White people: Difference between revisions
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The term has always had various definitions and interpretations at different times and places. Across the globe, and especially throughout the [[Western Hemisphere]], a person's inclusion or exclusion from the "White" group has been affected by past or present [[colloquial]], [[scientific]] and [[legal]] understandings, including definitions based for such purposes as [[census]]es, [[anti-miscegenation laws]], [[affirmative action]], [[racial quotas]]. All these, and the groups they involve, are explored throughout the article. |
The term has always had various definitions and interpretations at different times and places. Across the globe, and especially throughout the [[Western Hemisphere]], a person's inclusion or exclusion from the "White" group has been affected by past or present [[colloquial]], [[scientific]] and [[legal]] understandings, including definitions based for such purposes as [[census]]es, [[anti-miscegenation laws]], [[affirmative action]], [[racial quotas]]. All these, and the groups they involve, are explored throughout the article. |
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[[Image:Nicole kidman3.jpg|right|250px|thumb|Nicole Kidman is Australian.]] |
[[Image:Nicole kidman3.jpg|right|250px|thumb|Nicole Kidman is an Australian.]] |
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==Genetic History of Europe== |
==Genetic History of Europe== |
Revision as of 15:50, 13 June 2006
White (also White people, White race or Whites) is a term used for a certain ethnic group or racial classification of people. Though literally implying light-skinned, "White" has been used in different ways at different times and places. Like other common words for the human ethnicities, its precise definition is somewhat unclear.
A common connotation to the various definitions of "White" is that the term refers to people descended from Europe. In this sense, regions and countries that are today predominantly 'White' include all the countries of Europe, northern North America, parts of South America, Siberia, Australia and New Zealand.
The term has always had various definitions and interpretations at different times and places. Across the globe, and especially throughout the Western Hemisphere, a person's inclusion or exclusion from the "White" group has been affected by past or present colloquial, scientific and legal understandings, including definitions based for such purposes as censuses, anti-miscegenation laws, affirmative action, racial quotas. All these, and the groups they involve, are explored throughout the article.
Genetic History of Europe
This section describes demographic and genetic flow into Europe. For a broader, more detailed view of Human migrations, see that article.
Pre-Neolithic
The prehistory of the European peoples can be traced by the examination of archaeological sites, linguistic studies, and by the examination of the sequence of bases of DNA of the people who live in Europe now, or from recovered ancient DNA. Much of this research is ongoing, with discoveries still being continually made, and theories rise and fall. Even the broad consensus, based initially upon the analysis of mitochondrial DNA, but confirmed by Y-chromosome lineages and most recently by autosomal polymorphisms (indels, Alu sequences, SNPs, etc.), that early man migrated out of Africa 65-85,000 years ago has its critics.
The human race (homo sapiens) began to colonize Europe from Africa about 35 millennia ago, arriving along two major channels on either side of the Black Sea. Very quickly—by about 25 millenia ago—the prior inhabitants (our sister species H. neanderthalensis) became extinct. About 22 millennia ago, glaciers began to cover Europe, rendering much of the region uninhabitable. The inhabitants fled to areas along the northern Mediterranean coastline. When the glaciers receded about 16 millennia ago, the populations that had taken refuge were joined by many other waves of peoples from Asia and Africa to re-colonize the newly inhabitable region. Their descendants became the hunter-gatherers who occupied Europe until the advent of agriculture. Then, about eight millennia ago, farming spread from Asia throughout Europe, bringing the Indo-European family of languages along with the new technology.
Indo-Europeans
Theories about the origins of the Indo-European language center around a hypothetical Proto-Indo-European people, who are traced in the Kurgan hypothesis to somewhere north of the Black Sea or possibly Armenia around 10,000 BCE. They domesticated the horse, and spread their culture and genes across Europe. To what extent they replaced the indigenous Mesolithic peoples is debated, but a consensus has been reached that roughly 20 percent of the Indo-European expansion into Europe was gene flow and 80 percent was technology and language transfer.[1]
Despite the near-total replacement of paleolithic languages and the partial replacement of DNA markers during the arrival of agriculture, several small pockets remain of the pre-Indo-European paleolithic peoples. The best known examples are the Basques of the Pyrenees and the Saami of Finland, both of which have distinctive pre-Indo-European genetic markers and speak pre-Indo-European languages.
