régie, who would then resell the purchased tobacco at a price that was mutually agreed upon by the company and the sellers with disputes settled by [[compulsory arbitration]].{{sfn|Mottahedeh|2000|p=215}}


At the time, the tobacco industry in Iran employed over 200,000 people and therefore the [[concession (contract)|concession]] represented a major blow to farmers and bazaaris, whose livelihoods were largely dependent on the lucrative tobacco business.{{sfn|Moaddel|1992|p=459}} Now they were forced to seek permits from the Tobacco Régie as well as required to inform the concessionaires of the amount of tobacco produced. In essence the concession not only violated the long-established relationship between Persian tobacco producers and tobacco sellers, but it also threatened the job security of a significant portion of the population.<ref>Poulson, Stephen. ''Social Movements in Twentieth-Century Iran''. Lexington, 2005, p. 86.</ref>
[[Dosya:ImperialTobaccoCorporation.jpg|thumb|1890'da İmparatorluk Tütün Şirketi'nin hissesi]]
20 Mart 1890'da Şah Nasir al-Din, Tütün İmparatorluğu'na elli yıl boyunca tütün üretimi, satışı ve ihracatı üzerinde tam bir [[tekel]] hakkı tanımak için Büyük G. F. Talbot'a bir imtiyaz verdi. Değişim karşılığında Talbot, yıllık £15,000 (bugünkü £1.845 milyon; 2.35 milyon dolar) tutarında bir miktar ödedi ve tüm giderlerin ödenmesinden sonra yıllık karların dörtte birini ve sermayenin beş yüzdelik bir temettüsünü ödedi. 1890 sonbaharına gelindiğinde, imtiyaz İran İmparatorluğu'nun İmparatorluk Tütün Şirketi'ne satılmıştı, bir kısım Talbot'un kendisi olarak önerilen bir şirket. {{sfn|Keddie|1966|s=38}} İmtiyaz zamanında tütün mahsulü sadece iç piyasa için değil, aynı zamanda yurt dışı piyasalarda çok değerliydi ve başka hiçbir yerde yetiştirilmeyen "yabancı pazarlarda çok değerli" olan bir tütün çeşidi yetiştiren İranlılar tarafından da değerlendiriliyordu.{{sfn|Mottahedeh|2000|s=215}} Tütün Reji'si (tekel) sonradan kuruldu ve Kacar İmparatorluğu'ndaki tütün üreticileri ve sahiplerinin tümü, tütünlerini Reji'nin acentelerine satmak zorunda kaldılar, acenteler daha sonra satın alınan tütünü şirketle anlaşılan bir fiyattan ve satıcılarla şirket arasında zorunlu arabuluculukla çözülen anlaşmalardan yeniden sattılar.{{sfn|Mottahedeh|2000|s=215}}


In September 1890, the first resounding protest against the concession manifested, however it did not emerge from the Persian merchant class or [[ulama]] but rather from the Russian government who stated that the Tobacco Régie violated freedom of trade in the region as stipulated by the [[Treaty of Turkmanchai]].{{sfn|Keddie|1966|p=43}} Despite disapproval from the Russian Empire, Nasir al-Din Shah was intent on continuing the concession. In February 1891, Major G. F. Talbot traveled to Iran to install the Tobacco Régie, and soon thereafter, the Emperor made news of the concession public for the first time, sparking immediate disapproval throughout the country.
O dönemde İran'daki tütün endüstrisi 200,000'den fazla kişiyi istihdam ediyordu ve dolayısıyla [[imtiyaz (sözleşme)|imtiyaz]], gelirlerinin büyük ölçüde kârlı tütün işine bağımlı olan çiftçiler ve bazaari'ler için büyük bir darbe anlamına geliyordu.{{sfn|Moaddel|1992|s=459}} Şimdi, tütün Reji'sinden izin almak zorundaydılar ve ayrıca üretilen tütün miktarını imtiyaz sahiplerine bildirmek zorundaydılar. Esasen imtiyaz, sadece İranlı tütün üreticileri ile tütün satıcıları arasındaki uzun süredir devam eden ilişkiyi ihlal etmekle kalmadı, aynı zamanda nüfusun önemli bir bölümünün iş güvenliğini de tehdit etti.<ref>Poulson, Stephen. ''Yirminci Yüzyıl İran'ında Toplumsal Hareketler''. Lexington, 2005, s. 86.</ref>


