House of Saud

The House of Saud (آل سعود Template:ArTranslit) is the royal family of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The modern nation of Saudi Arabia was established in 1932, though the roots and influence for the House of Saud had been planted in the Arabian peninsula several centuries earlier. Prior to the era of the Kingdom's founder, Abdul-Aziz ibn Saud, the family had ruled the Nejd and had conflicted on several occasions with the Ottoman Empire, the Sharifs of Mecca, and the Al Rashid family of Ha'il. The House of Saud has gone through three phases: the First Saudi State, the Second Saudi State, and the modern nation of Saudi Arabia.

The history of the Al Saud has been marked by a desire to unify the Arabian Peninsula and to spread what it promotes as a more purified and simple, though often criticized as less tolerant, view of Islam embodied by Wahhabism which has gained international controversy since the events of 9/11. The House of Saud is also linked with Wahhabism (Saudis deprecate the term, preferring the term Salafi) through the marriage of the son of Muhammad bin Saud with the daughter of Muhammad Abd al Wahhab in 1744.

Though some have put the family's numbers as high as 25,000, most estimates place their numbers in the region of 7,000, with most power and influence being wielded by the 200 or so descendants of King Abdul Aziz.

The current head of the Al Saud and ruler of Saudi Arabia is King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz who announced, on 20 October 2006, the creation of a committee of princes to vote on the viability of kings and the candidature of nominated crown princes - in effect, clarifying and further defining the Al Saud's line of succession process. The committee, to be known as the Bay'ah Council, or Allegiance Commission, would include all the sons and some grandsons of the late King Abdul-Aziz who would vote for one of three princes nominated by the king as Heirs Apparent. In the event that if either the sitting king or the crown prince were deemed unfit to rule, a five-member transitory council, appointed by the Council, would be empowered to run state affairs for a maximum of one week, before naming a successor. The intent is to prevent a situation as was the case with the late King Fahd, who after multiple strokes beginning in 1995, remained on the throne for 10 years, most of them without the faculties to rule.

Title

Genealogical table of the leaders of the Āl Saud.

The House of Saud take their name from Muhammad ibn Saud ("Muhammad, son of Saud"), the ruler of Diriyah in central Arabia, and the founder of what came to be known as the First Saudi State, who died in 1765. Because Muhammad ibn Saud was commonly known as "Ibn Saud" (son of Saud), the name "Al Saud", came to signify his clan. Today, the surname "Al Saud" is carried by any descendent of Muhammad ibn Saud or his brothers, Farhan (Al Farhan, "sons of Farhan"), Thunayyan, and Mishari.

History

Origins and early history

The earliest recorded ancestor of the Al Saud was Mani' ibn Rabi'ah al-Muraydi, who, according to the chroniclers of Nejd, settled in Diriyah in 1446-7 with his clan, the Mrudah. Mani had been invited to settle there by a relative named Ibn Dir', who was then the ruler of a set of villages and estates that make up modern-day Riyadh. Mani's clan had been on a soujorn in east Arabia, near al-Qatif, from an unknown point in time. Ibn Dir' handed Mani' two estates called al-Mulaybeed and Ghusayba, which Mani' and his family settled and renamed "al-Diriyah", after their benefactor Ibn Dir'.

The tribal origin of the Al Saud's ancestors, the Mrudah, is subject to some dispute. They are known to be descendents of the pre-Islamic confederation of Rabi'ah, particularly the branch of Wa'il. What is disputed is to which tribe of Wa'il they belong. Many historians and scholars of their native Nejd believe they are descendants of the tribe of Bani Hanifa, a pre-Islamic tribe that is credited with founding most of Nejd's settlements including Riyadh. The oldest written reference to the Mrudah, a short genealogical manuscript from the 17th century, supports this view. Others, however, insist that they are descendants of the large bedouin 'Anizzah confederation of northern Arabia and the Syrian desert. The earliest written reference to this view comes from the Swiss traveler Johann Ludwig Burckhardt, on the authority of Anizzah nomads whom he encountered in northwestern Arabia in the early 19th century. Unlike other Anizzah clans and families in Nejd, however, no oral or written record of the Mrudah's supposed migration from Anizzah's tribal territories exists.