Asiatic tribes
Over the next six millennia, Europe was repeatedly swept by successive waves of settlers and invaders from central and eastern Asia, who were also assimilated into the population. Asian autosomal DNA marks an important contribution to the gene pools of Eastern Europe and Scandinavia, present at frequencies ranging from almost 50% in Lapland to between 7 and 13% in Finland, Russia and Hungary, with a steady decline southward and westward.[2] Huns, Mongols, Tatars and earlier Uralic-speaking migrants are possible sources of this admixture.
Muslim conquerors
Low levels of mtDNA haplogroup U6 and Y-chromosome haplogroup E-M81, both specific to North African Berbers, can be found as far north as Scandinavia, but are concentrated in Iberia, Italy and France, where Saracens and Moors ruled for many centuries. An isolated community of Muslim slave descendants in the Pas Valley of northern Spain has as much as 41% E-M81.[3]
African slaves
Finally, sub-Saharan African DNA is scattered throughout the European continent. Not every population has been studied yet, but enough have so that a picture is starting to emerge. The amount of black admixture in Europe today ranges from a few percent in Iberia to almost nil around the Baltic.[4] It seems to show a decreasing cline from the southwest to the northeast, which corresponds with the areas most affected by the African slave trade. For details, see Sub-Saharan DNA admixture in Europe.
In summary, autochthonous Europeans are composed of prehistoric and more recent genetic elements from different parts of Asia and Africa. For a global perspective on this topic, see Atlas of the Human Journey, World Haplogroups Maps, Origins of Europeans and Genetic Structure of Human Populations.
Historic use of the term in the United States
Race in the US Federal Census |
---|
The 7th federal census, in 1850, asked for Color:[1]
|
The 10th federal census, in 1880, asked for Color:[2]
|
The 22nd federal census, in 2000, had a "short form"[3] that asked two race/ancestry questions:
1.Is the person Spanish/Hispanic/Latino? 2.What is the person's race?
This census acknowledged that "the race categories include both racial and national-origin groups." See also Race (U.S. Census) |
Race in the UK Census |
Census 2001 asked for a person's ethnic group:[4]
|
Pre-modern usage of White may not correspond to recent concepts; for example, Europeans who traveled to Northeast Asia in the 17th century applied White to the people they encountered (see suggested readings below) —the term having then no other connotations—and indeed, even today the name of the Bai people of Yunnan, China translates as "white".
As European colonization of the Americas and eventually other parts of the world brought Europeans into close contact with other peoples, the term White and other contrasting racial colour terms, such as black, brown, yellow (Far East Asian or Oriental), and red (Amerindian), etc, came into wide use as a quick shorthand to refer to race.
By the 18th century, "White" had begun shifting in meaning and started showing signs of becoming an exclusive label. European people, including European colonists in the New World, defined the other people with reference to "White." "Black" or "brown" people came to be defined by having darker skin than a "White" person, and the same "color" came to be applied to all non-white people.
German Americans
In the early United States, the term became more exclusive, coming to refer only to those of English heritage. However, unlike most immigrant groups, German immigrants quickly came to be accepted as White. [5]
Italian Americans
Immigrating to the United States, Italians, like the Irish Catholics who had preceded them, were vulnerable to decrimination and prejudice in the predominantly Protestant Northern European majority in America. Southern Italians were often considered non-white due to their swarthy, dark complexions and olive or tan skin. Italians also fell victim to anti-Catholicism and cultural prejudices, and were even subjected to segregation from white students in some Americans schools, especially in the Southern United States. Italian Americans were subject to violence, including the 1891 mass lynching of eleven Italian immigrants in New Orleans. In the 1960's, Civil Rights activist Malcolm X was quoted as saying he did not see Italian Americans as white.
