Jump to content

Tennessee's 7th congressional district: Difference between revisions

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Content deleted Content added
commented out "second largest"; clarified what current boundaries means (not precisely current, but generally current)
moved some things around
Line 1: Line 1:
[[Image:TN07 109.gif|thumb|300px|right|The current boundaries of Tennessee's 7th District]]
[[Image:TN07 109.gif|thumb|300px|right|The current boundaries of Tennessee's 7th District]]
'''The 7th Congressional District of Tennessee''' is a congressional district located in the middle and southwestern parts of the state, connecting suburbs of [[Memphis, Tennessee|Memphis]] and [[Nashville]]. It is the state's wealthiest district in terms of [[per capita income]]<!--//Is this supposed to be second largest in area (it looks to me like it's 3rd largest) or in population (the districts were almost identical when established, so that comparison would be meaningless)// , as well as its second-largest -->.
'''The 7th Congressional District of Tennessee''' is a congressional district located in the middle and southwestern parts of the state, connecting suburbs of [[Memphis, Tennessee|Memphis]] and [[Nashville]]. It is the state's wealthiest district in terms of [[per capita income]], as well as the third-largest in area.


Cities in the district include [[Germantown, Tennessee|Germantown]], [[Brentwood, Tennessee|Brentwood]], [[Bolivar, Tennessee|Bolivar]], [[Lexington, Tennessee|Lexington]], and [[Savannah, Tennessee|Savannah]]. It also includes portions of Nashville, Memphis, [[Collierville, Tennessee|Collierville]] and [[Clarksville, Tennessee|Clarksville]], as well as Tennessee's share of [[Fort Campbell]].
Cities in the district include [[Germantown, Tennessee|Germantown]], [[Brentwood, Tennessee|Brentwood]], [[Bolivar, Tennessee|Bolivar]], [[Lexington, Tennessee|Lexington]], and [[Savannah, Tennessee|Savannah]]. It also includes portions of Nashville, Memphis, [[Collierville, Tennessee|Collierville]] and [[Clarksville, Tennessee|Clarksville]], as well as Tennessee's share of [[Fort Campbell]].


The district's current configuration dates from [[1983]], when Tennessee gained a district as a result of the 1980 Census. At that time, large portions of the old 6th District were shifted to the 4th and 9th districts, and the remaining territory of the old 6th was renumbered the 7th. Prior to the reapportionment that resulted from the 2000 Census, the district's boundaries generally coincided with county lines<ref>[http://tnatlas.geog.utk.edu/website/cd106/viewer.htm 106th Congress Congressional Districts] in Tennessee Electronic Atlas</ref>, but in [[Middle Tennessee]] the 7th district's current geography resembles a [[gerrymander]].
The district's current configuration dates from [[1983]], when Tennessee gained a district as a result of the 1980 Census. At that time, large portions of the old 6th District were shifted to the 4th and 9th districts, and the remaining territory of the old 6th was renumbered the 7th. Prior to the reapportionment that resulted from the 2000 Census, the district's boundaries generally coincided with county lines<ref>[http://tnatlas.geog.utk.edu/website/cd106/viewer.htm 106th Congress Congressional Districts] in Tennessee Electronic Atlas</ref>, but in [[Middle Tennessee]], the 7th district's current geography resembles a [[gerrymander]].


The 7th is a very safe seat for the [[United States Republican Party|Republican Party]]. In fact, it is the state's most Republican area outside the party's traditional heartland in [[East Tennessee]], and usually elects some of Tennessee's most conservative state legislators. [[United States Democratic Party|Democrats]] have made only two serious bids for the district since it took on its current form in 1983, and came within single digits only once. Most of the district's residents have not been represented by a Democrat since [[1973]].
The 7th is a very safe seat for the [[United States Republican Party|Republican Party]]. In fact, it is the state's most Republican area outside the party's traditional heartland in [[East Tennessee]], and usually elects some of Tennessee's most conservative state legislators. [[United States Democratic Party|Democrats]] have made only two serious bids for the district since it took on its current form in 1983, and came within single digits only once. Most of the district's residents have not been represented by a Democrat since [[1973]].


