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[[Grand Ayatollah]] '''Hossein Ali Montazeri''' ({{lang-fa|حسین علی منتظری}}), styled '''His Honourable Eminence''', (born in 1922), is an [[Iranian people|Iranian]] scholar. He was one of the leaders of the [[Iranian Revolution|Islamic Revolution]] in [[Iran]]. He is best known as the one-time designated successor to the revolution's [[Supreme Leader]] Ayatollah [[Khomeini]] who fell out with Khomeini in 1989 over government policies that Montazeri claimed infringed on freedom and denied people's rights. Montazeri currently lives in the holy city of [[Qom]], and remains politically influential in Iran, especially upon reformist politics.<ref name="BBC Profile">{{Cite web|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/2699541.stm|title=Profile: Iran's dissident ayatollah|accessdate=2007-06-07|publisher=BBC News|year=2003-01-30}}</ref> He is a senior Islamic scholar and a ''Grand Marja'' (religious authority) of Islam.
[[Grand Ayatollah]] '''Hossein Ali Montazeri''' ({{lang-fa|حسین علی منتظری}}), styled '''His Honourable Eminence''', (born in 1922), is an [[Iranian people|Iranian]] scholar. He was one of the leaders of the [[Iranian Revolution]] in 1979. He is best known as the one-time designated successor to the revolution's [[Supreme Leader]] Ayatollah [[Khomeini]] who fell out with Khomeini in 1989 over government policies that Montazeri claimed infringed on freedom and denied people's rights. Montazeri currently lives in the holy city of [[Qom]], and remains politically influential in Iran, especially upon reformist politics.<ref name="BBC Profile">{{Cite web|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/2699541.stm|title=Profile: Iran's dissident ayatollah|accessdate=2007-06-07|publisher=BBC News|year=2003-01-30}}</ref> He is a senior Islamic scholar and a ''Grand Marja'' (religious authority) of Islam.


For almost three decades, Hossein Ali Montazeri has been one of the main critics of Islamic Republic's domestic and foreign policy. He has also been an active advocate of civil rights and women's rights in Iran. Montazeri is a prolific writer and has authored a number of books and articles.
For almost three decades, Hossein Ali Montazeri has been one of the main critics of Islamic Republic's domestic and foreign policy. He has also been an active advocate of civil rights and women's rights in Iran. Montazeri is a prolific writer and has authored a number of books and articles.

Revision as of 20:47, 7 July 2009

Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri
File:Montazeri.jpg
Born1922 (1922) (87 years)
Other namesحسین علی منتظری
Websitewww.amontazeri.com

Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri (Template:Lang-fa), styled His Honourable Eminence, (born in 1922), is an Iranian scholar. He was one of the leaders of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. He is best known as the one-time designated successor to the revolution's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini who fell out with Khomeini in 1989 over government policies that Montazeri claimed infringed on freedom and denied people's rights. Montazeri currently lives in the holy city of Qom, and remains politically influential in Iran, especially upon reformist politics.[1] He is a senior Islamic scholar and a Grand Marja (religious authority) of Islam.

For almost three decades, Hossein Ali Montazeri has been one of the main critics of Islamic Republic's domestic and foreign policy. He has also been an active advocate of civil rights and women's rights in Iran. Montazeri is a prolific writer and has authored a number of books and articles.

Early Life and public career

Born in 1922, Montazeri is from a peasant family in Najafabad[2], a city in Isfahan Province, 250 miles south of Tehran. His early theological education was in Isfahan. Montazeri then went to Qom where he studied under Khomeini and went on to become a teacher at the Faiziyeh Theological School. While there he answered Khomeini's call to protest the White Revolution of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in June 1963 and was active in anti-Shah clerical circles.[3]

After Khomeini was forced into exile by the Shah, Montazeri "sat at the center of the clerical network" which Khomeini had established to fight the Pahlavi rule. He was sent to prison in 1974 and released in 1978 in time to be active during the revolution.[4]