Irish Americans
Irish immigrants were harshly discriminated against due to their majority Catholic religion and that they kept their children from attending public schools, preferring that they remain illiterate rather than be subjected to what they saw as Protestant indoctrination.[6] As late as 1881, English historian Edward A. Freeman (1823-1892) opined that the United States "would be a grand land if only every Irishman would kill a negro, and be hanged for it."[7] As recently as 1920, Irish-American exogamy was 20 percent--less than half the outmarriage rate of today's Puerto Ricans.[8]
Chinese Americans
Nineteenth-century Asian-American men were not considered White, either. Those who dated women of the White group provoked mass lynchings. Twenty were hanged in 1871 in Los Angeles, twenty-eight were killed in 1885 in Rock Springs, and thirty-one in 1887 in Hell's Canyon.[9] Their voting rights were similarly restricted. The 1875 and 1880 modifications of the federal Naturalization Act of 1790 were meant to bar citizenship even from Asian Americans born in the U.S.—ironic, considering that the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the U.S. Constitution granted citizenship-by-birth to former slaves. Nevertheless, Chinese-Americans were eventually accepted as White in Jim Crow Mississippi. Chinese-American children were allowed to attend Whites-only schools and universities, rather than to attend segregated Black schools, and their parents became members of the infamous Mississippi "White Citizens' Councils" who enforced Black segregation.[10]
Eastern European and Slavic Americans
Regarding eastern Europeans, a nineteenth-century physician wrote, "The Slavs are immune to certain kinds of dirt. They can stand what would kill a White man."[11]
Jewish Americans
Again, as with the Germans, Irish, and Italians, Americans rationalized rejection as based on hereditary appearance. In 1911, Franz Boas (1858-1952) concluded in his groundbreaking The Mind of Primitive Man, "No real biological chasm separated recent immigrants from Mayflower descendants."[12]
Arab Americans, and Berber Americans
As with European Jews, and Eastern Europeans described in the prior paragraph, who were not accepted as White in some instances in the past but are considered White by the U.S. government today, U.S. federal agencies agree that Middle Easterners are White. EEOC regulations explicitly define White as "peoples of Europe, North Africa, or the Middle East," and the Census Bureau's decennial form offers no check-box for such a self-identity under the "race" question. See Haney-Lopez (1996) for a comprehensive list of U.S. Supreme Court decisions that repeatedly reversed prior U.S. Supreme Court decisions (back and forth many times) regarding whether or not Afganis, Syrians, Asian Indians, and Arabians are White.[13]
In the American context, where Middle Easterners and North Africans are grouped as White by government agencies, the popular contention of excluding these caucasoid groups of North Africa and the Middle East from the White label has sometimes been based on the argument that there is a significant sub-Saharan component in their populations [5] - a long-spanning presence throughout the history of that largely contiguous region - but even more on their disparate cultural, religious, linguistic heritage and ancestral origins. While it is undeniable that many Arabs in North Africa (Morocco, Algeria, Egypt, etc) and the Arabian Peninsula (Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Oman, etc.) have enough black African ancestry or are dark enough—at times being as dark-complexioned as some African Americans—to be considered black by popular U.S. standards, some may also be lighter-complexioned by comparison, comparable to Southern Europeans. And although some Arabs of the Levant (Syria, Lebanon, Israel/Palestine, Jordan, etc.) may also be as dark as those found in North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula, here, many more are lighter-complexioned. A tiny percentage throughout the entire region (North Africa, Arabian Peninsula and the Levant) may even resemble Northern Europeans.
Indian Americans
In the early 20th Century, Indians were classified as racially Hindu. Between 1950 to 1970, they were classified as White, until an Indian-American group protested to the Office of Management and Budget to remove Indians from the White category, thus making Indian-Americans identify as racially Asian Indian in the U.S. Census. For an example of legal contradictions in United States Supreme Court rulings of "White" vs "Caucasian", see Ozawa v. United States (1922) and United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind (1923). In the first case, the court ruled that Ozawa was not White, despite the fact that he looked White. The court said that in U.S. law, anthropology overruled mere physical appearance. In the second case, one year later, the court ruled that Thind was not White, despite the fact that he was anthropologically "Causasian." The court said that in U.S. law, physical appearance overruled mere anthropology.
Hispanic Americans
Despite differences in ancestry from one Latin American to another, Americans and Canadians tend to label all such people — from the Southwestern United States and Mexico to Central America, South America and the Spanish-speaking Caribbean — as well as Spaniards, as Hispanic, often erroneously giving it a "racial" value. The term "non-Hispanic White" is used for clarity to designate members of the dominant cultures of the US. A question, however, is whether some, all, or no Hispanics are seen as White by non-Hispanic Whites.