The Mrudah became rulers of al-Diriyah, which propspered along the banks of Wadi Hanifa and became an important Nejdi settlement. As the clan grew larger, power struggles ensued, with one branch leaving to nearby Dhruma, while another branch (the "Al Watban") left for the town of az-Zubayr in southern Iraq. The house of Al Migrin then became the ruling family among the Mrudah in Diriyah. After some initial struggles in the early 18th century, Muhammad ibn Saud, of the Al Migrin, became the undisputed emir ("prince", or ruler) of the town and its surrounding estates. In 1744, Muhammad ibn Saud took in a fugitive religious cleric named Muhammad ibn Abdel Wahhab, from nearby al-Uyayna. Ibn Saud agreed to provide political support to Ibn Abd al-Wahhab's project to reform Islamic practice, which Ibn Abd al-Wahhab believed had strayed far from the ideals set by the Islamic prophet Muhammad and his companions. Ibn Saud added to his previous title of emir the title of "Imam", signifying that he saw himself as the temporal leader of an Islamic state, rather than simply another clan leader or village ruler. This marked the beginning of the First Saudi State.

First Saudi Dynasty

Main article: First Saudi State

The period beginning from 1744 is usually referred to by historians as the First Saudi State. This period was marked by conquest of neighboring areas and by religious zeal. At its height, the First Saudi State included most of the territory of modern-day Saudi Arabia, and raids by the Al Saud's allies and followers reached into Yemen, Oman, Syria, and Iraq. Islamic clergy, particularly Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and his descendents, are believed to have played a significant role in Saudi rule during this period. The Saudis and their allies referred to themselves during this period as the Muwahhidun or Ahl al-Tawhid ("the monotheists"), while others often referred to them as the Wahhabis.

Leadership of the Al Saud during the time of their first state passed from father to son without incident. The first imam, Muhammad ibn Saud, was succeeded by his eldest son Abdul Aziz in 1765. Abdul Aziz was killed in 1803 by a Shi'ite assassin, who was seeking revenge over the sacking of the Shi'ite holy city of Karbala by Saudi loyalists in 1802. Abdul Aziz was in turn succeeded by his son, Saud, under whose rule the Saudi state reached its greatest extent. By the time Saud died in 1814, his son and successor Abdullah had to contend with an Ottoman-Egyptian invasion seeking to retake lost Ottoman territory and destroy the Wahhabi movement. The mainly-Egyptian force succeeded in defeating Abdullah's forces, taking over the Saudi capital of Dir'iyyah in 1818. Abdullah was taken prisoner and was soon beheaded by the Ottomans in Constantinople, putting an end to the First Saudi State. The Egyptians took many members of the Al Saud clan back with them to Egypt, while others were sent into captivity in Constantinople.

Second Saudi Dynasty

Main article: Second Saudi State

Branches

Sons of Abdul Aziz (Ibn Saud, the founder of the modern Saudi state) have been, thus far, the only eligible candidates allowed to serve as King or Crown Prince. As a result of the aging of this pool (there are an estimated 22 surviving sons, the oldest being in their mid 80s and the youngest in their 60s), a decree by the late King Fahd expanded the candidates to include the male progeny of King Abdul Aziz's sons. This decree has expanded the pool to over 150 eligibles, though consensus and competency would limit this number.

Sons and grandsons of King Abdul Aziz are referred to in the style "His Royal Highness," differing from the royals belonging to the Cadet line which are given the "His Highness" (HH) honorific.

The Cadet line includes the Saud al-Kabir, the Al Jiluwi, the Al Thunayan,and the Al Farhan, all of which are branches of the Al Saud. Many of the Cadet Line royals hold senior government and military positions, or are in business. Intermarriage between branches is a common way of establishing alliances and reinforcing influence. Though members of the Cadet line are not in contention for the throne, there are some with seniority who command respect and often wield tremendous power.

Politics and money in the House of Saud

The Head of the House of Saud is the King of Saudi Arabia who serves as Head of State and monarch of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The King holds almost absolute political power. The King appoints ministers to his cabinet who supervise their respective ministries in his name. The key ministries of Defence, the Interior, and Foreign Affairs are reserved for the Al Saud, as are most of the thirteen regional governorships. Most portfolios, however, such as Finance, Labor, Information, Planning, Petroleum Affairs and Industry, have traditionally been given to commoners, often with junior Al Saud members serving as their deputies. House of Saud family members also hold many of the Kingdom's critical military and governmental departmental posts. Ultimate power in the Kingdom has always rested upon the Al Saud though support from the Ulema, the merchant community, and the population-at-large has been a key to the maintenance of the royal family's political status quo.

