Scottish independence

Scottish independence is an ambition of numerous political parties, pressure groups and individuals within Scotland. The issue of Scottish independence, or sovereignty, has been the single most dominant issue within the politics of Scotland for the best part of thirty years.

The Kingdom of Scotland was an independent state from 843 until 1707, when the Acts of Union were agreed to with the neighbouring Kingdom of England. The acts provided for the merging of the two nations by means of dissolution of the Parliament of Scotland and the Parliament of England. In their place the new Parliament of Great Britain was created, however many of Scotland's institutions remained separate and the Scottish national identity remained strong and distinct.

At the time of the union of the parliaments, the measure was deeply unpopular in both Scotland and England. Indeed, the Scottish signatories to the treaty were forced to sign the documents in secrecy due to mass rioting and unrest in the Scottish capital, Edinburgh. Since then the restoration of Scotland's independence has been the continuing aim of many within Scotland.

Those who oppose Scottish independence and endorse the continuation of the union claim that cultural, political and economic benefits enjoyed by Scotland as part of a larger state outweigh the loss of statehood. Supporters of Scottish independence argue that the loss of a truly Scottish voice in the world damages the prospects of the nation, and that the British government acts primarily in the interest of the entire United Kingdom, often to the direct detriment of Scotland and its people.

History

Early independence

Scotland was established as an independent nation in 843 under the rule of King Kenneth I. A reliance on sea trade led to close links with the Baltic states, the Low Countries, Ireland and France. A crisis of succession in 1290 severely weakened Scotland and led to an opportunity for the neighbouring English king to increase his power. Edward I of England invaded Scotland in 1296 and was initially successful in subduing much of Scotland. However, Edward died in 1307 and Scottish troops under the command of King Robert I began waging a war of liberation. Initially employing guerilla tactics, Robert was enormously successful and strengthened his position as king. In 1314 Edward II sent a large English army to quell the Scottish rising. However, Edward's superior army was routed at the Battle of Bannockburn. King Robert had won a decisive victory and Scotland maintained it's independence. After the battle, the Declaration of Arbroath was sent to the Pope. The declaration reaffirmed Scotland's nationhood and remains one of the most poignant events in the history of Scotland. One passage in particular is often quoted from:

...for, as long as but a hundred of us remain alive, never will we on any conditions be brought under English rule. It is in truth not for glory, nor riches, nor honours that we are fighting, but for freedom – for that alone, which no honest man gives up but with life itself.

Union of the Crowns

King James VI

Main article: Union of the Crowns

In 1603 King James VI of Scotland inherited the vacant throne of England, uniting Scotland and England under a single monarch. Despite a shared king, the two countries remained resolutely separate and maintained independent parliaments and governments. The term itself, though now generally accepted, is misleading; for properly speaking this was merely a personal or dynastic union, the crowns remaining both distinct and separate, despite James' best efforts to create a new throne of Great Britain, England and Scotland continued to be independent states.

The new king was initially popular in England as a ruler who already had male heirs waiting in the wing. But James' honeymoon was of very short duration; and his initial political actions were to do much to create a rather negative tone. The greatest and most obvious of these was the question of his exact status and title. James intended to be King of Great Britain and Ireland. His first obstacle along this imperial road was the attitude of the Parliament of England which opposed the loss of England's independence. In Scotland the union desired by James met with the same lack of zeal that it did in England. Whatever pleasure there was in seeing a Scottish king succeeding to the crown of England, rather than the danger for centuries past of an English king seizing the crown of Scotland, was lost in the prospect of Scotland losing it's statehood.

Acts of Union 1707

Main article: Acts of Union 1707

The Scottish and English Parliaments signed the Acts of Union of 1707, both the Scottish and the English Parliaments were dissolved, and all their powers were transferred to a new Parliament of Great Britain located in London. Certain significant matters remained separate, including Scots law and education in Scotland. Most aspects of Scottish culture and the Scottish national identity remained strong and distinct.

Scotland's location within the United Kingdom

The ultimate securing of the treaty in the Parliament of Scotland can be attributed more to the weakness and lack of cohesion between the various opposition groups in the parliament as opposed to the strength of those in favour of union. Bribery was also prevalent, money was dispatched from England to Scotland for distribution by the Earl of Glasgow. Some of this money was used to hire spies, such as Daniel Defoe To many Scots, this amounted to little more than treachery. National bard Robert Burns expressed the sombre mood of the nation:

What force or guile could not subdue

Through many warlike ages

Is wrought now by a coward few

For hireling traitors wages

The English steel we could disdain

Secure in valours station

But English gold has been our bane

Sic a parcel of rogues in a nation

The Acts of Union were far from popular in Scotland, particularly amongst the general population. Many petitions were sent to parliament against the union, and there were protests in Edinburgh and several other Scottish towns on the day it was passed, threats of widespread civil unrest resulted in the imposition of martial law. As a result of the unrest in the capital, the signing of the treaty had to be conducted in secrecy. Sir George Lockhart of Carnwath noted that, "The whole nation appears against the Union". Sir John Clerk of Penicuik, an ardent pro-unionist, observed that the treaty was, "contrary to the inclinations of at least three-fourths of the Kingdom". On the day the treaty was signed, the carilloner in St Giles Cathedral, Edinburgh, rang the bells in the tune Why should I be so sad on my wedding day?