Iranian revolution

Montazeri is famous as an Islamic jurist who was made to pay for his liberal-leaning beliefs. He supports democratic republic as the best form of government; however in his ideal model for government, an Islamic jurist acts as a supervisor and advisor, what he along with Ayatollah Khomeini termed as velayat-e faqih. He is the author of Dirasat fi Vilayah al-Faqih, a scholarly book advocating the supervision of an Islamic jurists on the administration. He believes in the independence of the government and he does not accept any executive and policy making role for the Islamic jurist. [5] According to Ayatollah Montazeri, the rule of the jurisprudent ("velayat-e faqih") should be limited to the function of advisor to the rulers, who are elected by the people without violating Islamic principles. Montazeri asserts that the rule of the jurisprudent should not be an absolute rule.[6][7]

In 1979, following the overthrow of the Shah, he played a pivotal role in instituting Iran's new constitution. He was one of the leaders of the movement to replace the democratic and secular draft constitution proposed for the Islamic Republic with one where the supervision of Islamic jurists were recognized. He distributed "a detailed commentary and alternate draft" for Iran's new constitution. It included proposals to specify that Twelver Shi'ism -- and not Islam in general -- was the official religion of the state; for Islamic jurists to appoint judges, have the right of veto over all laws and actions that are against the Islamic principles.[8] Later he served on the Assembly of Experts (Majles-e-Khobregan) that wrote the constitution and implemented many of his proposals.[4]

During this time Montazeri also served as Friday prayer leader of Qom, as a member of the Revolutionary Council and as deputy to Supreme Leader Khomeini. Khomeini began "to transfer some of his power" to Montazeri, in 1980. By 1983 "all government offices hung a small picture" of Montazeri next to that of Khomeini.

After Khomeini indicated he wished Montazeri to be his successor Montazeri initially rejected this idea insisting that the choice of successor be left to the democratically elected Assembly of Experts[9] Montazeri relented though and following a session of the Assembly of Experts that November (1985),[10] he was designated Khomeini's successor as Supreme Leader.

Some observers believe Khomeini chose him for this role solely because of his support for Khomeini's principle of theocratic rule by Islamic jurists. Khomeini's proposed form of administration called for the most learned, or one of the most learned, Islamic jurists to "rule", and of all those who might be considered a leading Islamic jurist only Montazeri supported theocracy. In Montazeri's opinion, however the jurist would not act as an absolute ruler, rather he will act as an advisor and consultant.[11]

... Montazeri fell short of the theological requirements of the Faqih. He could not claim descent from the Prophet nor did he possess the credentials of a revered scholar of Islamic law. His religious followers were few. And he lacked the all-important charisma. His selection had happened for one reason - he was the only one among the candidates for Faqih who totally endorsed Khomeini's vision of Islamic government.[4]

Dispute with Khomeini and demotion

As designated heir to Khomeini, Montazeri's troubles began with his association with Mehdi Hashemi who ran an organization out of Montazeri's office to export the Islamic revolution. Hashemi is thought to have embarrassed Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani by leaking information of his connection with the Iran-Contra affair. Subsequently Hashemi was arrested, convicted and executed in 1987 on charges of counterrevolutionary activities.[12]

In November 1987 Montazeri created more controversy when he called for the legalization of political parties, though under strict regulation.[13] He followed this by calling for "an open assessment of failures" of the Revolution and an end to export of revolution, claiming Iran should inspire by example not train and arm allied groups.[12] Khomeini responded the next February by criticizing Montazeri and a month later called for a meeting of the Assembly of Experts to "discuss him."[12]

Things came to a head following the mass execution of thousands of Mojahedin and other political prisoners in late summer and early autumn 1988. Montazeri gave a series of lectures in which he indicated support for a "far more open" policy [14] and in an interview published in Keyhan in early 1989, criticized Khomeini in language that is said to have sealed "his political fate":

The denial of people's rights, injustice and disregard for the revolution's true values have delivered the most severe blows against the revolution. Before any reconstruction [takes place], there must first be a political and ideological reconstruction . . . This is something that the people expect of a leader.[14]

Still worse was the publication abroad and broadcast on BBC of his letters condemning post-war wave of executions in March.[15] Montazeri also criticized Khomeini's fatwa ordering the assassination of author Salman Rushdie saying: "People in the world are getting the idea that our business in Iran is just murdering people."[16]

On March 26 1989 a furious Khomeini strongly denounced Montazeri's actions, and two days later announced that Montazeri had resigned his post.[17] Montazeri did not protest his loss, issuing a message concluding, "I ask all brothers and sister not to utter a word in my support."[18]