Judging by census [intermarriage] statistics, even non-white 'hispanics' (ie. mestizos and mulattos from Latin America) are in the process of integrating into the majority community often labeled as White. Ever since the 1960 census instructions allowed self-labeling, ninety percent of Puerto Ricans have identified as white, and the Hispanic/non-Hispanic-White intermarriage rate in the U.S. is now comparable to the out-marriage rates of Irish Americans or Jewish Americans.[14]
Still, despite such signs of acceptance, the media in the U.S. nearly always refers to Hispanics as if a separate group from 'whites', especially those who are discernably of mixed racial descent. This may be because 'white' is often used as shorthand for 'non-Hispanic white'. Federal agencies' standards have become more precise in this regard. The EEOC explicitly defines Hispanics as a separate and distinct "ethnicity."[15] Newer versions of this form [6] follow the Census Bureau in separating Hispanic self-identity from "racial" self-identity. On the decennial census form, a respondent who checks the Hispanic/Latino "ethnicity" box can, in a following question, also check any of the race categories such as White, Black, Asian, Pacific Islander, and Native American/Alaskan Native. Supporters of this policy claim that statistics on Hispanics as a group must be collected in order to track discrimination, for affirmative action purposes, etc., in the same way that they are for non-White racial groups, and for women. The Bureau, in contrast, simply says that they are mandated to ask such questions by the U.S. Congress.
West Indian Americans
Some members of British West Indians living in the United States distance themselves from American models of Black identity. Actress Gloria Reuben once said to an interviewer who failed to notice several hints: "Stop calling me African-American! I am not African-American; I am Jamaican-Canadian!"[16] Here providing the correct national affiliation is presented as more important than references back to African origins. In the United Kingdom the phrase "African-British" is virtually unknown, along with any other "hyphenated" identity. West Indians' ongoing acculturation and minimisation of racial difference may be compared with Puerto Ricans' a generation ago.[17] Like Puerto Ricans then, many British West Indians now are comfortable with their African heritage and enjoy tracing names, music, or folklore back to Wolof, Fulani, or Yoruba customs; [18]
African Americans
Due to the myth of the one drop rule in the United States, for the past century or so, English-speaking Americans with any known African ancestry, no matter how slight or invisible, have often been categorized as Black. As suggested above, however, non-Anglophone Americans, such as those of Hispanic, Middle Eastern, or North African heritage are an exception, in that those who look utterly European, or occasionally even those appearing mixed, are not labeled Black even though they may acknowledge slight African ancestry.
The one-drop rule is historically recent. As mentioned above, before the 18th century, the terms "Black" and "White" did not designate groups. Before the Civil War, someone's "racial identity" depended on the combination of their appearance, African blood fraction, and social circle.[19]
Nevertheless, that the endogamous isolation of the African-American community has lasted for centuries is confirmed by DNA admixture studies. Many recent studies in genetics and molecular anthropology have shown that there is a surprisingly small degree of genetic overlap between members of the U.S. Black endogamous group and the U.S. White endogamous group. About one-third of White Americans are found to have traces of African ancestry; they average about 23% African admixture.[20] And Black Americans have some European admixture, averaging about 17 percent.[21]
Eventually, in the United States, "black" came to denote African ancestry and "brown" became attributed to mixed-race Hispanics and South Asians (people of the Indian subcontinent), though not much used. In Australia, on the other hand, "Black" denotes Aborigines and "Brown" came to denote South Asians and Middle Easterners/North Africans.
Use of the term outside the United States
In Europe
A common 19th-century European view categorized most White people as either Semitic or Aryan. The latter term was used as a synonym for Indo-Europeans, who were conceived of as racially separate from Semitic peoples on the grounds that the two groups had distinct linguistic histories. This was thought to imply separate ancestry, which was supposed to be visible in different cultural and physical traits. The term Aryan derived from Indo-European speaking peoples who occupied ancient Iran and the Indus valley, a fact that problematised its equation with the term "White". However, from c. 1880 some writers theorised that the earliest Aryans came from northern Europe. This led to the Nazi claim that Aryans were identical with Nordic peoples. Later 20th-century scholars were much more reluctant to assume coincidence between linguistic and genetic descent, since language can be easily passed to genetically unrelated populations.
In the United Kingdom, White is a term generally used for those of northern European descent with those of darker skin colour being referred to as "Latin" or "Mediterranean", in a similar context to usage of White as fair-skinned. In Continental Europe, the usage of the term "White" as a "racial indicator" had fallen out of use, considered obsolete if any. The terms of ethnicity and linguistics are widely employed for autochtonous peoples and immigrant communities alike.
In Latin America
Outside of the United States, people of undiscernable African admixture are considered 'White', while those of slight African appearance are often called "coloured" or mixed race —a blanket term for people of multiple racial heritage. Meanwhile, in Latin American countries like Cuba, Brazil, and the US territory of Puerto Rico, even those of clearly visible partial African ancestry may be considered white, though they (the person) has to decide what (if any) race he/she wants to be acknowledged by.