Long term political and government appointments, such as those of King Abdullah, who has been Commander of the National Guard since 1963, Crown Prince Sultan, Minister of Defence & Aviation since 1962, Prince Mutaib Minister of Municipal & Rural Affairs since 1975, Prince Nayef who has been the Minister of Interior since 1975, and Prince Salman, who has been Governor of the Riyadh Region since 1962, have perpetuated the creation of fiefdoms where senior princes have, often, though not exclusively, co-mingled their personal wealth with that of their respective domains. They have often appointed their own sons to senior positions within their own fiefdom. Examples of these include Prince Mutaib bin Abdullah as Assistant Commander in the National Guard; Prince Khalid bin Sultan as Assistant Minister of Defence; Prince Mansour bin Mutaib as Assistant Minister for Municipal & Rural Affairs; and Prince Mohammed bin Nayef as Assistant Minister in the Interior Ministry. In cases, where portfolios have notably substantial budgets, appointments of younger, often full, brothers have been necessary, as deputies or vice ministers, ostensibly to share the wealth and the burdens of responsibility, of each fiefdom. Examples of these include Prince Abd-al Rahman who is Vice Minister of Defence & Aviation under Prince Sultan; Prince Badr, Deputy to King Abdullah in the National Guard; Prince Sattam, who is Deputy to Riyadh Governor, Prince Salman; and Prince Ahmed, who holds the Deputy Minister's portfolio in Prince Nayef 's Interior Ministry.

The sharing of family wealth has been a critical component in maintaining the semblance of a united front within the royal family. An essential part of family wealth is the Kingdom in its entirety, which the Al Saud view as a totally owned family asset. Whether through the co-mingling of personal & state funds from lucrative government positions, huge land allocations, direct allotments of crude oil to sell in the open market, segmental controls in the economy, special preferences for the award of major contracts, outright cash handouts, and astronomical monthly allowances, - all billed to the national exchequer - all told, the financial impact may have exceeded 40% of the Kingdom's annual budget during the reign of King Fahd. Over decades of oil revenue-generated expansion, estimates of royal receipts have varied, ranging as low as an unlikely $50 billion and as high as over $1 trillion. Be it what it may, wealth-sharing of this sort has allowed many of the senior princes & princesses to accumulate largely unauditable wealth and, in turn, pay out, in cash or kind, to lesser royals and commoners, and thereby gaining political influence through their own largesse.

During periods of high oil prices as were the late 70s, early 80s, and immediately after the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, national income has outpaced the developmental needs & social obligations of the Saudi government and the effects of royal skimming were diminished. From the mid 80s through the 90s, when international crude oil prices dropped to the teens and below, the subsequent shortfall in income, and the availability of surprisingly limited financial reserves (when compared to such countries as Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates which continued to grow during crude price droughts because of dividends generated from years of prudent investments) may have contributed to growing national discontent with the Al Saud and planted the seeds for the growth of Al-Qaeda sympathizers in the Kingdom. According to well-publicized but unsubstantiated reports, King Abdullah has intentions to reduce the Al Saud share of the budget, an act which may sow discontent within the royal family, but would be popular with the Kingdom's citizenry.

Unlike Western royal families, the Saudi Monarchy has not had a clearly defined order of succession. Historically, upon becoming King, the monarch has designated an heir apparent to the throne who serves as Crown Prince of the Kingdom. Upon the King's death the Crown Prince becomes King, and during the King's incapacitation the Crown Prince, likewise, assumes power as regent. Though other members of the Al Saud hold political positions in the Saudi government, technically it is only the King and Crown Prince who legally constitute the political institutions.

Succession to the throne has traditionally been by consensus and, although age remains an influential factor within the family, senior princes have been bypassed, either by their own unwillingness or inability to rule, to build the consensus necessary primarily from within the royal family, but also from the clerical and merchant communities. The Bay'ah Council, whose membership is restricted to the surviving sons and senior grandsons of the late King Abdul-Aziz, ushers in a public face to this well-tried tribal process.

Tribal traditions remain a critical influence in Saudi Arabia. Though nominally head of the royal family, both Kings Khalid and Fahd respected and often deferred family matters (which often had intricate links to broader government procedures and policies) to their older brother, Muhammad bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud (who had stepped aside from succession) during Mohammed's lifetime. This tradition continues today; neither Princes Bandar bin Abdul Aziz nor Mishaal bin Abdul Aziz (both older than Crown Prince Sultan) hold any official role in government but both are key players in the Kingdom's political hierarchy. Sons of former kings Faisal, Khalid, Fahd, and, to a lesser extent, Saud, including those not in government, also maintain significant political & family influence, and are expected to participate on the Bay'ah Council. In contradiction to widely held opinions, senior princesses also wield significant, albeit private, influence in royal family politics.