Despite the rising tensions, director of the Tobacco Régie Julius Ornstein arrived in Tehran in April and was assured by Prime Minister Amin al-Sultan that the concession had the full support of the [[Qajar dynasty|House of Qajar]].{{sfn|Lambton|1987|p=229}} In the meantime, anonymous letters were being sent to high members of the government while placards were circulating in cities such as Tehran and Tabriz, both displaying public anger towards the granting of concessions to foreigners.{{sfn|Keddie|1966|p=55}}
Eylül 1890'da, imtiyaza karşı ilk yankılı protesto ortaya çıktı, ancak bu, Rus hükümetinden değil, Pers tüccar sınıfından veya [[ulema]]'dan değil, bölgedeki serbest ticaret özgürlüğünü ihlal ettiğini belirten Rus hükümetinden geldiği için çıkmadı. [[Türkmençay Antlaşması]]'nda belirtildiği gibi.{{sfn|Keddie|1966|s=43}} Rus İmparatorluğu'nun onayını almamasına rağmen, Nasir al-Din Şah imtiyazı sürdürmekte kararlıydı. Şubat 1891'de, Büyük G. F. Talbot, Tütün Reji'sini kurmak üzere İran'a geldi ve hemen ardından İmparator, imtiyaz haberini ilk kez kamuoyuna duyurdu, bu da ülke genelinde hemen hemen her yerdeki keskin bir hoşnutsuzluğa neden oldu.


During the spring of 1891, mass protests against the Régie began to emerge in major Iranian cities. Initially, it was the bazaaris who led the opposition under the conviction that it was their income and livelihood which were at stake. Affluent [[merchants]] such as [[Hajji]] Mohammad Kazem Malek el-Tojjar, the "king of the merchants", played a vital role in the tobacco movement by organizing bazaari protests as well as appealing to well-known [[ijtihad|mujtahids]] for their support in opposing the Régie.<ref>Poulson, p. 87.</ref>
Artan gerilimlere rağmen, Tütün Reji'sinin yöneticisi Julius Ornstein Nisan ayında Tahran'a geldi ve Başbakan Amin al-Sultan'ın imtiyaza [[Kacar Hanedanı|Kacar Hanedanı]]'nın tam destek verdiğine dair güvencesini aldı.{{sfn|Lambton|1987|s=229}} Bu arada, anonim mektuplar hükümetin üst düzey üyelerine gönderiliyor ve Tehran ve Tabriz gibi şehirlerde afişler dolaşıyordu, her ikisi de yabancılara imtiyaz verilmesine karşı halkın öfkesini sergiliyordu.{{sfn|Keddie|1966|s=55}}


The ulama proved to be a highly valuable ally of the bazaaris as key religious leaders sought to protect national interests from foreign domination. Since the [[Safavid conversion of Iran to Shia Islam]] after 1501, the ulama played a paramount role in society – they ran religious schools, maintained the charity of endowments, acted as arbiters and judges, and were seen as the intermediaries between God and Muslims in the country. If such exorbitant concessions were given to non-Muslim foreigners, the ulama believed the community under their supervision would be severely threatened.<ref>Algar, Hamid. ''Religion and State in Iran 1785-1906''. University of California, 1969, p. 208.</ref> Furthermore, the ulama had ties with various merchant families and guilds while holding an economic interest in tobacco that was grown on [[waqf]] land.{{sfn|Keddie|1966|p=65}} Finally, as the clergy pointed out, the concession directly contradicted [[sharia]], because individuals were not allowed to purchase or sell tobacco of their own free will and were unable to go elsewhere for business. Later, during the tobacco harvest season of 1891, tobacco cultivator Mahmud Zaim of [[Kashan County|Kashan]] coordinated with two other major tobacco cultivators the burning of their entire stock.
1891 ilkbaharında, İran'ın büyük şehirlerinde Tütün Reji'sine karşı kitlesel protestolar ortaya çıkmaya başladı. Başlangıçta, bazaari'ler, gelirlerinin ve geçim kaynaklarının tehlikede olduğu inancıyla muhalefeti öncülük ettiler. Zengin [[tüccarlar]] arasında [[Hacı]] Muhammed Kazem Malek el-Tojjar gibi kişiler, tütün hareketini bazaari protestolarını organize ederek ve ünlü [[ijtihad|müctehid]]lerin desteğini alarak tütün Reji'sine karşı destek vermek için


The cities of Shiraz, Tabriz, and Tehran would subsequently develop into the most prominent centers of opposition to the tobacco concession. In May 1891, [[Sayyid]] Ali Akbar, a prominent [[mullah]] of Shiraz, was removed from the city by orders of the Emperor due to his preaching against the concession. During his departure, Ali Akbar met with prominent pan-Islamist activist [[Jamal al-Din al-Afghani]], and at Akbar's request, al-Afghani wrote a letter to the leading cleric, Mirza Shirazi, asking the mujtahids to "save and defend [the] country" from "this criminal who has offered the provinces of the land of Iran to auction amongst the Great Powers."{{sfn|Mottahedeh|2000|pp=216–217}} Though Shirazi would later send a personal telegram to the shah warning the leader about the pitfalls of giving concessions to foreigners, this personal appeal did nothing to put an end to the Régie.
önemli bir rol oynadılar.<ref>Poulson, s. 87.</ref>