Unlike in the United States, race in Latin America "refers mostly to skin color or physical appearance rather than to ancestry,"[22] whereas "American orthodoxy is that a single drop of African blood inevitably darkens its host."[23] In Latin America, "the problem is approached from the other end of the scale: A single drop of European blood is seen to inevitably whiten... A person with discernible African heritage is not necessarily immutably black."[24] Upward mobility, physical appearance and lighter skin colour allow for choice of an array of intermediate "categories". According to census takers' instructions in Brazil, "color" is explicitly defined as recording the subject's observed skin tone and has nothing to do with "race." Nevertheless, it has been shown that the same individual's perceived skin tone lightens and darkens on the Brazilian census depending on the rise and fall of his or her socioeconomic success. [25]
Whiteness and White nationalism
The strictest definition held by most White nationalist groups around the world - whether White separatists or White supremacists - is that anyone of total ancient ethnic indigenous European ancestry is 'White.'
White nationalists in the United States often have a definition of "Whiteness" that is much more limited than the official government definition of "Whiteness", in this case, requires not only an ancestry that is solely or overwhelmingly European, but also a psychological identification with the European ethnicity and a commitment to advance its interests. Under this definition, many peoples are excluded, such as Jews and Balkan Muslims such as Albanians or Turks. Despite this "Whiteness" method used by White nationalists, as with many other racially-minded groups, the definitions still vary greatly.
Among some more exclusionist White nationalist groups, a serious ideological point is the bestowing of the "non-White" label upon ethnic European peoples of Southern European and Eastern European (Slavic) descent. Growing numbers of White nationalist groups in the United States, however, have now accepted Southern Europeans and Eastern European peoples as White. This is demonstrated in the written requirements for membership in White nationalist organizations such as the National Alliance. The requirement for membership is that an individual be of "wholly European, non-Jewish ancestry."
On the other hand, some Southern Europeans, especially in Greece, but also in Italy and Spain, consider Northern Europeans as second-class whites, or descendants of barbarians, based on the perception that most civilizations associated with the white peoples were actually Mediterranean.
There are also those who push the idea of a White Proto-European race, and use the Y-chromosome haplogroup R1b as a guide to their ancestry. This genetic marker is associated with the earliest settlers of Europe who took refuge in Iberia during the Ice Age. Today, it's predominant in Western European populations, particularly in Celtic areas of Britain and in the Iberian peninsula, especially in the Basque country.
Social vs. physical perceptions of White
Ultimately, whether any individual considers any other individual as White (or not) often comes down to whether the person "looks White." As mentioned above (in The Epistemological Challenge), physical appearance (whether someone "looks White") is subjective. Physical appearance is often cited as the reason for categorizing entire nations as non-White. For instance, a large proportion of residents in the Arab world are dark-skinned enough to be classified as non-White by the standards of most Americans, especially those originating from the Arabian Peninsula, North Africa, and above all Sudan. On the other hand, some individuals of the same region may "look White", especially those originating from the Levant and parts of the Atlas Mountains. Historic black African genetic contribution in the peoples of the Middle East, however small or large, is also often cited as to their exclusion. Finally, many people of other cultures, including Britons, Spaniards, Latin Americans, who also see specific Middle Eastern individuals as clearly White often disagree with the U.S. perception in any particular case.
It is difficult to disentangle "social" from "physical" perceptions because the latter depends upon the former. How American attitudes changed over the centuries exemplifies this fact. German-Americans were not seen as physically White until the late 1700s. As mentioned above, today most Americans see German-Americans and Irish-Americans as physically White; otherwise they would be listed as "races" on the federal census. Jews are an in-between category leaning towards "White"[citation needed]. Complicating this is that most Ashkenazi Jews more closely physically resemble other Europeans than they do other peoples of the Middle East, while the reverse tends to be true regarding Sephardic Jews (however, over 90% of the US Jewish population is Ashkenazi). Finally, Chinese-Americans are listed as non-White on the census given that they are part of the East-Asian race. Still, in Jim Crow Mississippi, Chinese-American children were allowed to attend Whites-only schools and universities, rather than attend segregated Black schools, and their parents became members of the infamous Mississippi "White Citizens' Council" who enforced Black segregation.[26]
The differences between social and physical definitions of White can be explained as identification of White with the dominant community or in-group, as opposed to the Other. In medieval Europe, Christendom was the community, and pagans, heretics, Jews, and Muslims were the outsiders, regardless of skin color. When the primacy of religion was eroded by the Protestant Reformation, the Renaissance, and secularism, separation of peoples based on religion shifted to concepts like White and civilized, although much of the earlier attitude remained, such as exclusion of peoples of different faiths. In the United States, White consciousness was first encouraged to help maintain a caste system and control of labor; then in the early 20th century as a result of mass politics, the definition of White was widened to include Southern and Eastern Europeans.
