Ken Starr: Difference between revisions
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Prior to his appointment as Independent Counsel, Starr had been a federal judge on the D.C. [[United States court of appeals|Circuit Court of Appeals]] and [[United States Solicitor General]], under [[President of the United States|President]] [[George H.W. Bush]]. According to many, he was a very likely nomination for the [[United States Supreme Court]]. As a judge, Starr was respected by both political parties and was considered to be a moderate conservative with a broad view of freedom of the press. |
Prior to his appointment as Independent Counsel, Starr had been a federal judge on the D.C. [[United States court of appeals|Circuit Court of Appeals]] and [[United States Solicitor General]], under [[President of the United States|President]] [[George H.W. Bush]]. According to many, he was a very likely nomination for the [[United States Supreme Court]]. As a judge, Starr was respected by both political parties and was considered to be a moderate conservative with a broad view of freedom of the press. |
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In [[1995]] Starr was appointed by a three-judge panel to continue the Whitewater investigation following the resignation of past council, [[Robert Foske]]. His his powers were very broad, and he was given the right to [[supenoa]] nearly anyone he felt may have information relevant to the scandal. |
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| ⚫ | Starr's service |
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| ⚫ | Though his judicial reputation earned him inital popularity in the investigation, Starr's service soon turned controversial, especially after his powers were further expanded to investigate the Monica Lewinsky [[sex scandal]]. Republicans saw him as incompetent and too trusting of the president. Democrats saw him as a repressed political zealot on a mission to remove Clinton. This controversy threatened to turn the prosecutor into the prosecuted when Starr's office acknowledged that it had leaked grand jury testimony in violation of Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 6(e). |
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After resigning his office following five years of service, Starr returned to the appellate lawyer business where the fact that he never lost a case as independent counsel has earned him high regard as an attorney. Starr is now a partner at [[Kirkland and Ellis]], specializing in complex litigation. He is one of the lead attorneys in a class-action lawsuit filed by a coalition of liberal and conservative groups (including the ACLU and the NRA) against the regulations created by the Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act of 2002, known informally as the [[McCain-Feingold]] Act. In the case, Starr has argued that the law is an unconstitutional abridgement of free speech. |
After resigning his office following five years of service, Starr returned to the appellate lawyer business where the fact that he never lost a case as independent counsel has earned him high regard as an attorney. Starr is now a partner at [[Kirkland and Ellis]], specializing in complex litigation. He is one of the lead attorneys in a class-action lawsuit filed by a coalition of liberal and conservative groups (including the ACLU and the NRA) against the regulations created by the Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act of 2002, known informally as the [[McCain-Feingold]] Act. In the case, Starr has argued that the law is an unconstitutional abridgement of free speech. |
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Revision as of 16:58, 2 March 2004
Kenneth Starr (born July 21, 1946) was appointed to the Office of the Independent Counsel to investigate the Whitewater land transactions by President Clinton and the Monica Lewinsky scandal.
Prior to his appointment as Independent Counsel, Starr had been a federal judge on the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals and United States Solicitor General, under President George H.W. Bush. According to many, he was a very likely nomination for the United States Supreme Court. As a judge, Starr was respected by both political parties and was considered to be a moderate conservative with a broad view of freedom of the press.
In 1995 Starr was appointed by a three-judge panel to continue the Whitewater investigation following the resignation of past council, Robert Foske. His his powers were very broad, and he was given the right to supenoa nearly anyone he felt may have information relevant to the scandal.
Though his judicial reputation earned him inital popularity in the investigation, Starr's service soon turned controversial, especially after his powers were further expanded to investigate the Monica Lewinsky sex scandal. Republicans saw him as incompetent and too trusting of the president. Democrats saw him as a repressed political zealot on a mission to remove Clinton. This controversy threatened to turn the prosecutor into the prosecuted when Starr's office acknowledged that it had leaked grand jury testimony in violation of Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 6(e).
After resigning his office following five years of service, Starr returned to the appellate lawyer business where the fact that he never lost a case as independent counsel has earned him high regard as an attorney. Starr is now a partner at Kirkland and Ellis, specializing in complex litigation. He is one of the lead attorneys in a class-action lawsuit filed by a coalition of liberal and conservative groups (including the ACLU and the NRA) against the regulations created by the Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform Act of 2002, known informally as the McCain-Feingold Act. In the case, Starr has argued that the law is an unconstitutional abridgement of free speech.