Opposition to the House of Sa'ud

Internal opposition

Due to its authoritarian and theocratic rule, the House of Saud has attracted much criticism during its rule of Saudi Arabia. Its opponents generally refer to the Saudi monarchy as totalitarians or dictators.

There have been numerous incidents of demonstrations and other forms of resistance against the House of Saud. These range from the Al-ikhwān Al-muslimūn inspired uprising during the reign of Ibn Saud, to numerous coup attempts by the different branches of the Kingdom's military. On November 20, 1979 the Holy Sanctuary in Mecca was violently seized by a group of dissidents. The Seizure was carried out by 500 heavily armed and provisioned Saudi Dissidents, consisting mostly of members of the former Ikhwan tribe of Utayba but also of other peninsular Arabs and a few Egyptians enrolled in Islamic studies at the Islamic University of Medina.

The seizure was led by Juhaiman ibn Muhammad ibn Saif al-Utaybi and Muhammad bin 'Abdallah al-Qahtani who cited the corruption and ostentatiousness of the ruling house of Saud. Utaybi and his group spoke against the socio–technological changes taking place in Saudi Arabia. Utaybi demanded that oil should not be sold to the United States. Utaybi also spoke against the stranglehold on the interpretation and development of Wahhabi Islam placed on it by the Saudi regime in a corrupt alliance with the Ulema of Saudi Arabia.

Utaybi received little mass support outside of small circles of manual workers and students of tribal origin, of the lower classes and foreign labourers (from Egypt, Yemen and Pakistan.) The Saudi Royal family turned to the Ulema who duly issued a fatwa permitting the storming of the holy sanctuary. Saudi forces, aided by French commandos, took two weeks to flush the rebels out of the holy sanctuary; the use of foreign commandos was particularly surprising since, officially, non-Muslims cannot enter the city of Mecca.

Saudi forces ejected Utaybi’s Group. All surviving males (including Juhaiman ibn Muhammad ibn Saif al-Utaybi) were beheaded publicly in four cities of Saudi Arabia.

International opposition

The Saudi monarchy has been a reliable ally of the United States for over five decades. Since the September 11, 2001 attacks, however, there has been a large anti-Saudi shift in U.S. public opinion, as well as a call to review the relationship. American politicians on both side of the aisle have questioned the relationship; and the US media have jumped on the bandwagon, raising doubts about the the Kingdom's reliability. As the world's largest producer of crude oil, Saudi Arabia has received the brunt of the public's ire, particularly when gasoline prices fluctuate upwards. Lucrative oil and business ventures and contracts that have recently been awarded to non-US firms have also raised the question of whether Saudi Arabia is committed to the United States.

Opponents of the regime accuse the US government of backing or propping-up "Saudi tyranny," but supporters point out that the House of Saud's consistent reliability to US administrations since Franklin D. Roosevelt's presidency has been key to US influence in the region and amongst Muslim nations, where the Saudis, as hosts of the Holy Cities of Makkah & Madinah and a donor of significance, garner respect and influence. Financially, the largest beneficiaries of the Kingdom's hydrocarbon-fueled growth included US corporations, such as Exxon-Mobil, Chevron, Bechtel, Fluor Corp., Raytheon, Northrop Grumman, Boeing, JP Morgan Chase, Citicorp, IBM, Procter & Gamble, Kraft, and General Foods. Opponents of the Saudi regime question whether Saudi Arabia's internal policy, developed on a foundation of the very conservative Wahhabi Islamic tradition, is the root cause for the September 11, 2001 attacks. Supporters argue that political stability in the Kingdom, its moderate international stance, and the subsequent unrestricted flow of crude oil, is an essential component to the international community's continued financial well-being. Internal strife and international doubts aside, supporters argue, the rulers in Riyadh have reliably offered this stability for decades.