The current social climate in the West (primarily in the United States) seeks to be nearly all-inclusive, which is an about-face from the social considerations of the 19th and early 20th centuries. This has prompted other groups to draw comparisons to the "one drop rule".
Social vs. official perceptions of White
One contemporary difficulty of the term is the difference between any given popular definition versus the parameters used for the official government definition in the same locale. In the United States for example, non-Europeans such as Arabs, Berbers, Persians, Mizrahi Jews, Kurds, or Turks may be perceived to be non-White despite the fact that for the purposes of statistics, these non-Europeans are always categorised as White by US government agencies and the U.S. census. Governmental categorisation does not always lead to a sense of inclusion, as these people may be excluded from the general structural concepts of White-American society, and may even experience hostile rejection, particularly Arabs in recent years, especially if Muslim. In Australia, however, those same Middle Easterners and North Africans — and in past decades, even Europeans such as Greeks, Italians, and Serbs — are not categorised as White, rather they are regarded as racial minorities or Brown.[7] This latter understanding of the term in Australia has little to do with White supremacist exclusionism, but rather a traditional, narrower definition of White which has never encompassed Middle Easterners or North Africans; and which, unlike the definition of "White" in the United States, has not undergone continuous alterations to include an increasing number of people.
Criticisms of the term
The broad usage of "White" is sometimes criticized by those who argue that it de-ethnicizes various groups, although the same charge is not leveled at the question of ethnic diversity within blacks. During the era of Jim Crow Laws in the Southern United States, facilities were commonly divided into separate sections for White and "Colored" people. These terms were defined by White people, with White people classifying themselves as White and non-White people being classified as "colored".
"White" as opposed to "Light-Skinned"
There is considerable controversy as to the difference between "light-skinned" as opposed to "White". The term "White" is a misnomer, as almost all people (regardless of race and origin) have pigmentation that makes their skin a color other than white, such as shades of brown or pink. It has been noted that the mixed descendants of light-skinned Arabs (like Ralph Nader) and other racially mixed individuals (like Keanu Reeves and Dean Cain) have been accepted as White by most Americans. In non-western countries, the terms white and light-skinned are sometimes used interchangeably.
The uniquely pale complexion and melanin-deficient hair common to Nordic adults is often considered the hallmark of those seen as White. This phenomenon's cline is densest within a few hundred miles of the Baltic Sea and, unlike other European skin-tone distributions, is independent of latitude (the natives of lands at higher latitudes than the Baltic are invariably darker than Nordics). See Human skin color for an overall explanation of skin-tone distribution. See The Paleo-Etiology of Human Skin Tone for an explanation of the paleness of Nordics and the lack of variation in Native Americans. Genetic research shows that important areas around the Baltic and Scandinavia indicate a high genetic flow stemming from Asia. See Haplogroup N (Y-DNA).
World distribution
Since the era of European expansion, and especially since the 19th century, most Europeans have come to see most other Europeans as White. Hence, one could say that the indigenous habitat of White people is Europe. Nowadays, countries with a majority of ethnic Europeans include all the nations of Europe, as well as some of the countries colonized by them through the 15th century to 19th century, such as the United States, Canada, Russia, Siberia, Australia, and New Zealand. In those nations, the indigenous populations were overwhelmed by White colonists from European "nations".
As for Latin America, countries with a majority population of European-descent such as Argentina and Uruguay are said to be White. The southern region of Brazil has a large White majority (85%), although in the entire country Whites are estimated to make up only 53.7% of the population. This figure may also be inflated due to the discussed above Brazilian understandings and concept of race and racial identity. Additionally, Chile and Costa Rica are also quite European, and possess mestizo majorities (mixed European and Amerindian) where it is not uncommon for the admixture to lean more towards the European element (castizo), many of whom would identify themselves as White. Various other Latin American countries (i.e, Colombia) possess smaller White minorities, typically amidst mestizo or mulatto majorities.
There are significant minorities of European-descended populations in South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe as well as other former European colonies. Many of these nations have experienced considerable political conflict between the White minority (those who self-identify as being descendants of settlers from the former colonial power) and those who see themselves as mixed, or in the case of South Africa those who are seen as non-European unmixed majorities.
