Operation Murambatsvina

Operation Murambatsvina (Template:Ll for Operation Drive Out Trash), also referred to as Operation Restore Order, began as a crackdown against illegal trading and illegal housing, conducted by the government of Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, but quickly became a movement to make homeless and drive out a large section of the urban poor.

Mbare township before Operation Murambatsvina

Overview

Mbare township after Operation Murambatsvina

Zimbabweans refer to the operation as 'Zimbabwe's Tsunami'. The crackdown has affected most of the major cities in the country, and the Zimbabwean government has stated its intention to widen the operation to include rural farming areas. Estimates on those affected vary considerably. Latest figures from the United Nations estimate that 700 000 people have been left without jobs and a further 2.4 million people have been affected countrywide (News24, 22 July 2005). Earlier, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum estimated that 64,677 families have been displaced, representing a total of approximately 323,385 people (this estimate was based on figures from 45 locations). The government claims that 120 000 people have been affected. All of the people are in need of emergency relief and resettlement. The clearances have been condemned both by Zimbabwean opposition parties, church groups, non-governmental organisations and by the wider international community. A report [1] written by Anna Tibaijuka, the Executive Director of the UN Human Settlements Programme, was handed to the Zimbabwean government on July 21, 2005. Excerpts of the report made public on July 22, 2005 stated that the operation was a "disastrous venture" which has violated international law and created a grave humanitarian crisis. The actions are described as indiscriminate, unjustified and conducted with indifference to human suffering. It calls for all demolitions to be stopped immediately (News24, 22 July 2005).

Background

Overall responsibility for the clearances rests with the ruling party, ZANU-PF. The Chairperson of the Harare Commission initiated Operation Murambatsvina weeks after the disputed elections were held there. The Harare Commission is currently running the affairs of the City of Harare despite the fact that there is a pending application to the High Court questioning its authority to do so. The Commission itself was appointed by Ignatious Chombo, the Minister of Local Government, Public Works and Urban Development, leading one Zimbabwean newspaper to comment that "President Mugabe, through the Minister of Local Government, Public Works and National Housing, Ignatious Chombo, is now effectively in control of the City of Harare" The Standard.

Mugabe claims that the clearances are needed in order to carry out "a vigorous clean-up campaign to restore sanity" and he has described the programme as an "urban renewal campaign". Ignatious Chombo has described the operation in terms of 'restoring order': "It is these people who have been making the country ungovernable by their criminal activities actually" (ZimOnline, 28 May 2005). The Zimbabwean Police Commissioner, Augustine Chihuri, said that Operation Murambatsvina was meant to “clean the country of the crawling mass of maggots bent on destroying the economy” (Times (UK) 17 June 2005).

While police have carried out most of the demolitions, they have been supported by the army and the green bombers. Many inhabitants have been forced to destroy their own homes, sometimes at gunpoint [2].

People whose homes have been demolished are being told to return to the rural areas or face further action from the Zimbabwe Republic Police and the dreaded Central Intelligence Organization. Education Minister Aeneas Chigwedere claimed that there is "nobody in Zimbabwe who does not have a rural home" (Mail and Guardian, 15 June 2005).

It has been subsequently pointed out that many of the people affected originate from neighbouring countries and therefore do not automatically have a rural base in Zimbabwe. For those that do, the fuel crisis in the country makes travelling long distances either impossible, or prohibitively expensive. Instead, those who have friends or family whose homes have not been destroyed have tried to shelter with them, creating massive overcrowding. Others have resorted to sheltering in church yards, many are sleeping rough by the road side, and some have dared to return to sleep in the open beside their destroyed homes.

The clearances have not been restricted only to homes. Demolished buildings include a Roman Catholic orphanage which had been run by a group of nuns, office blocks, a Sunni Mosque, a World Bank-funded public lavatory and schools.

Alternative reasons for the clearances

The Zimbabwean government has argued that Operation Murambatsvina is about restoring order (see Background section). However, the timing of the clearances, so soon after the disputed parliamentary elections on March 31, 2005, combined with the contradictory nature of the operation, has prompted commentators to speculate that there may be alternative reasons for the demolitions, although most suggest a combination of many of these.

Political retribution

The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has argued that the government's main reason for Murambatsvina is to punish the urban poor for voting for the opposition during the March parliamentary elections [3]. The cities are traditionally MDC strongholds, and, in fact, the Harare Commission that initiated the campaign was set up to override the governing powers of the elected MDC City Council. However, the retribution rationale is slightly undermined by the fact that some Zanu-PF supporters have also been caught up in the squatter camp clearances.

Weaken the political opposition

Some commentators have noted the alarming similarity between the name of this operation and the Gukurahundi campaign conducted against the Matabele civilians in the early 1980s. The Gukurahundi campaign ultimately resulted in the demise of Joshua Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) when it merged with Robert Mugabe's party in 1987. There has been speculation that the government is aiming to create a situation where the MDC has no choice but to merge with the ruling party.