Scottish home rule

Main article: Scottish Assembly

From the mid 19th century calls for the devolution of control over Scottish affairs began to be raised, but support for independence remained limited. The "home rule" movement for a Scottish Assembly was first taken up in 1853 by a body close to the Conservative Party and soon began to receive Liberal Party backing, but it was not an immediate priority, and by the time a Scottish home rule bill was presented to parliament in 1913 its progress was interrupted by World War I.

1970s resurgence

Further information: Scotland referendum, 1979

The discovery of oil in the North sea off the east coast of Scotland reignited the debate over Scottish independence. The Scottish National Party organised a hugely successful campaign entitled "It's Scotland's oil", emphasising the way in which the discovery of oil could benefit Scotland and its populace. In the 1974 General Election the SNP returned 7 MPs. The failure of the Labour Party to secure an overall majority prompted them to quickly return to the polls. In the the subsequent election the SNP performed even better than they had done earlier in the year, winning 11 MPs and managing to garner over 30% of the total vote in Scotland.

Following their election to parliament, the SNP MPs pressed for the creation of a Scottish Assembly. However, opponents demanded that a referendum be held on the issue. Although the Labour Party and the Scottish National Party both officially supported devolution, support was split in both parties. Labour was divided between those who favoured devolution and those who wanted to maintain full Westminster government. In the SNP, there was division between those who saw devolution as a stepping stone to independence and those who feared it might actually distract from that ultimate goal.

The result of the referendum was a narrow majority in favour of devolution. However, the government had set a condition that 40% of the electorate should vote in favour in order to make it valid. Thus, despite a turnout of over 60%, normally regarded as a high proportion of voters, the government rejected the referendum. The Scotland Act 1978 was repealed in March 1979 by a vote of 301-206 in parliament. In the wake of the referendum the disappointed supporters of the bill conducted a protest campaign under the slogan "Scotland said yes". They argued that the 40% rule was undemocratic and that the referendum results justified the establishment of the assembly.

Devolution

Further information: Scottish Parliament

Debating chamber of the Scottish Parliament

Supporters of Scottish independence continued to hold mixed views on the Home Rule movement which included many supporters of union who wanted devolution within the framework of the United Kingdom. Some saw it as a stepping stone to independence, while others wanted to go straight for independence.

In the years of the Conservative government post 1979, the Campaign for a Scottish Assembly led to the Scottish Constitutional Convention. The convention promoted consensus on devolution on a cross-party basis, though the Conservative Party refused to co-operate and the Scottish National Party withdrew from the discussions when it became clear that the convention was unwilling to discuss Scottish independence as a constitutional option. Arguments against devolution and the Scottish Parliament, levelled mainly by the Conservative Party, were that the Parliament would create a "slippery slope" to Scottish independence, and provide the pro-independence Scottish National Party with a route to government. John Major, the Conservative prime minister before May 1997, famously claimed that the Scottish Parliament would end "1000 years of British history", despite the fact that the Acts of union uniting Scotland and England were still less than 300 years old at the time.

The Labour Party won the 1997 General Election and Donald Dewar as Secretary of State for Scotland agreed to the proposals for a Scottish Parliament. A referendum was held in September of that year and seventy-five percent of those who voted approved the devolution plan. The Parliament of the United Kingdom subsequently approved the Scotland Act which created an elected Scottish Parliament with control over most domestic policy. In May 1999 Scotland held its first election for a devolved parliament and in July the Scottish Parliament held session for the first time since the previous parliament had been adjourned in 1707. The Scottish Parliament had one hundred and twenty-nine members elected on a system which is a combination of first past the post and proportional representation. Donald Dewar became the First Minister of Scotland, while the Scottish National Party became the main opposition party. With the approval of all parties, the egalitarian song "A Man's A Man for A' That" was performed at the opening ceremony of the Scottish Parliament. The song is by Robert Burns.

The Scottish National Party emerged from the 2007 Scottish Parliament election as the single largest party, breaking the Labour Party's fifty year dominance of politics in Scotland. Lacking an overall majority, the Scottish National Party formed a minority government, installing veteran leader Alex Salmond as First Minister of Scotland. Alex Salmond has announced that his government intends to publish a white paper that will establish a timetable for a referendum on Scottish independence, the "yes" outcome being that the Scottish and British governments open talks with a view to repealing the Acts of Union 1707, restoring Scotland's sovereignty.

Support for independence

Nationalism

Further information: History of the Scottish National Party

The Scots National League formed in 1921 as a body primarily based in London seeking Scottish independence, largely influenced by Sinn Féin. They established the Scots Independent newspaper in 1926 and in 1928 they helped the Glasgow University Scottish Nationalist Association form the National Party of Scotland, aiming at a separate Scottish state. One of the founders was Hugh MacDiarmid, a poet who had begun promoting a Scottish literature, while others had Labour Party links.