White people are also common across Northern Africa and the Middle East. There are also a lot of people who are of partly-white ancestry all over the world, especially in Latin America and the United States, where a lot of people people who identify themselves as Native American and African American, are in part of European descent, and in the case of Hispanics, in some instances of full European ancestry.
See also
- Caucasoid
- Caucasian race
- Caucasian-American
- Human skin color
- Race and Intelligence
- Whiteness studies
- White American
- Black People
Footnotes
- ^ See Bryan Sykes, The Seven Daughters of Eve, 1st American ed. (New York: Norton, 2001) for an entertaining account of how this consensus was reached. For historical reasons, in the 1980s mtDNA researchers believed that the Indo-European expansion was overwhelmingly a spread of technology and language, not of genes, while the those who studied Y-chromosome lineages believed the opposite. Gradually the mtDNA guys (Sykes) admitted more physical migration into their scenarios, while the Y folks (Peter Underhill) accepted more technology-copying. Eventually, both groups independently reached a 20-80 ratio. The mtDNA vs. Y discrepancy is explained by noting that in such migrations, foreign men do the conquering and make the rules while indigenous women get raped and have the babies.
- ^ Guglielmino et al. 1990, Rosenberg et al. 2002 and Cavalli-Sforza 1997
- ^ Cruciani et al. 2004
- ^ Pereira et al. 2005 (view the specific data here)
- ^ See David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London: Verso, 1991) p. 32 for their earlier status. See op. cit. p. 142 for Stephen O. Douglas's acceptance, in his debates against Lincoln, that Germans are a "branch of the Caucasian race." See op. cit. p. 155 for anti-abolitionist tracts of 1864 accusing abolitionist German-Americans of having "broken their ties with the white race" by opposing slavery. Finally, see Frank W. Sweet, Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise and Triumph of the One-Drop Rule (Palm Coast FL: Backintyme, 2005) p. 332 and Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavery: the Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860 (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1961) p. 75 for the legislated disfranchisement of Pennsylvanians of African ancestry by the first state legislature controlled by German-Americans.
- ^ Oscar Handlin, Boston’s Immigrants, 1790-1880, Rev. and enl. ed. (Cambridge MA, 1959), Chapter 5. This fear of Protestant indoctrination in public schools is what led to the drive to open U.S. Catholic parrochial schools, and eventually to the founding of Notre Dame University.
- ^ As quoted in Theodore Allen, The Invention of the White Race, 2 vols. (London, 1994), 1:29.
- ^ Patrick J. Blessing, "The Irish," in Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, ed. Stephan Thernstrom and Oscar Handlin (Cambridge MA, 1980), 524-45, 541.
- ^ Harry H. L. Kitano and Roger Daniels, Asian Americans: Emerging Minorities, 2nd ed. (Englewood Cliffs NJ, 1995), 24.
- ^ James W. Loewen, The Mississippi Chinese: Between Black and White (Cambridge MA, 1971); Warren (1997), 200-18, 209-11.
- ^ As quoted in Mary C. Waters, Ethnic Options: Choosing Identities in America (Berkeley, 1990).
- ^ Franz Boas, The Mind of Primitive Man (New York, 1911).
- ^ Ian F. Haney-Lopez, White by Law: The Legal Construction of Race (New York: New York University, 1996), Appendix "A".
- ^ Clara E. Rodriguez, "Challenging Racial Hegemony: Puerto Ricans in the United States," in Race, ed. Steven Gregory and Roger Sanjek (New Brunswick NJ, 1994), 131-45.
- ^ Employer Information Report EEO-1 and Standard Form 100, Appendix § 4, Race/Ethnic Identification, 1 Empl. Prac. Guide (CCH) § 1881, (1981), 1625. In apparent self-contradiction, this version of the regulation states that the distinct Hispanic "race" comprises, "All persons of Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central or South American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race". [Underline is the author's.]
