Jump to content

Political Parties: Difference between revisions

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Content deleted Content added
+
+
Line 1: Line 1:
{{italic title}}
{{italic title}}
[[File:Title page of Political Parties by Robert Michels.jpg|thumb]]
[[File:Title page of Political Parties by Robert Michels.jpg|thumb]]
'''''Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy''''' ({{lang-de|Zur Soziologie des Parteiwesens in der modernen Demokratie; Untersuchungen über die oligarchischen Tendenzen des Gruppenlebens}}) is a book by sociologist [[Robert Michels]], published in 1911 (translated to English in 1915), and first introducing the concept of [[iron law of oligarchy]]. It is considered one of the classics of sociology and [[political science]].<ref name="HughesSharrock2003">{{cite book|author1=John A Hughes|author2=Wes Sharrock|author3=Peter J Martin|title=Understanding Classical Sociology: Marx, Weber, Durkheim|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=NSzhN_ufRSAC&pg=PT127|date=18 March 2003|publisher=SAGE Publications|isbn=978-1-4462-0525-9|page=127}}</ref>
'''''Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy''''' ({{lang-de|Zur Soziologie des Parteiwesens in der modernen Demokratie; Untersuchungen über die oligarchischen Tendenzen des Gruppenlebens}}) is a book by sociologist [[Robert Michels]], published in 1911 (translated to English in 1915), and first introducing the concept of [[iron law of oligarchy]]. It is considered one of the classics of [[social sciences]], in particular sociology and [[political science]].<ref name="HughesSharrock2003">{{cite book|author1=John A Hughes|author2=Wes Sharrock|author3=Peter J Martin|title=Understanding Classical Sociology: Marx, Weber, Durkheim|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=NSzhN_ufRSAC&pg=PT127|date=18 March 2003|publisher=SAGE Publications|isbn=978-1-4462-0525-9|page=127}}</ref><ref name="Michels1915-2021"/>


This work analyzes the [[power structure]]s of organizations such as [[political parties]] and trade unions. Michels's main argument is that all organizations, even those in theory most egalitarian and most committed to democracy - like [[socialist]] political parties - are in fact [[oligarchical]], and dominated by a small group of leadership. The book also provides a first systematic analysis of how a radical political party loses its radical goals under the dynamics of electoral participation. The origins of [[moderation theory]] can be found in this analysis.
This work analyzes the [[power structure]]s of organizations such as [[political parties]] and trade unions. Michels's main argument is that all organizations, even those in theory most egalitarian and most committed to democracy - like [[socialist]] political parties - are in fact [[oligarchical]], and dominated by a small group of leadership. The book also provides a first systematic analysis of how a radical political party loses its radical goals under the dynamics of electoral participation. The origins of [[moderation theory]] can be found in this analysis.
Line 7: Line 7:
==Synopsis==
==Synopsis==
Michels put forward a thesis about incompatibility of democracy and large-scale social organizations. He observed that contrary to democratic and egalitarian principles, both society in general, and specific organizations in particular are dominated by the leadership - the [[oligarchy]].<ref name="Michels1915-15"/> This, according to Michels, was not because of any particular weakness of a particular society or organization in question, but a characteristic of any and all complex [[social system]]s.<ref name="Michels1915-15"/> Such social systems have to be organized along the [[bureaucratic]] principles, and bureaucracies inevitably develop oligarchies. Michels concluded that in any complex organization, and such dominate the modern world, it is impossible to escape domination of oligarchy - a conclusion which became known as the [[iron law of oligarchy]].<ref name="Michels1915-15">{{cite book|author=Robert Michels|title=Political Parties|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=ijae_UIez38C&pg=PA15|date=1915*|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-4128-3116-1|page=15}}</ref>
Michels put forward a thesis about incompatibility of democracy and large-scale social organizations. He observed that contrary to democratic and egalitarian principles, both society in general, and specific organizations in particular are dominated by the leadership - the [[oligarchy]].<ref name="Michels1915-15"/> This, according to Michels, was not because of any particular weakness of a particular society or organization in question, but a characteristic of any and all complex [[social system]]s.<ref name="Michels1915-15"/> Such social systems have to be organized along the [[bureaucratic]] principles, and bureaucracies inevitably develop oligarchies. Michels concluded that in any complex organization, and such dominate the modern world, it is impossible to escape domination of oligarchy - a conclusion which became known as the [[iron law of oligarchy]].<ref name="Michels1915-15">{{cite book|author=Robert Michels|title=Political Parties|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=ijae_UIez38C&pg=PA15|date=1915*|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-4128-3116-1|page=15}}</ref>