Government intervention may have helped in mitigating the hostilities in Shiraz following Akbar's removal, however other regions of Iran still saw a proliferation in protests. Bazaaris in Tehran were among the first groups of people to protest against the concession by writing letters of disapproval to the emperor even before the concession was publicly announced. It has been argued that this initial opposition stemmed from a Russian attempt to stir up frustration within the merchant community of Tehran.{{sfn|Moaddel|1992|p=459}} Although [[Azerbaijan (Iran)|Azarbaijan]], the northwestern region, was not a tobacco-growing area, it saw tremendous opposition to the concession due to the large concentration of local merchants and retail traders in the region.{{sfn|Moaddel|1992|p=460}} In Isfahan, a [[boycott]] of the consumption of tobacco was implemented even before Shirazi's fatwa, while in the city of Tabriz, the bazaar closed down and the ulama stopped teaching in the [[madrasa]]s.<ref>Algar, p. 209.</ref> The cities of [[Mashhad]] and [[Kerman]] also experienced demonstrations in opposition to the concession, yet historian Mansoor Moaddel argues that these latter movements were relatively ineffective.{{sfn|Moaddel|1992|p=463}} Other cities around the country such as [[Qazvin]], [[Yazd]], and [[Kermanshah]] were also involved in opposing the emperor and the Tobacco Régie.
Ulema, bazaari'lerin son derece değerli bir müttefiki olduğunu kanıtladı çünkü anahtar dini liderler, ulusal çıkarları yabancı hakimiyetten korumaya çalıştılar. 1501'den sonra [[İran'ı Şii İslam'a dönüştüren Safevi dönüşümü]]'nden beri ulema, toplumda üstün bir rol oynadılar - dini okulları yönettiler, vakıf hayır işlerini sürdürdüler, arabuluculuk ve yargıçlık yaptılar ve ülkedeki Müslümanlar ile Tanrı arasındaki aracılar olarak görüldüler. Böylesine aşırı imtiyazlar, Müslüman olmayan yabancılara verilirse, ulema, gözetimleri altındaki toplumun ciddi şekilde tehdit edileceğine inanıyordu.<ref>Algar, Hamid. ''İran'da Din ve Devlet 1785-1906''. California Üniversitesi, 1969, s. 208.</ref> Ayrıca, ulema çeşitli tüccar aileleri ve loncalar ile bağlantıları vardı ve waqf arazisinde yetiştirilen tütüne ekonomik bir ilgi duyuyorlardı.{{sfn|Keddie|1966|s=65}} Son olarak, klerji, imtiyazın, bireylerin kendi istekleriyle tütün satın almasına veya satmasına izin verilmediği için [[şeriat]]'a açıkça aykırı olduğunu belirtti. Sonra, 1891 tütün hasat mevsiminde, Kashan'ın tütün yetiştiricisi Mahmud Zaim, diğer iki önemli tütün yetiştiricisi ile tüm stoğunun yakılmasını koordine etti.


==Shirazi's fatwa and the repudiation of the concession==
Şiraz, Tebriz ve Tahran şehirleri daha sonra tütün imtiyazına karşı en önemli muhalefet merkezlerine dönüştü. Mayıs 1891'de, Şiraz'ın önde gelen bir [[molla]]sı olan Sayyid Ali Akbar, imtiyaza karşı vaaz verdiği için İmparatorun emriyle şehirden uzaklaştırıldı. Ayrılırken, Ali Akbar, önde gelen bir pan-İslamcı aktivist olan [[Cemaleddin el-Afgani]] ile tanıştı ve Akbar'ın isteği üzerine, el-Afgani, müctehidlerden "bu suçlu kişiden İran'ın topraklarını Büyük Güçler arasında açık artırmaya çıkarmasını kurtarmasını ve savunmasını" isteyen bir mektup yazdı.{{sfn|Mottahedeh|2000|s=216–217}} Şirazi daha sonra lideri yabancılara imtiyaz vermenin tehlikeleri konusunda uyardığı şaha kişisel bir telgraf gönderse de, bu kişisel çaba, Reji'ye son vermek için hiçbir şey yapmadı.
In December 1891, a [[fatwa]] was issued by the most important religious authority in Iran, the ''[[marja']]-i taqlid'' Mirza Shirazi: "[[Basmala|In the name of God, the Merciful, the Beneficent.]] Today the use of both varieties of tobacco, in whatever fashion is reckoned war against the [[Muhammad al-Mahdi|Imam of the Age]] - may God hasten his advent."<ref name="Mackey-1996-p.141">Mackey-1996-p.141</ref> The reference to the [[Occultation (Islam)|Hidden Imam]], a critical person in Twelver Shi'ism, meant that Shirazi was using the strongest possible language to oppose the Régie.