They cooperated with the Scottish Party, a home rule organisation formed in 1932 by former members of the Conservative Party, and in 1934 they merged to form the Scottish National Party which at first supported only home rule, but then changed to supporting independence. They suffered a setback in the 1930s when the name of nationalism became associated with the National Socialists in Germany, however it's important to emphasise that Scottish nationalism is based on civic nationalism rather than ethnic or ultra-nationalism. The SNP enjoyed a number of election successes in the 1960s, and the discovery of North Sea oil in the 1970s countered concerns about the economic viability of an independent Scotland. The discovery of North Sea oil and the subsequent revenues that went to the United Kingdom treasury have been argued to have benefited Scotland little, with many conservative estimates suggesting almost £200bn of revenue have been amassed thus far. There are also a number of other organisations with a primarily nationalist ideological orientation. Those include Siol nan Gaidheal, which seeks to revitalise the independence movement through primarily cultural means.

Republicanism

The independence movement is a disparate one that covers varied political standpoints. While many are republican, this is not Scottish National Party policy. The SNP styles itself as an inclusive institution, subordinating ideological tensions to the primary goal of securing independence. Proportional representation has led to the election to the Scottish Parliament of smaller parties with various political positions but which have independence as a goal; in the 2003 Scottish Parliament election the gains made by the Scottish Green Party and the Scottish Socialist Party boosted the number of pro-independence MSPs. The Scottish Socialist Party has led republican protests and authored the Declaration of Calton Hill, calling for an independent republic.

National liberation

There are a number of supporters of Scottish independence who do not subscribe to the mainstream nationalist viewpoint. Instead they see Scottish independence as a national liberation movement and seek to build an inclusive independent Scottish state. This view of national liberation for Scotland typically supports the rights of asylum seekers to settle in Scotland and opposes any curtailment of civil liberties.

Self-determination

A number of cross party groupings have been established with the aim of widening the scope of the pro-independence viewpoint and campaigning for a referendum on the issue. The most significant being the Independence Convention which seeks "Firstly, to create a forum for those of all political persuasions and none who support independence; and secondly, to be a national catalyst for Scottish independence." Another being Independence First, a pro-referendum pressure group which has organised public demonstrations.

Political parties

Scottish independence is supported most prominently by the Scottish National Party and the Scottish Green Party. The total number of Scottish Parliament seats held by pro-independence members is 50, nearly 40% of the parliament. This comprises 47 Scottish National Party members, two Green members and Margo MacDonald, an independent politician. There are also a number of nascent pro-independence parties, which have enjoyed only limited electoral success. The Scottish Socialist Party, Solidarity and the Scottish Enterprise Party are among the most widely recognised.

Opposition

Prime Minister Gordon Brown has emerged as the foremost contemporary supporter of the union

There is a body of opinion opposed to Scottish independence and in favour of the continuation of the union with England, Wales, and Northern Ireland. This has never emerged as a homogeneous movement, but rather represents a general consensus of the main British political parties and a number of Scottish groups. It is a broad viewpoint that ranges from those in support of the United Kingdom as a unitary state governed exclusively from London, to those who support varying degrees of transfer of administrative and legislative responsibility from Westminster to Holyrood.

Many opposed to independence are persuaded by the view that Scotland is economically stronger as a part of the United Kingdom, or rather that a country as relatively small as Scotland would find it difficult to prosper without the protection of being part of an economically powerful state. Others argue that as part of an unitary British state, Scotland has more influence on international affairs. Some within Scotland who oppose the ideals of the European Union claim that as an independent country in Europe, Scotland would be unable to resist whims of larger member nations, and would be just as politically "impotent" as it is at present.

Public opinion

Despite the large number of opinion polls conducted on the issue, it's difficult to accurately gauge Scottish public opinion on independence because of the often widely varying results of the polls. For example, an opinion poll published by the The Scotsman newspaper in November 2006 revealed that a "Majority of Scots now favour independence". However, a poll conducted only a matter of weeks later purported the exact opposite. The research funded by Channel 4 reported that "The figure in support of Scottish independence had seemingly dropped". A third poll by The Daily Telegraph claimed that a significant proportion of Britons would accept the breakup of the United Kingdom. Research conducted in early 2007 revealed that Scottish independence was increasingly appealing to younger Scots.

When polls give three options, including an option for greater devolution but stopping short of independence, support for independence declines. In a poll by The Times, published in April 2007, given a choice between independence, the status quo, or greater powers for the Scottish Parliament within the United Kingdom, the last option had majority support. The issue of public support for a referendum on Scottish independence is much more clear cut. Polls show a consistent support for a referendum even amongst those who support the continuation of the union. Most opinion polls place the figure of support for a referendum around 70–75%.

See also

• English nationalism
• Irish nationalism
• Welsh nationalism
• List of not fully sovereign nations
• List of active autonomist and secessionist movements

External links

Party websites

• Scottish National Party
• Scottish Green Party
• Scottish Socialist Party
• Solidarity Scotland
• Scottish Enterprise Party

Other websites

• Scottish Independence Convention
• Independence First Referendum Campaign