{{Cquote|"Who says organization, says oligarchy"}}


The iron law of oligarchy is based on the following logic. First, any large scale organization will necessitate the development of bureaucracy for efficient administration.<ref name="Michels1915-16"/> Such leaders will amass resources (superior knowledge control over the formal means of communication with the membership, and the skill in the art of politics) given them power at the expense of rank and file members.<ref name="Michels1915-16"/>
The iron law of oligarchy is based on the following logic. First, any large scale organization will necessitate the development of bureaucracy for efficient administration.<ref name="Michels1915-16"/> Such leaders will amass resources (superior knowledge control over the formal means of communication with the membership, and the skill in the art of politics) given them power at the expense of rank and file members.<ref name="Michels1915-16"/>
Line 16: Line 18:
{{Cquote|"The masses are incapable of taking part in the decision-making process and desire strong leadership."}}
{{Cquote|"The masses are incapable of taking part in the decision-making process and desire strong leadership."}}


In his case study of his contemporary socialist parties, primarily the [[German Social Democratic Party]]). It was radical organization in his time, fighting for novel concepts sich as adult [[suffrage]], [[free speech]], and popular participation in the government.<ref name="Michels1915-15"/> Michels described how their political program was overshadowed by the expansion of the organization favored by the administrative bureaucracy.<ref name="HughesSharrock2003"/><ref name="Michels1915-15"/> This, Michels observed, can be explained thus" "it is far from obvious that the interests of the masses which have comined to form the party will coincide with the interests of the bureaucracy in which the party becomes personified."<ref name="Michels1915-18">{{cite book|author=Robert Michels|title=Political Parties|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=ijae_UIez38C&pg=PA17|date=1915*|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-4128-3116-1|page=18}}</ref> Michels noted that if an organization dedicated to such principles failed to realize its democratic ideals in is own governance, it is unlikely that other organizations, even less concerned with such lofty goals, would be able to function as democracies.<ref name="Michels1915-16">{{cite book|author=Robert Michels|title=Political Parties|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=ijae_UIez38C&pg=PA16|date=1915*|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-4128-3116-1|page=16}}</ref>
In his case study of his contemporary socialist parties, primarily the [[German Social Democratic Party]]. It was radical organization in his time, fighting for novel concepts sich as adult [[suffrage]], [[free speech]], and popular participation in the government.<ref name="Michels1915-15"/> Michels described how their political program was overshadowed by the expansion of the organization favored by the administrative bureaucracy.<ref name="HughesSharrock2003"/><ref name="Michels1915-15"/> This, Michels observed, can be explained thus" "it is far from obvious that the interests of the masses which have comined to form the party will coincide with the interests of the bureaucracy in which the party becomes personified."<ref name="Michels1915-18">{{cite book|author=Robert Michels|title=Political Parties|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=ijae_UIez38C&pg=PA17|date=1915*|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-4128-3116-1|page=18}}</ref> Michels noted that if an organization dedicated to such principles failed to realize its democratic ideals in is own governance, it is unlikely that other organizations, even less concerned with such lofty goals, would be able to function as democracies.<ref name="Michels1915-16">{{cite book|author=Robert Michels|title=Political Parties|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=ijae_UIez38C&pg=PA16|date=1915*|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-4128-3116-1|page=16}}</ref>

{{cquote|"The socialists might conquer, but not socialism, which would perish in the moment of its adherents' triumph"}}

==Significance==
Michels book quickly became a classic of [[social sciences]].<ref name="Michels1915-2021">{{cite book|author=Robert Michels|title=Political Parties|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=ijae_UIez38C&pg=PA16|date=1915*|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-4128-3116-1|pages=20-21}}</ref> His theory was quickly vindicated on a large scale during [[First World War]], when most socialist parties of that time endorsed the war policies of their respective governments, thus showing that their corresponding party leaders put the short term goals of organizational survival (allying with the state) over doctrinal points of "[[proletariat]] against [[bourgeoisie]]".<ref name="Michels1915-1920">{{cite book|author=Robert Michels|title=Political Parties|url=http://books.google.com/books?id=ijae_UIez38C&pg=PA16|date=1915*|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=978-1-4128-3116-1|pages=19-20}}</ref>


==Quotes==
==Quotes==
* "Who says organization, says oligarchy."
* "A party of the landed gentry which should appeal only to the members of its own class and to those of identical economic interests, would not win a single seat, would not send a single representative to parliament. A conservative candidate who should present himself to his electors by declaring to them that he did not regard them as capable of playing an active part in influencing the destinies of the country, and should tell them that for this reason they ought to be deprived of the suffrage, would be a man of incomparable sincerity, but politically insane."
* "A party of the landed gentry which should appeal only to the members of its own class and to those of identical economic interests, would not win a single seat, would not send a single representative to parliament. A conservative candidate who should present himself to his electors by declaring to them that he did not regard them as capable of playing an active part in influencing the destinies of the country, and should tell them that for this reason they ought to be deprived of the suffrage, would be a man of incomparable sincerity, but politically insane."