Initially, there was skepticism over the legitimacy of the fatwa; however, Shirazi would later confirm the declaration.
Hükümet müdahalesi, Akbar'ın uzaklaştırılmasını takiben Şiraz'daki düşmanlıkları hafifletmede yardımcı olmuş olabilir, ancak İran'ın diğer bölgeleri hala protestoların yayılmasını gördü. Tahran'daki Bazaari'ler, imparatora imtiyaza karşı memnuniyetsizlik mektupları yazarak protesto etmeye başlayan ilk gruplardan biriydi, hatta imtiyaz resmen duyurulmadan önce. Bu ilk muhalefetin, Tahran'ın tüccar topluluğu içinde Rusların bir huzursuzluk yaratma girişiminden kaynaklandığı iddia edilmiştir.{{sfn|Moaddel|1992|s=459}} [[Azerbaycan (İran)|Azerbaycan]], kuzeybatı bölgesi olmasına rağmen, tütün yetiştirme alanı olmamasına rağmen, bölgedeki yerel tüccarlar ve perakende tüccarlarının yoğun bir konsantrasyonundan dolayı imtiyaza karşı büyük bir muhalefet gördü.{{sfn|Moaddel|1992|s=460}} İsfahan'da, Şirazi'nin fetvasından önce tütün tüketimine karşı bir boykot uygulanırken, Tebriz şehrinde, çarşılar kapanırken ve ulema medreselerde ders vermeyi durdururken.<ref>Algar, s. 209.</ref> Meşhed ve Kerman şehirleri de imparatora ve Tütün Reji'sine karşı gösterilere tanık oldu, ancak tarihçi Mansoor Moaddel, bu sonraki hareketlerin nispeten etkisiz olduğunu iddia ediyor.{{sfn|Moaddel|1992|s=463}} Ülkenin diğer şehirleri arasında [[Kazvin]], [[Yezd]], ve [[Kermanshah]] da imparatora ve Tütün Reji'sine karşı mücadelede yer aldı.


Residents of the capital of Tehran refused to smoke tobacco and this collective response spread to neighboring provinces.{{sfn|Lambton|1987|p=247}} In a show of solidarity, Iranian merchants responded by shutting down the main bazaars throughout the country. As the tobacco boycott grew larger, Nasir al-Din Shah and Prime Minister Amin al-Sultan found themselves powerless to stop the popular movement fearing Russian intervention in case a civil war materialized.{{sfn|Lambton|1987|p=248}}
== Şirazi'nin fetvası ve imtiyazın reddi ==


Before the fatwa, tobacco consumption had been so prevalent in Iran that it was smoked everywhere, including inside [[mosque]]s. European observers noted that "most Iranians would rather forego bread than tobacco, and the first thing they would do at the breaking of the fast during the month of [[Ramadan]] was to light their pipes."<ref>{{cite book |last1=Gilman |first1=Sander L. |last2=Zhou |first2=Xun |title=Smoke: A Global History of Smoking |date=2004 |publisher=Reaktion Books |isbn=978-1-86189-200-3 |page=60 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mM5bYb_uVcwC&pg=PA60 |language=en}}</ref> Despite the popularity of tobacco, the religious ban was so successful that it was said that women in the [[Qajar harem]] quit smoking and his servants refused to prepare his [[water pipe]].<ref>Nasr, p. 122.</ref>{{Incomplete short citation|date=January 2023}}
Aralık 1891'de, İran'ın en önemli dini otoritesi olan ''marja'-i taqlid'' Mirza Şirazi tarafından bir [[fetva]] yayınlandı: "[[Basmala|Allah'ın adıyla, Rahman ve Rahim olan.]] Bugün her iki tütün çeşidinin de kullanımı, ne şekilde olursa olsun [[Muhammed el-Mehdi|Çağın İmamı]]'na karşı savaş olarak kabul edilir - Allah onun gelişini hızlandırsın."<ref name="Mackey-1996-p.141">Mackey-1996-p.141</ref> On İki İmamcı Şii inancında kritik bir kişi olan Gizli İmam'a atıfta bulunulması, Şirazi'nin Reji'ye en güçlü şekilde karşı çıkmak için mümkün olan en güçlü dili kullandığı anlamına geliyordu.