The district's politics are dominated by the wealthy suburbs of Memphis (e.g., Germantown, Collierville) and Nashville (e.g., Brentwood, [[Franklin, Tennessee|Franklin]]). Since the late [[1960s]], the district has swelled with former Nashville and Memphis residents. At first, this was due to anger over court-ordered desegregation. Since the late [[1970s]], the motivation has been a desire to seek more "family-friendly," religious environments (as opposed to the urbane liberal orientations of Nashville and Memphis). They give the 7th a character similar to other highly affluent suburban districts in the South (e.g., those around [[Birmingham, Alabama|Birmingham]], [[Dallas-Fort Worth]], [[San Antonio]], [[Houston]] and [[Atlanta]]). As a result, the 7th has a very strong [[social conservatism|social conservative]] tint typical of most affluent Southern suburban districts. Many of the state's most politically active churches are located in the suburban areas of the district.
The district's politics are dominated by the wealthy suburbs of Memphis (e.g., Germantown, Collierville, [[Cordova, Tennessee|Cordova]]) and Nashville (e.g., Brentwood, [[Franklin, Tennessee|Franklin]]). Since the late [[1960s]], the district has swelled with former Nashville and Memphis residents. At first, this was due to anger over court-ordered desegregation. Since the late [[1970s]], the motivation has been a desire to seek more "family-friendly," religious environments (as opposed to the urbane liberal orientations of Nashville and Memphis). They give the 7th a character similar to other highly affluent suburban districts in the South (e.g., those around [[Birmingham, Alabama|Birmingham]], [[Dallas-Fort Worth]], [[San Antonio]], [[Houston]] and [[Atlanta]]). Many of the state's most politically active churches are located in the suburban areas of the district, giving it a strong [[social conservatism|social conservative]] tint typical of most affluent Southern suburban districts.


Further, the GOP has also gained many converts from conservative rural white voters. These West Tennessee residents, generations earlier, supported Democratic candidates for local and statewide (though usually not national) offices in most of the counties currently encompassed by the district. Many of these counties, for instance, voted overwhelmingly for [[George Wallace]]'s (then governor of nearby [[Alabama]]) [[1968]] presidential candidacy, making Tennessee the strongest-performing state for him that he did not win.
Further, the GOP has also gained many converts from conservative rural white voters. These West Tennessee residents, generations earlier, supported Democratic candidates for local and statewide (though usually not national) offices in most of the counties currently encompassed by the district. Many of these counties, for instance, voted overwhelmingly for [[George Wallace]]'s (then governor of nearby [[Alabama]]) [[1968]] presidential candidacy, making Tennessee the strongest-performing state for him that he did not win. The rural portions of the district still usually send Democrats to the state legislature, but they are usually fairly conservative even by Tennessee Democratic standards.


The only significant bloc of Democratic voters left in the district are [[African-Americans]] who reside in the counties bordering [[Mississippi]], mostly descendants of [[slave]]s who worked on the area's [[plantation]]s in the [[19th century]]. Occasionally, Democrats also do well in [[Fayette County, Tennessee|Fayette County]], the largest county located entirely within the district; it supported [[Bill Clinton]] during both of his runs for president. However, they are always swamped at the ballot box by the coalition described above, one factor inhibiting the development of anything like a political community enjoyed by their neighbors in Memphis' [[Tennessee's 9th congressional district|9th District]].
The only significant blocs of Democratic voters left in the district are [[African-Americans]] who reside in the counties bordering [[Mississippi]], mostly descendants of [[slave]]s who worked on the area's [[plantation]]s in the [[19th century]], as well as in portions of Clarksville. Occasionally, Democrats also do well in [[Fayette County, Tennessee|Fayette County]], the largest county located entirely within the district; it supported [[Bill Clinton]] during both of his runs for president. At the ballot box, however, they are no match for the coalition of wealthy suburbanites and rural conservatives, who usually give Republicans margins rivaling those scored by Republicans in East Tennessee. one factor inhibiting the development of anything like a political community enjoyed by their neighbors in Memphis' [[Tennessee's 9th congressional district|9th District]].