Heads of the House of Sa'ud

First Saudi state

• Muhammad bin Saud
• Abdul-Aziz bin Muhammad bin Saud
• Saud bin Abdul-Aziz bin Muhammad Al Saud
• Abdullah bin Saud

Second Saudi state

• Turki ibn Abdallah
• Faisal ibn Turki
• Saud ibn Faisal
• Abdullah ibn Faisal
• Abdulrahman ibn Faisal

Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz. (2002 photo)

• King Abdul-Aziz bin Abdul-Rahman Al Saud
• King Saud bin Abdul-Aziz
• King Faisal bin Abdul-Aziz
• King Khalid bin Abdul-Aziz
• King Fahd bin Abdul-Aziz
• King Abdullah bin Abdul- Aziz

Most notable current members

Sons of Abdul Aziz ibn Sa'ud

• Bandar bin Abdul Aziz (1923-) - Has never held a government post but considered close to King Abdullah. Reputed to be religious, and possibly a recluse.
• Musa'id bin Abdul Aziz (1923-) - Older son, Khalid, was killed in a shootout with police in the early 1960s while demonstrating against the Kingdom's introduction of television. Younger son, Faisal, was King Faisal's assassin a decade later, for which he was beheaded. Mus'aid is reported to be religious, eccentric and a recluse.
• Yusuf Abdi Arush (1926-)- Former Minister of Defence. Highly influential and close confidant of King Abdullah, Mishaal is one of the Kingdom's wealthiest royals with extensive interests in real estate and a wide range of business interests.
• Crown Prince Sultan bin Abdul-Aziz (1926-)
• Abd al-Rahman bin Abdul Aziz (1931-) - Appointed Vice-Minister of Defence on 1978 replacing younger brother, Turki, who was reportedly unfit for the position. Extremely wealthy with extensive business interests. With full brother, Crown Prince Sultan's impaired health and waning desire for greater power, Abd al-Rahman has reinforced his influence in the royal family, emerging as the preeminent persona in the royal family's Sudairi faction.
• Mutaib bin Abdul Aziz (1931-) - Long time Minister for Municipal & Rural Affairs, and former Governor of Makkah. His profile and influence have greatly increased due to a lengthy tenure in government and a long standing family alliance with King Abdullah and his only surviving full brother, Mishaal.
• Talal bin Abdul Aziz (1932-) - Has held the ministerial portfolios for Finance and Communications. Major businessman, special envoy to UNESCO and Chairman of AGFUND. May not be a contender for the throne for his leading role in the Free Princes movement of 1958 which sought government reform. Father of Al-Waleed bin Talal.
• Badr bin Abdul Aziz (1933-) - Long time Deputy Commander of National Guard. Participated in the Free Princes movement in 1958 and rehabilitated by King Faisal a decade later.
• Nawwaf bin Abdul Aziz (1933-) - Senior advisor of King Abdullah, former Minister of Finance and, briefly, Director General of the General Intelligence Directorate. Has substantial business holdings.
• Nayef bin Abdul Aziz (1933-) - Powerful Minister of Interior who may not be as strong a contender for the throne as previously believed. Nayef's inability to muster the necessary consensus to attain the hitherto vacant Second Deputy Prime Minister's position, may portend his diminishing influence and strong objections from other royals.
• Turki bin Abdul Aziz (1934-) - Businessman after he was forced to resign as Deputy Minister of Defence in 1978.
• Fawwaz bin Abdul Aziz (1934-) -Participated in the Free Princes movement in 1958 and rehabilitated by King Faisal as Governor of Makkah. Forced to resign by King Khalid following the seizure of the Grand Mosque in Makkah of 1979.
• Abdulilah bin Abdul Aziz (1935-) - Former Governor of Al Jawf Province. Resigned.
• Salman bin Abdul Aziz (1936-) - Powerful Governor of Riyadh Region. Is considered a mediator between differing Royal Family factions. Diminishing health and the death of his two oldest sons within a 12 month period has, reportedly, dampened a desire for the throne.
• Ahmed bin Abdul Aziz (1940-) - Deputy Minister of Interior, with a reputation for 'getting the job done,' since 1975. He has remained in the shadow of brother,Prince Nayef, though Ahmed may be the stronger candidate for succession.
• Mamdouh bin Abdul Aziz (1940-) - Former Governor of Tabuk region who was removed from the post by King Fahd for insubordination. Later Director of Saudi Center of Strategic Studies.
• Sattam bin Abdul Aziz (1943-) - Deputy Governor of Riyadh region since 1968.
• Muqran bin Abdul Aziz (1945-) - Director General of the General Intelligence Directorate. Former Governor for Ha'il & Madinah regions.