By January 1892, when the shah saw that the British government "was waffling in its support for the Imperial Tobacco Company," he canceled the concession.{{sfn|Mottahedeh|2000|p=218}} On January 26, 1892, "the public crier in Tehran announced that Sheikh Shirazi had lifted the fatva."<ref name="Mackey-1996-p.141"/>
Başlangıçta, fetvanın meşruiyeti konusunda şüpheler vardı; ancak, Şirazi daha sonra açıklamayı onayladı.


The fatwa has been called a "stunning" demonstration of the power of the marja'-i taqlid, and the protest itself has been cited as one of the issues that led to the [[Persian Constitutional Revolution]] a few years later.
Tahran'ın başkent sakinleri tütün içmeyi reddetti ve bu toplu tepki komşu vilayetlere yayıldı.{{sfn|Lambton|1987|s=247}} Dayanışma gösterisi olarak, İranlı tüccarlar ülke çapında ana çarşıları kapatma kararı aldılar. Tütün boykotu büyüdükçe, Nasir al-Din Şah ve Başbakan Amin al-Sultan, bir iç savaş ortaya çıkarsa Rus müdahalesinden korkarak halk hareketini durduramadılar.{{sfn|Lambton|1987|s=248}}


==Aftermath==
Fetvadan önce, tütün tüketimi İran'da o kadar yaygındı ki, camiler dahil her yerde içiliyordu. Avrupalı gözlemciler, "çoğu İranlının ekmekten vazgeçmek yerine tütünü tercih ettiğini ve [[Ramazan]] ayının orucunun açılmasıyla yapacakları ilk şeyin pipo yakmak olduğunu" belirtti.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Gilman |first1=Sander L. |last2=Zhou |first2=Xun |title=Smoke: A Global History of Smoking |date=2004 |publisher=Reaktion Books |isbn=978-1-86189-200-3 |page=60 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mM5bYb_uVcwC&pg=PA60 |language=en}}</ref> Tütünün popülerliğine rağmen, dini yasağın o kadar etkili olduğu söyleniyor ki, [[Kacar harem]]'indeki kadınların sigarayı bıraktığı ve hizmetçilerinin nargileyi hazırlamayı reddettiği belirtilmiştir.<ref>Nasr, s. 122.</ref>{{Incomplete short citation|date=January 2023}}
Following the cancellation of the concession, there were still difficulties between the [[Qajar dynasty|Qajar]] government and the Imperial Tobacco Corporation of Persia in terms of negotiating the amount of compensation that would be paid to the company. Eventually, it was decided that the sum was to be £500,000{{sfn|Keddie|1966|p=125}} ({{Inflation|UK|500000|1892|fmt=eq|cursign=£|r=-6}} , corresponding to 72,000,000$ ). While many Iranians were happy about preventing foreign commercial influence in the country, the tobacco movement had far greater implications than they would even realize. Historian [[Nikki Keddie]] notes that the movement was significant because "Iranians saw for the first time that it was possible to win out against the Shah and foreign interests… there is a direct line from the coalition which participated in the tobacco movement… culminating in the Constitutional Revolution" and arguably the [[Iranian Revolution]] as well.{{sfn|Keddie|1966|p=131}}


⚫
For Nasir Al-Din Shah, the protest left him both financially handicapped and publicly humiliated. Iran was forced to contract a loan from Russia and became a debtor state. At the end of his rule, Nasir Al-Din became much more hostile towards the West, preventing any form of European education or travel.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Cleveland|first1=William L.|last2=Bunton|first2=Martin|title=A history of the modern Middle East|date=2013|publisher=Westview Press|location=Boulder, CO|isbn=9780813348339|pages=106–107|edition=Fifth|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=O9JVDgAAQBAJ}}</ref>
Ocak 1892'de, şahın İngiliz hükümetinin "İmparatorluk Tütün Şirketi'ne desteğinde tereddüt ettiğini gördüğünde," imtiyazı iptal ettiği görüldü.{{sfn|Mottahedeh|2000|s=218}} 26 Ocak 1892'de, "Tahran'daki halk ağlayıcı, Şeyh Şirazi'nin fetvasını kaldırdığını duyurdu."<ref name="Mackey-1996-p.141"/>

Fetva, marja'-i taqlid'in gücünün "çarpıcı" bir göstergesi olarak adlandırıldı ve protesto kendisi birkaç yıl sonra [[İran Anayasal Devrimi]]'ne yol açan konulardan biri olarak gösterildi.