Commentators also argue that by forcing urban voters out into the rural areas the cities will be de-populated of MDC supporters thus enabling the government to re-populate the shanty town areas with Zanu-PF supporters. Further, MDC supporters will be forced to return to live in areas traditionally viewed as Zanu-PF strongholds.

Science and Technology Deputy Minister Patrick Zhuwawo used state media to say that the government had demarcated nearly 10,000 residential stands at Whitecliff farm for allocation to what he called "deserving people" [4]. The Zimbabwe Independent has interpreted this to mean Zanu-PF supporters and supports the view by identifying the presence of "Zanu-PF sharks" at the centre where people were meant to sign up for new stands. A different source reported that, in Bulawayo, a Zanu-PF representative was tasked with compiling a list of future stand beneficiaries and that the resulting list was dominated by the names of known Zanu-PF supporters. One opposition supporter, whose name was not on the list, alleges that he was bluntly told that he supported the wrong party (SW Radio Africa, 22 July 2005).

It has also been speculated that the campaign, under the guise of destroying 'illegal' structures, is designed to whip up urban supporter anger towards the City Council that they elected. Many demolished structures were built with City Council permission, and some victims claim that they have paid rates and taxes, meaning that their homes should therefore be legal in the eyes of the council. Commentators have suggested that the injustice of demolishing a structure seen by the owner as legal could be designed to whip up anger against the MDC elected City Council, thus compromising the MDC's support base in the urban areas. In fact, as stated in the previous section, the operation was initiated outside the auspices of the City Council by the Harare Commission.

Controlling political protest

There were many reports in the immediate aftermath of the 2005 parliamentary elections, widely viewed by the west as neither free nor fair, of potential mass uprisings against the government. In fact, Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube, a respected human rights activist and outspoken critic of the government, publicly called for a peaceful uprising before the elections took place, claiming that the elections had already been fixed BBC, 27 March 2005.

It has been argued that, by dispersing MDC supporters to a remote rural locations, the Zanu-PF government would find it easier to control an angry population in the event of possible riots or mass protests. David Coltart, the MDC's legal affairs spokesperson, described the operation as a “sinister pre-emptive strike designed to remove the maximum possible number of people from urban areas to rural areas where they are easier to control" The Times UK, 5 June 2005

Risk management as part of future government reform

The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum has advanced another reason for pre-emptively dispersing citizens living in opposition party strongholds. They point to the fact that the government faces an unprecedented economic crisis characterised by fuel and food shortages, rampant hyperinflation, and virtually no foreign currency. In order to resolve the crisis, they argue that the Zanu-PF government will be forced, against its will, to re-engage with the international community:

This means a reversal of its whole style of governing, adherence to the rule of law, an end to political violence and repression, opening of the press and media space, and a cessation of all interference with citizens’ basic freedoms.

The suggestion therefore is that if totalitarian controls were relaxed - to satisfy international principles and standards - the government would suddenly be exposed to protest and civic pressure. In other words, Operation Murambatsvina may be less to do with fear of protests immediately following the elections (which could be controlled using current methods which rely on a politicised police and army), and more to do with controlling the population after heavy-handed measures were dispensed with:

It is predicated on the observation that the greatest risk to repressive governments comes when they seek to liberalise (link to pdf report from here).

Zimbabwean 2005 election experiences give some credence to this view. Anticipating electoral observers coming to the country, the government eased up on a few of its repressive tactics in the months immediately preceding the parliamentary elections. The immediate effect was that MDC supporters felt confident and suddenly openly showed their support for their party in a way they hadn't been able to before. (csmonitor, 31 March 2005).

Regain control of foreign currency dealings

Zimbabwe has been fighting to keep control of the foreign currency market for the last few years by adopting a range of measures, usually spearheaded by Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono[5]. Sokwanele, a Zimbabwean civic action support group, describes Gideon Gono as having played a major role in Operation Murambatsvina [6]. In fact, Gideon Gono's appointment to Governor coincided with the beginning of a crackdown on illegal foreign currency dealings prompting one popular source of independent news to report that "one of his key areas of focus is the illegal foreign currency market" (ZimOnline, 10 November 2003).

Sokwanele, in a different article, explains that the foreign currency market in Zimbabwe is broadly characterised by the formal market, the parallel market and the black market (Sokwanele, 5 July 2005). They describe the black market as follows:

Black market transactions happen on the streets, in the flea markets, and in back-rooms; sometimes for small sums of money like 20 US Dollars; and the deals often take place between individuals.