In addition to losing his position as designated heir, Montazeri's title of Grand Ayatollah was withdrawn, publication of his lecture in the Keyhan newspaper and reference to him on the state radio stopped, his portraits were collected from offices and mosques, and his security guards were withdrawn. "Articles and editorials appear in various newspapers aimed at dismantling" Montazeri's "impeccable" revolutionary credentials."[19]

Some have claimed that the amendment made to Iran's constitution removing the requirement that the Supreme Leader to be a Marja was to deal with the problem of a lack of any remaining Grand Ayatollahs willing to accept "illimitable velayat-e faqih"[20][4][21]. However, others say the reason marjas were not elected was because of their lack of votes in the Assembly of Experts. For example, Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Golpaygani had the backing of only 13 members of the assembly. Furthermore, there were other marjas present who accepted "illimitable velayat-e faqih"[22][23]

Later dissent and house arrest

Khomeini died June 1989 and another cleric, Seyed Ali Khamene'i, was selected by the Assembly of Experts to be the new Supreme Leader. Khamene'i had been only a mid-ranking Hojatoleslam before Montazeri's removal. His promotion was sometimes silently and sometimes openly rejected by many Shi'a,[24] including Montazeri.

In December 1989 Montazeri's supporters in Qom distributed "night letters" questioning Khamene'i's qualifications to be a Marja e Taqlid ("Source of Emulation"), or in other words, an Ayatollah. In retaliation Revolutionary Guards "detained and humiliated" Montazeri, "forcing him to wear his nightcap rather than his white turban."[9]

In October 1997, Ayatollah Montazeri was placed under house arrest, started with the excuse of protecting him from hardliners, after openly criticizing the authority of the Iranian Supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei. This condition ended in 2003[25][26] after "more than 100 Iranian legislators" called on President Khatami to free Montazeri. Some thought that the government lifted the house arrest to avoid the possibility of a popular backlash from the ailing Montazeri dying while in custody.[27]

Criticism of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad

On January 22, 2007, Grand Ayatollah Montazeri criticized Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for his nuclear and economic policies.[28][29]. While agreeing Iran had the right to develop nuclear energy, he called Ahmadinejad's approach to the issue aggressive, saying, "One has to deal with the enemy with wisdom, not provoke it, ... his (provocation) only creates problems for the country."[29] and asked, "don't we have other rights too?" - referring to individual and human rights.[28] Montazeri also criticized the economic performance of Ahmadinejad's administration's, noting the rate of inflation - including the 50% increase in housing costs[28] - arguing that a country cannot be run on "slogans".[30]

He also issued a statement in support of the rights of the Baha'is in the Islamic Republic, saying that though Baha’is did not belong to the People of the Book like Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians, nonetheless

they are the citizens of this country, they have the right of citizenship and to live in this country. Furthermore, they must benefit from the Islamic compassion which is stressed in Quran and by the religious authorities. [31]

Montazeri again spoke out against Ahmadinejad on June 16, 2009, during the protests against his reelection. Ahmadinejad was controversially reelected as president after a closely contested and disputed election which involved many candidates but whose leading vote-getters were Ahmadinejad and former Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi. The government reported that Ahmadinejad had won the election with 62 percent of the vote after what was expected to be a close election. Montazeri stated that "No one in their right mind can believe" the results were fairly counted.[32] Montazeri called for three days of public mourning for the death of Neda Agha-Soltan and others killed during the June 22nd protests.[33]

Reputation

Montazeri has been described by his allies as "brilliant," down-to-earth, unpretentious, plain spoken, and as one who "lives plainly, and equates Islam with social justice" and stays above political infighting. His detractors have portrayed him as stubborn and naive in his insistence that the Islamic republic find reconciliation with the "Hypocrites and Liberals" who are its "internal enemies."[2]