== Sonrası ==
İmtiyazın iptal edilmesinin ardından, [[Kacar Hanedanı|Kacar]] hükümeti ile İran İmparatorluk Tütün Şirketi arasında şirkete ödenecek tazminat miktarını müzakere etme konusunda hala zorluklar yaşandı. Sonunda, ödenecek miktarın £500,000 olmasına karar verildi{{sfn|Keddie|1966|s=125}} ({{Inflation|UK|500000|1892|fmt=eq|cursign=£|r=-6}} , 72,000,000$'a karşılık gelir). Birçok İranlı, ülkedeki yabancı ticari etkiyi engellemenin sevincini yaşarken, tütün hareketinin gerçekten anlayacaklarından çok daha büyük sonuçları oldu. Tarihçi [[Nikki Keddie]], hareketin önemli olduğunu belirtir çünkü "İranlılar ilk kez Şah ve yabancı çıkarlar karşısında kazanmanın mümkün olduğunu gördüler… tütün hareketine katılan koalisyon ile anayasal devrimin doruğunda olduğu doğrudan bir bağlantı var" ve muhtemelen İran Devrimi de dahil olmak üzere.{{sfn|Keddie|1966|s=131}}

⚫
Nasir Al-Din Şah için, protesto hem maddi olarak engelli hem de kamusal olarak küçük düşürücüydü. İran, Rusya'dan bir borç almak zorunda kaldı ve borçlu bir devlet haline geldi. Hükümdarlığının sonunda, Nasir Al-Din Batı'ya karşı çok daha düşmanca hale geldi, herhangi bir Avrupa eğitimi veya seyahatine izin vermedi.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Cleveland|first1=William L.|last2=Bunton|first2=Martin|title=A history of the modern Middle East|date=2013|publisher=Westview Press|location=Boulder, CO|isbn=9780813348339|pages=106–107|edition=Fifth|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=O9JVDgAAQBAJ}}</ref>


==See also==
==See also==

Revision as of 13:05, 21 February 2024

Tobacco Protest fatwa issued by Mirza Shirazi - 1890

The Persian Tobacco Protest (Template:Lang-fa) was a Twelver Shia Muslim revolt in Qajar Iran against an 1890 tobacco concession granted by Emperor Naser al-Din Shah Qajar to the British Empire, granting control over growth, sale, and export of tobacco to an Englishman, Major G. F. Talbot. The protest was held by merchants in major cities such as Tehran, Shiraz, Mashhad, and Isfahan in solidarity with the clerical establishment. It climaxed in a widely-obeyed December 1891 fatwa against tobacco use issued by Grand Ayatollah Mirza Shirazi.

Background

Beginning in the 19th century, Qajar Iran found itself in a precarious situation due to an increasing foreign presence. Reeling from defeats in wars against the Russian Empire in 1813 and 1828, as well as the British Empire in 1857, not only was the Qajar government forced to grant countless concessions to foreign powers, but Iranian bazaaris (merchants) were left in a highly vulnerable position as they were unable to compete with the numerous economic advantages gained by merchants from Europe.[1] According to the accounts of foreigners living in Iran at the time, the Qajar dynasty was highly unpopular among the populace and was perceived as having little concern for the welfare of its subjects. Later accounts by British eyewitnesses suggest that the reason why the dynasty had not been overthrown sooner in the face of widespread discontent was due to British and Russian intervention that essentially propped up the emperor.[2]

In 1872, Emperor Nasir al-Din negotiated a concession with Paul Reuter, a British citizen, granting him control over the roads, telegraphs, mills, factories, extraction of resources, and other public works in exchange for a stipulated sum for five years and 60% of all the net revenue for 20 years. The Reuter concession was met with not only domestic outrage in the form of local protests, but also opposition from the Russian government.[3] Under immense pressure, Nasir al-Din Shah consequently canceled the agreement despite his deteriorating financial situation. While the concession lasted for approximately a year, the debacle set the foundation for the revolts against the tobacco concession in 1890 as it demonstrated that any attempt by a foreign power to infringe upon Iranian sovereignty would infuriate the local population as well as rival European powers.[4]

The Tobacco Régie and subsequent protests

Share of the Imperial Tobacco Corporation, 1890

On 20 March 1890, Emperor Nasir al-Din granted a concession to Major G. F. Talbot for a full monopoly over the production, sale, and export of tobacco for fifty years. In exchange, Talbot paid the emperor an annual sum of £15,000 (present-day £1.845 million; $2.35 million) in addition to a quarter of the yearly profits after the payment of all expenses and a dividend of five percent on the capital. By the fall of 1890, the concession had been sold to the Imperial Tobacco Corporation of Persia, a company which some have speculated was essentially Talbot himself as he heavily promoted shares in the corporation.[5] At the time of the concession, the tobacco crop was valuable not only because of the domestic market but because Iranians cultivated a variety of tobacco "much prized in foreign markets" that was not grown elsewhere.[6] The Tobacco Régie (monopoly) was subsequently established and all the producers and owners of tobacco in the Qajar Empire were forced to sell their goods to agents of the Régie, who would then resell the purchased tobacco at a price that was mutually agreed upon by the company and the sellers with disputes settled by compulsory arbitration.[6]