Commentators believe the government is specifically targeting the small scale black market traders through Operation Murambatsvina. The Age reports on how informal vendors at one market - a market dubbed 'The World Bank' - maintain a facade of trading goods when their real business is dealing in hard cash, albeit very small amounts at a time (April 30, 2005). (In fact, Bulawayo's 'The World Bank' was one of the markets targeted when Gono first become Governor of the Reserve Bank in [2003])[7].

Few analysts believe that the small amounts seized from vendors in one operation could begin to meet the country's massive foreign currency shortfall. This has led to some describing the government's action as indicative of their extreme desperation.

But others have further suggested that the government may believe that customers, unable to trade their money on the black market, will be forced to bring it into the formal banking sector. In addition to that, customers who previously accessed products on the black market will be forced to return to buy them from the formal sector, which the government may believe will help to bring about an economic revival.

Analysts also point out that the government publicly holds market traders responsible for runaway inflation so the action could also partly be about retribution against them.

Supporting the 'Look East' Policy

Zanu-PF's drive towards resolving its economic crisis has included strengthening its historical ties with China (csmonitor, 30 March 2005). The state-controlled newspaper, The Herald, reported on Robert Mugabe's support for Operation Murambastvina, and on his view that the economy was beginning to receive serious and significant investments from the Far East:

We should not look back, for, looking back, means back to our political enemies and detractors. Industry must recognise this new direction (Look East policy) (The Herald, 25 June 2005)

This has led some to speculate that the destruction of the shanty towns are partly in support of Chinese business interests in Zimbabwe. A report co-authored by Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube stated that

Speculation over the motives behind Operation Murambatsvina has pointed to the removal of local competition threatening newly arrived Chinese businessmen whose stores sell cheap and often poor quality goods. It is estimated that, as a result of the government’s aggressive “Look East” policy, up to 10,000 Chinese citizens have moved into the country, and some have moved onto farms taken from highly skilled commercial farmers, notably to grow tobacco for China’s 300 million smokers. ('State in Fear' report; Sunday Times, 14 July 2005)

As well as practical support of Chinese business interests, many have suggested that Operation Murambatsvina also demonstrates an adherence to a 'Look East' ideology and is evidence that Zanu-PF has embraced an Asian model of government where individual rights are often subverted for the good of the masses, or the regime (csmonitor, 5 July 2005). Robert Mugabe's approach to governance has prompted regular comparisons between him and Pol Pot (for example: csmonitor, 3 May 2002; The Times, 19 August 2002; Mail and Guardian, 24 June 2005; CNN, 28 June 2005).

Condemnation

Zimbabwean responses

Operation Murambatsvina has been widely condemned by Zimbabwean non-governmental organisations [8], churches [9], legal organisations[10], and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change [11] as well as many other groups in Zimbabwe.

International responses

The international community has also condemned the operation with nations and international organizations strongly attacking the Zimbabwean government's policy.

Kate Hoey MP has called on British Prime Minister Tony Blair to encourage South Africa to use its regional influence to put pressure on Zimbabwean authorities to cease the crackdown.

The New Zealand Minister of Foreign Affairs Phil Goff has expressed his condemnation of the operation by suggesting in a radio interview a boycott of the planned tour by the Zimbabwean cricket team of New Zealand in late 2005/early 2006.

US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has called upon African leaders to speak out against the Operation and to increase pressure on the Zimbabwean authorities to end the evictions. The African Union has rejected these calls stating it has 'more serious concerns'. [12]

United Nations

UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan had dispatched special envoy Anna Tibaijuka to Zimbabwe to study the effects of the campaign and report back her findings. The report [13] is highly critical of the government, prompting one news source to say that the report used "language unusually harsh for the United Nations" (News24, 22 July 2005). Excerpts of the report describe the operation as disastrous and inhumane, representing a clear violation of international law. The executive summary stated:

While purporting to target illegal dwellings and structures and to clamp down on alleged illicit activities, (the operation) was carried out in an indiscriminate and unjustified manner, with indifference to human suffering

Rebuttal from Zanu-PF

In a 45-page response to the highly-critical report by UN envoy Anna Tibaijuka, President Robert Mugabe's government says it acted in the public interest, and denied that it was responsible for the deaths of several people during clean-up operation, and was carried out in compliance with the government's laws, the state-controlled Herald newspaper reported on 17 August 2005.

The government said Tibaijuka had used value-laden and judgemental language, which clearly demonstrated in-built bias against it and the operation.

External links

• Report of the Fact-Finding Mission to Zimbabwe to Assess the Impact of Operation Murambatswina by the Human Special Envoy on Human Settlements Issues in Zimbabwe, Mrs Anna Kajumulo Tibaijuka.
• BBC News - Mugabe Defends Crackdown
• Children crushed in Zimbabwe raid, BBC, 23 June 2005
• 'Out in the cold' The Economist, June 9th 2005 and 'Cleaning up in Zimbabwe', same issue
• Kubatana.net - Countrywide evictions of urban poor - Index of articles