[[Marsha Blackburn]], a Republican and the first-ever woman to represent this part of Tennessee in [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]], assumed the 7th District's seat in [[2003]].
[[Marsha Blackburn]], a Republican and the first-ever woman to represent this part of Tennessee in [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]], assumed the 7th District's seat in [[2003]].

Revision as of 12:20, 1 August 2007

The current boundaries of Tennessee's 7th District

The 7th Congressional District of Tennessee is a congressional district located in the middle and southwestern parts of the state, connecting suburbs of Memphis and Nashville. It is the state's wealthiest district in terms of per capita income, as well as the third-largest in area.

Cities in the district include Germantown, Brentwood, Bolivar, Lexington, and Savannah. It also includes portions of Nashville, Memphis, Collierville and Clarksville, as well as Tennessee's share of Fort Campbell.

The district's current configuration dates from 1983, when Tennessee gained a district as a result of the 1980 Census. At that time, large portions of the old 6th District were shifted to the 4th and 9th districts, and the remaining territory of the old 6th was renumbered the 7th. Prior to the reapportionment that resulted from the 2000 Census, the district's boundaries generally coincided with county lines[1], but in Middle Tennessee, the 7th district's current geography resembles a gerrymander.

The 7th is a very safe seat for the Republican Party. In fact, it is the state's most Republican area outside the party's traditional heartland in East Tennessee, and usually elects some of Tennessee's most conservative state legislators. Democrats have made only two serious bids for the district since it took on its current form in 1983, and came within single digits only once. Most of the district's residents have not been represented by a Democrat since 1973.

The district's politics are dominated by the wealthy suburbs of Memphis (e.g., Germantown, Collierville, Cordova) and Nashville (e.g., Brentwood, Franklin). Since the late 1960s, the district has swelled with former Nashville and Memphis residents. At first, this was due to anger over court-ordered desegregation. Since the late 1970s, the motivation has been a desire to seek more "family-friendly," religious environments (as opposed to the urbane liberal orientations of Nashville and Memphis). They give the 7th a character similar to other highly affluent suburban districts in the South (e.g., those around Birmingham, Dallas-Fort Worth, San Antonio, Houston and Atlanta). Many of the state's most politically active churches are located in the suburban areas of the district, giving it a strong social conservative tint typical of most affluent Southern suburban districts.

Further, the GOP has also gained many converts from conservative rural white voters. These West Tennessee residents, generations earlier, supported Democratic candidates for local and statewide (though usually not national) offices in most of the counties currently encompassed by the district. Many of these counties, for instance, voted overwhelmingly for George Wallace's (then governor of nearby Alabama) 1968 presidential candidacy, making Tennessee the strongest-performing state for him that he did not win. The rural portions of the district still usually send Democrats to the state legislature, but they are usually fairly conservative even by Tennessee Democratic standards.

The only significant blocs of Democratic voters left in the district are African-Americans who reside in the counties bordering Mississippi, mostly descendants of slaves who worked on the area's plantations in the 19th century, as well as in portions of Clarksville. Occasionally, Democrats also do well in Fayette County, the largest county located entirely within the district; it supported Bill Clinton during both of his runs for president. At the ballot box, however, they are no match for the coalition of wealthy suburbanites and rural conservatives, who usually give Republicans margins rivaling those scored by Republicans in East Tennessee. one factor inhibiting the development of anything like a political community enjoyed by their neighbors in Memphis' 9th District.

Marsha Blackburn, a Republican and the first-ever woman to represent this part of Tennessee in Washington, assumed the 7th District's seat in 2003.

References

  1. ^ 106th Congress Congressional Districts in Tennessee Electronic Atlas