References

  1. ^ "Profile: Iran's dissident ayatollah". BBC News. 2003-01-30. Retrieved 2007-06-07.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: year (link)
  2. ^ a b Christopher de Bellaigui (2002-06-27). "Who Rules Iran?". The New York Review of Books.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: year (link)
  3. ^ Hiro, Dikip, The Longest War : The Iran-Iraq Military Conflict, Routledge Chapman and Hall, 1991, p.151
  4. ^ a b c d Mackey, Sandra (1998). The Iranians: Persia, Islam and the Soul of a Nation. New York: Plume Book. p. 353. ISBN 0452275636.
  5. ^ Dabashi, Hamid (2006). Theology of Discontent: The Ideological Foundation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. pp. 424–5. ISBN 1412805163.
  6. ^ [1]
  7. ^ [2]
  8. ^ Bakhash, Shaul (1984). The Reign of the Ayatollahs. New York: Basic Books. p. 79. ISBN 046506888X.
  9. ^ a b Brumberg, Daniel (2001). Kayhan, quoted in Reinventing Khomeini : the struggle for reform in Iran. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 172. ISBN 0226077578.
  10. ^ Moin, Baqer (2000). Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah. New York: Thomas Dunne Books. p. 262. ISBN 0312264909.
  11. ^ [3]
  12. ^ a b c Keddie, Nikki R. (2003). Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. p. 260. ISBN 0300098561. {{cite book}}: Unknown parameter |coauthors= ignored (|author= suggested) (help)
  13. ^ Moin, op. cit., 277.
  14. ^ a b Moin, op. cit, 279.
  15. ^ Moin, op. cit., 287.
  16. ^ Wright, Robin B. (2000). The last great revolution : turmoil and transformation in Iran. New York: A. A. Knopf. p. 20. ISBN 0375406395.
  17. ^ "Translation of Ayatollah Khomeini's Letter Dismissing Montazeri". printed in Abrar. Iran Virtual Library. Retrieved 2007-06-07.
  18. ^ Moin, op. cit., 289.
  19. ^ Moin, op. cit., 290-1.
  20. ^ Moin, op. cit., 293.
  21. ^ Roy, Olivier (1994). The Failure of Political Islam. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. pp. 173–4. ISBN 0674291409.
  22. ^ "«آیت الله خامنه ای با ولایت فرد مخالف بود»" (in Persian). Radio Farda. Retrieved September 17, 2007.
  23. ^ "توضیحات هاشمی درباره شورای رهبری" (in Persian). Aftab News. 7 December 2006. Retrieved September 17, 2007.
  24. ^ Keddie, op. cit., 262.
  25. ^ "Iran releases dissident cleric". BBC News. 2003-01-30. Retrieved 2007-06-08.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: year (link)
  26. ^ The Associated Press (2003-09-17). "Dissident Ayatollah Demands Iran's Rulers Be Elected". FOX News. Retrieved 2007-06-08.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: year (link)
  27. ^ Keddie, op. cit., 283.
  28. ^ a b c "Iranian cleric attacks president". BBC News. 2007-01-22. Retrieved 2007-06-08.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: year (link)
  29. ^ a b The Associated Press (2007-01-22). "Top dissident cleric slams Ahmadinejad". USA TODAY. Retrieved 2007-06-08.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: year (link)
  30. ^ RFE/RL, with material from The Associated Press (2007-01-22). "Iranian Dissident Cleric Criticized Ahmadinejad". Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty. Retrieved 2007-06-08.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: year (link)
  31. ^ ayatollah montazeri proclaims bahais citizens of iran
  32. ^ "Warren P. Strobel and Jonathan S. Landay, Iran's Senior Ayatollah Slams Election, McClatchy Newspapers June 16, 2009.[4]
  33. ^ Arjang, Sohraab (June 22, 2009). "کنکاشی درباره اعلامیه آیت الله منتظری". Fozoole Mahaleh. Retrieved June 22, 2009.

Further reading

  • Dorri Najaf Abadi, Ghorban-Ali (2005). "8". In Nazari, Heydar (ed.). "Khaterat e Hojat-ol-eslam val-moslemin Dorri Najaf Abadi" (1st ed.). Tehran: IDRC (Iran Revolution Document Center). pp. 232–233.
  • Keddie, Nikki (2003). Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution. Yale University Press.
  • Mackey, Sandra (1996). The Iranians: Persia, Islam and the Soul of a Nation. Dutton.
  • Moin, Baqer (2000). Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah. Thomas Dunne Books.
  • Montazeri,Hossein-Ali (2000). "8". "Khaterat". pp. 471–480.

See also

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