Revision as of 13:09, 20 August 2014

Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy (Template:Lang-de) is a book by sociologist Robert Michels, published in 1911 (translated to English in 1915), and first introducing the concept of iron law of oligarchy. It is considered one of the classics of social sciences, in particular sociology and political science.[1][2]

This work analyzes the power structures of organizations such as political parties and trade unions. Michels's main argument is that all organizations, even those in theory most egalitarian and most committed to democracy - like socialist political parties - are in fact oligarchical, and dominated by a small group of leadership. The book also provides a first systematic analysis of how a radical political party loses its radical goals under the dynamics of electoral participation. The origins of moderation theory can be found in this analysis.

Synopsis

Michels put forward a thesis about incompatibility of democracy and large-scale social organizations. He observed that contrary to democratic and egalitarian principles, both society in general, and specific organizations in particular are dominated by the leadership - the oligarchy.[3] This, according to Michels, was not because of any particular weakness of a particular society or organization in question, but a characteristic of any and all complex social systems.[3] Such social systems have to be organized along the bureaucratic principles, and bureaucracies inevitably develop oligarchies. Michels concluded that in any complex organization, and such dominate the modern world, it is impossible to escape domination of oligarchy - a conclusion which became known as the iron law of oligarchy.[3]

"Who says organization, says oligarchy"

The iron law of oligarchy is based on the following logic. First, any large scale organization will necessitate the development of bureaucracy for efficient administration.[4] Such leaders will amass resources (superior knowledge control over the formal means of communication with the membership, and the skill in the art of politics) given them power at the expense of rank and file members.[4]

"Large-scale organizations give their officers a near monopoly of power"

Second, Michels expressed doubts about whether the rank and file posses the skills necessary to compete with the leaders, a concept he phrased as the "incompetence of the masses". In order to prevent the development of an oligarchy, the regular members must be involved in various activities of the organizations, however reality of time constrains due to work, family and leisure will reduce the amount of time that most such members are willing to dedicate to active involvement in organizational activities and politics. This is compounded by the rank and file lack of education, and corresponding sophistication of the leadership.[5]

"The masses are incapable of taking part in the decision-making process and desire strong leadership."

In his case study of his contemporary socialist parties, primarily the German Social Democratic Party. It was radical organization in his time, fighting for novel concepts sich as adult suffrage, free speech, and popular participation in the government.[3] Michels described how their political program was overshadowed by the expansion of the organization favored by the administrative bureaucracy.[1][3] This, Michels observed, can be explained thus" "it is far from obvious that the interests of the masses which have comined to form the party will coincide with the interests of the bureaucracy in which the party becomes personified."[6] Michels noted that if an organization dedicated to such principles failed to realize its democratic ideals in is own governance, it is unlikely that other organizations, even less concerned with such lofty goals, would be able to function as democracies.[4]

"The socialists might conquer, but not socialism, which would perish in the moment of its adherents' triumph"

Significance

Michels book quickly became a classic of social sciences.[2] His theory was quickly vindicated on a large scale during First World War, when most socialist parties of that time endorsed the war policies of their respective governments, thus showing that their corresponding party leaders put the short term goals of organizational survival (allying with the state) over doctrinal points of "proletariat against bourgeoisie".[7]

Quotes

  • "A party of the landed gentry which should appeal only to the members of its own class and to those of identical economic interests, would not win a single seat, would not send a single representative to parliament. A conservative candidate who should present himself to his electors by declaring to them that he did not regard them as capable of playing an active part in influencing the destinies of the country, and should tell them that for this reason they ought to be deprived of the suffrage, would be a man of incomparable sincerity, but politically insane."

See also

Further reading

  • Gordon Hands, Roberto Michels and the Study of Political Parties , British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Apr., 1971), pp. 155–172, JSTOR
  • For a powerful critique of Michels see Colin Barker 'Robert Michels and the "Cruel Game"’ in Colin Barker et al. eds. Leadership and Social Movements (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001)
  1. ^ a b John A Hughes; Wes Sharrock; Peter J Martin (18 March 2003). Understanding Classical Sociology: Marx, Weber, Durkheim. SAGE Publications. p. 127. ISBN 978-1-4462-0525-9.
  2. ^ a b Robert Michels (1915*). Political Parties. Transaction Publishers. pp. 20–21. ISBN 978-1-4128-3116-1. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  3. ^ a b c d e Robert Michels (1915*). Political Parties. Transaction Publishers. p. 15. ISBN 978-1-4128-3116-1. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  4. ^ a b c Robert Michels (1915*). Political Parties. Transaction Publishers. p. 16. ISBN 978-1-4128-3116-1. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  5. ^ Robert Michels (1915*). Political Parties. Transaction Publishers. p. 17. ISBN 978-1-4128-3116-1. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  6. ^ Robert Michels (1915*). Political Parties. Transaction Publishers. p. 18. ISBN 978-1-4128-3116-1. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)
  7. ^ Robert Michels (1915*). Political Parties. Transaction Publishers. pp. 19–20. ISBN 978-1-4128-3116-1. {{cite book}}: Check date values in: |date= (help)