At the time, the tobacco industry in Iran employed over 200,000 people and therefore the concession represented a major blow to farmers and bazaaris, whose livelihoods were largely dependent on the lucrative tobacco business.[7] Now they were forced to seek permits from the Tobacco Régie as well as required to inform the concessionaires of the amount of tobacco produced. In essence the concession not only violated the long-established relationship between Persian tobacco producers and tobacco sellers, but it also threatened the job security of a significant portion of the population.[8]

In September 1890, the first resounding protest against the concession manifested, however it did not emerge from the Persian merchant class or ulama but rather from the Russian government who stated that the Tobacco Régie violated freedom of trade in the region as stipulated by the Treaty of Turkmanchai.[9] Despite disapproval from the Russian Empire, Nasir al-Din Shah was intent on continuing the concession. In February 1891, Major G. F. Talbot traveled to Iran to install the Tobacco Régie, and soon thereafter, the Emperor made news of the concession public for the first time, sparking immediate disapproval throughout the country.

Despite the rising tensions, director of the Tobacco Régie Julius Ornstein arrived in Tehran in April and was assured by Prime Minister Amin al-Sultan that the concession had the full support of the House of Qajar.[10] In the meantime, anonymous letters were being sent to high members of the government while placards were circulating in cities such as Tehran and Tabriz, both displaying public anger towards the granting of concessions to foreigners.[11]

During the spring of 1891, mass protests against the Régie began to emerge in major Iranian cities. Initially, it was the bazaaris who led the opposition under the conviction that it was their income and livelihood which were at stake. Affluent merchants such as Hajji Mohammad Kazem Malek el-Tojjar, the "king of the merchants", played a vital role in the tobacco movement by organizing bazaari protests as well as appealing to well-known mujtahids for their support in opposing the Régie.[12]

The ulama proved to be a highly valuable ally of the bazaaris as key religious leaders sought to protect national interests from foreign domination. Since the Safavid conversion of Iran to Shia Islam after 1501, the ulama played a paramount role in society – they ran religious schools, maintained the charity of endowments, acted as arbiters and judges, and were seen as the intermediaries between God and Muslims in the country. If such exorbitant concessions were given to non-Muslim foreigners, the ulama believed the community under their supervision would be severely threatened.[13] Furthermore, the ulama had ties with various merchant families and guilds while holding an economic interest in tobacco that was grown on waqf land.[14] Finally, as the clergy pointed out, the concession directly contradicted sharia, because individuals were not allowed to purchase or sell tobacco of their own free will and were unable to go elsewhere for business. Later, during the tobacco harvest season of 1891, tobacco cultivator Mahmud Zaim of Kashan coordinated with two other major tobacco cultivators the burning of their entire stock.

The cities of Shiraz, Tabriz, and Tehran would subsequently develop into the most prominent centers of opposition to the tobacco concession. In May 1891, Sayyid Ali Akbar, a prominent mullah of Shiraz, was removed from the city by orders of the Emperor due to his preaching against the concession. During his departure, Ali Akbar met with prominent pan-Islamist activist Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, and at Akbar's request, al-Afghani wrote a letter to the leading cleric, Mirza Shirazi, asking the mujtahids to "save and defend [the] country" from "this criminal who has offered the provinces of the land of Iran to auction amongst the Great Powers."[15] Though Shirazi would later send a personal telegram to the shah warning the leader about the pitfalls of giving concessions to foreigners, this personal appeal did nothing to put an end to the Régie.

Government intervention may have helped in mitigating the hostilities in Shiraz following Akbar's removal, however other regions of Iran still saw a proliferation in protests. Bazaaris in Tehran were among the first groups of people to protest against the concession by writing letters of disapproval to the emperor even before the concession was publicly announced. It has been argued that this initial opposition stemmed from a Russian attempt to stir up frustration within the merchant community of Tehran.[7] Although Azarbaijan, the northwestern region, was not a tobacco-growing area, it saw tremendous opposition to the concession due to the large concentration of local merchants and retail traders in the region.[16] In Isfahan, a boycott of the consumption of tobacco was implemented even before Shirazi's fatwa, while in the city of Tabriz, the bazaar closed down and the ulama stopped teaching in the madrasas.[17] The cities of Mashhad and Kerman also experienced demonstrations in opposition to the concession, yet historian Mansoor Moaddel argues that these latter movements were relatively ineffective.[18] Other cities around the country such as Qazvin, Yazd, and Kermanshah were also involved in opposing the emperor and the Tobacco Régie.