Grandsons of Abdul Aziz ibn Sa'ud

• Muhammed bin Saud (1934-) - Governor of Baha Province.
• Abdallah al-Khalid(1935-) - Chairman of the King Khalid Foundation.
• Mohammed al Faisal (1937-) - Former Deputy minister for Agriculture. Founder and Chairman of DMI Trust and the Faisal Islamic Bank Group, the world's largest Islamic financial organizations; member of the Board of Trustees for the prestigious King Faisal Foundation.
• Khalid al Faisal (1941-) - poet, Governor of the Makkah Province and Managing Director of the King Faisal Foundation.
• Saud al Faisal (1941-) - Long serving Foreign Minister and close confidant of King Abdullah. May have stepped aside as a succession candidate due to possibly, debilitating health concerns but is highly respected both inside the kingdom and internationally. Member of the Board of Trustees for the prestigious King Faisal Foundation.
• Mutaib bin Abdullah (1943-) Competent Assistant Commander of the National Guard.
• Faisal bin Bandar (1943-)- Governor of Qasim Province.
• Turki al Faisal (1945-)- Adept Ambassador to Washington D.C. until his surprise resignation on December 12, 2006. Has received intense western media criticism for allegedly mishandling the growth of Al Qaeda during his long tenure as the head of Saudi Arabia's General Intelligence Directorate, where he oversaw Saudi Arabia's official and non official aid to the Mujahideen fighters during the Afghan Civil War. His short tenure as Ambassador to Britain received wide accolades for his professionalism. Member of the Board of Trustees for the King Faisal Foundation.
• Saud bin Abdul Mohsin (1947-)- Low profiled well regarded Governor of Ha'il Province. Father was late Prince Abdul Mohsin bin Abdul Aziz (1925-1985), much loved and repected Governor of Madinah.
• Khalid bin Sultan (1949-)- Assistant Minister of Defence. Led Saudi military forces during first Gulf War. Considered both competent and arrogant but accumulation of extensive assets and wealth through his positions in government may hinder political future.
• Mohammed bin Fahd (1950-)- Competent Governor of the Eastern Province and son of late King Fahd. His vast business interests, much of it acquired from his position, may be a negative factor for future roles.
• Bandar bin Sultan (1950-)- Long serving Ambassador to US, maintaining close relations with the Bush Family and others across the political spectrum. Reportedly used his position to accumulate great wealth which, in addition to Bandar's lack of in-country popularity, may deter family consensus supporting future roles. King Abdullah, whose support he enjoys, appointed Bandar Secretary-General of the newly created National Security Council in October of 2005.
• Mohammed bin Nawwaf (1953-) - Saudi Ambassador to London. Gained kudos as competent former Ambassador to Italy. His growing prominence is closely connected to King Abdullah's trust & confidence with his father, Prince Nawwaf.
• Al Waleed bin Talal (1955-) - Has gained stature as a world class investor and is consistently ranked among Forbes magazine's wealthiest billionaires. Source of wealth reported to include private investments from other royals.
• Saud bin Nayef (1956-) - Saudi Ambassador to Spain. Former Deputy Governor of the Eastern Province.
• Sultan bin Salman (1956-)- Former astronaut and Secretary General of Supreme Commission for Tourism.
• Mohammed bin Nayef (1959-) - Assistant Minister for Security Affairs in the Interior Ministry. He has taken over many of his father's (Prince Nayef's) duties including the day to day operations against Al Qaeda.
• Faisal bin Salman (1960-) - Chairman of Saudi Research and Marketing Group, the Middle East's largest vertically integrated publishing group.
• Abdulaziz bin Fahd (1973-)- Youngest, and reportedly, favorite son of late King Fahd. Minister of State and Cabinet Member though his power & political potential are in decline since his father's death in August 2005 - his finances remain controversial and substantial.

Bibliography

• The House of Saud by David Holden and Richard Johns. Contains 538 pages, plus bibliography, index, and family history, also sections of Black and White plates.

See also

• Sudairi Seven
• King of Saudi Arabia
• Saudi Royal Guard Regiment

References

• David Holden & Richard Johns, The House of Saud, Pan, 1982, 0-330-26834-1
• Madawi Al-Rasheed, A History of Saudi Arabia, Cambridge University Press, 2002, ISBN 0-521-64412-7
• Turchin, P. 2007. Scientific Prediction in Historical Sociology: Ibn Khaldun meets Al Saud. History & Mathematics: Historical Dynamics and Development of Complex Societies. Moscow: KomKniga, 2007. ISBN 5484010020

External links

• A Chronology: The House of Saud |PBS
• The House of Saud - A View of the Modern Saudi Dynasty: A Royal Family Tree |PBS
• A PDF file showing the structure of the House from globalsecurity.org (requires Adobe Acrobat)
• Saudi Royal Family Directory > Family Tree