- ^ One might ask whether Ms. Reuben's scolding reflect a desire to deconstruct the U.S. color line, rather than to distance herself from the Black community. It is, of course, impossible to know Ms. Reuben's innermost motives. But the literature of West Indian resistance to being involuntarily assigned to the Black endogamous group by American society (especially by members of the U.S. Black endogamous group) is vast. See, for example, Stephen A. Woodbury, Culture, Human Capital, and the Earnings of West Indian Blacks, (1993); Mary C. Waters, Black Identities: West Indian Immigrant Dreams and American Realities (New York, 1999); Thomas Sowell, Ethnic America: A History (New York, 1981), 219; or Malcolm Gladwell, "Black Like Them," The New Yorker, April 29 1996. The interpretation presented above makes Ms. Reuben's statement unexceptional. The alternative (that she wants to defy the U.S. social system, rather than position herself advantageously within it) would be anomalous. There is also the issue of whether there is an objection by a Canadian being lumped in with "Americans."
- ^ One might also wonder whether this suggests or implies that West Indians are currently following the same trajectory as the earlier Puerto Ricans, Chinese, Jews, and so forth, who achieved acceptance into the U.S. White endogamous group. That is precisely what the evidence study suggests. Finally, one might ask: "Why have other ethnic groups (Germans, Irish, Italians, Slavs, Jews, Chinese, Japanese, and Puerto Ricans) achieved or begun to achieve acceptance as White, but native-born members of the Black endogamous group have not achieved acceptance into the White endogamous group?" This is a mystery. There is, of course, no physical trait that would prevent it. After all, it is a cliché among forensic anthropologists that the only way to tell if an unidentified corpse is Hispanic, rather than Black with lots of European genetic admixture, is to search the pockets for a shopping list written in Spanish.
- ^ See Thomas Sowell, Ethnic America: A History (New York, 1981), 219. Incidentally, not all those of B.W.I. lineage reject the Black label. Jamaican-descended General Colin Powell, for example, identifies himself as Black.
- ^ See "Chapter 9. How the Law Decided if You Were Black or White: The Early 1800s" in Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise and Triumph of the One-Drop Rule by Frank W. Sweet, ISBN 0939479230. A summary of this chapter, with endnotes, is available online at | How the Law Decided if You Were Black or White: The Early 1800s.
- ^ Although abstracts of most such peer-reviewed studies can be found in pubmed, a current index to recent admixture studies, along with full-text links, is available at: Various admixture studies.
- ^ Heather E. Collins-Schramm and others, "Markers that Discriminate Between European and African Ancestry Show Limited Variation Within Africa," Human Genetics 111 (2002): 566-69.
- ^ Edward E. Telles, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil (2002), 1. ISBN 0691118663
- ^ Eugene Robinson, Coal to Cream: A Black Man's Journey Beyond Color to an Affirmation of Race (1999), 26–27 ISBN 0684857227.
- ^ For detailed sources and citations, see "Chapter 6. Features of Today's Endogamous Color Line" in Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise and Triumph of the One-Drop Rule by Frank W. Sweet, ISBN 0939479230. A summary of this chapter, with endnotes, is available online at Features of Today's Endogamous Color Line.
- ^ "Racial Inequality in Brazil and the United States: A Statistical Comparison". Journal of Social History 26 (2): 229-63.
- ^ James W. Loewen, The Mississippi Chinese: Between Black and White (Cambridge MA, 1971); Warren (1997), 200-18, 209-11.
External links
- Legally white Precedents of legal opinions and judgments authored by US courts in whiteness cases filed by non-Europeans
- Not Quite White: Race Classification and the Arab American Experience, by the Arab American Institute
- Scientists Find DNA Change That Accounts for White Skin
Further reading
- Thomas A. Guglielmo, White on Arrival: Italians, Race, Color, and Power in Chicago, 1890-1945, 2003, ISBN 0195155432
- Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race, Harvard, 1999, ISBN 0674951913.
- Frank W. Sweet, Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise and Triumph of the One-Drop Rule, Backintyme, 2005, ISBN 0939479230.
- Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White, Routledge, 1996, ISBN 0415918251.
- Karen Brodkin, How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says About Race in America, Rutgers, 1999, ISBN 081352590X.
- Neil Foley, The White Scourge: Mexicans, Blacks, and Poor Whites in Texas Cotton Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997)
- Theodore Allen, The Invention of the White Race, 2 vols. (London: Verso, 1994)
- Thomas F. Gossett, Race: The History of an Idea in America, New ed. (New York: Oxford University, 1997)
- Ivan Hannaford, Race: The History of an Idea in the West (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University, 1996)
- Audrey Smedley, Race in North America: Origin and Evolution of a Worldview, 2nd ed. (Boulder: Westview, 1999).
- "The United Independent Compensatory Code/System/Concept" A textbook/workbook for thought, speech and/or action for victims of racism (White supremacy) Neely Fuller Jr. 1984