Shirazi's fatwa and the repudiation of the concession

In December 1891, a fatwa was issued by the most important religious authority in Iran, the marja'-i taqlid Mirza Shirazi: "In the name of God, the Merciful, the Beneficent. Today the use of both varieties of tobacco, in whatever fashion is reckoned war against the Imam of the Age - may God hasten his advent."[19] The reference to the Hidden Imam, a critical person in Twelver Shi'ism, meant that Shirazi was using the strongest possible language to oppose the Régie.

Initially, there was skepticism over the legitimacy of the fatwa; however, Shirazi would later confirm the declaration.

Residents of the capital of Tehran refused to smoke tobacco and this collective response spread to neighboring provinces.[20] In a show of solidarity, Iranian merchants responded by shutting down the main bazaars throughout the country. As the tobacco boycott grew larger, Nasir al-Din Shah and Prime Minister Amin al-Sultan found themselves powerless to stop the popular movement fearing Russian intervention in case a civil war materialized.[21]

Before the fatwa, tobacco consumption had been so prevalent in Iran that it was smoked everywhere, including inside mosques. European observers noted that "most Iranians would rather forego bread than tobacco, and the first thing they would do at the breaking of the fast during the month of Ramadan was to light their pipes."[22] Despite the popularity of tobacco, the religious ban was so successful that it was said that women in the Qajar harem quit smoking and his servants refused to prepare his water pipe.[23][incomplete short citation]

By January 1892, when the shah saw that the British government "was waffling in its support for the Imperial Tobacco Company," he canceled the concession.[24] On January 26, 1892, "the public crier in Tehran announced that Sheikh Shirazi had lifted the fatva."[19]

The fatwa has been called a "stunning" demonstration of the power of the marja'-i taqlid, and the protest itself has been cited as one of the issues that led to the Persian Constitutional Revolution a few years later.

Aftermath

Following the cancellation of the concession, there were still difficulties between the Qajar government and the Imperial Tobacco Corporation of Persia in terms of negotiating the amount of compensation that would be paid to the company. Eventually, it was decided that the sum was to be £500,000[25] (equivalent to £69,000,000 in 2023 , corresponding to 72,000,000$ ). While many Iranians were happy about preventing foreign commercial influence in the country, the tobacco movement had far greater implications than they would even realize. Historian Nikki Keddie notes that the movement was significant because "Iranians saw for the first time that it was possible to win out against the Shah and foreign interests… there is a direct line from the coalition which participated in the tobacco movement… culminating in the Constitutional Revolution" and arguably the Iranian Revolution as well.[26]

For Nasir Al-Din Shah, the protest left him both financially handicapped and publicly humiliated. Iran was forced to contract a loan from Russia and became a debtor state. At the end of his rule, Nasir Al-Din became much more hostile towards the West, preventing any form of European education or travel.[27]

See also

References

  1. ^ Moaddel 1992, p. 455.
  2. ^ Keddie 1966, p. 3.
  3. ^ Keddie 1966, p. 5.
  4. ^ Lambton 1987, p. 223.
  5. ^ Keddie 1966, p. 38.
  6. ^ a b Mottahedeh 2000, p. 215.
  7. ^ a b Moaddel 1992, p. 459.
  8. ^ Poulson, Stephen. Social Movements in Twentieth-Century Iran. Lexington, 2005, p. 86.
  9. ^ Keddie 1966, p. 43.
  10. ^ Lambton 1987, p. 229.
  11. ^ Keddie 1966, p. 55.
  12. ^ Poulson, p. 87.
  13. ^ Algar, Hamid. Religion and State in Iran 1785-1906. University of California, 1969, p. 208.
  14. ^ Keddie 1966, p. 65.
  15. ^ Mottahedeh 2000, pp. 216–217.
  16. ^ Moaddel 1992, p. 460.
  17. ^ Algar, p. 209.
  18. ^ Moaddel 1992, p. 463.
  19. ^ a b Mackey-1996-p.141
  20. ^ Lambton 1987, p. 247.
  21. ^ Lambton 1987, p. 248.
  22. ^ Gilman, Sander L.; Zhou, Xun (2004). Smoke: A Global History of Smoking. Reaktion Books. p. 60. ISBN 978-1-86189-200-3.
  23. ^ Nasr, p. 122.
  24. ^ Mottahedeh 2000, p. 218.
  25. ^ Keddie 1966, p. 125.
  26. ^ Keddie 1966, p. 131.
  27. ^ Cleveland, William L.; Bunton, Martin (2013). A history of the modern Middle East (Fifth ed.). Boulder, CO: Westview Press. pp. 106–107. ISBN 9780813348339.

Bibliography

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