Nationalism: Difference between revisions
Content deleted Content added
←Replaced content with 'hi' Tag: blanking |
|||
| Line 1: | Line 1: | ||
hi |
|||
{{Use dmy dates|date=September 2017}} |
|||
{{Distinguish|Patriotism}} |
|||
{{about|the ideology||Nationalist (disambiguation)}} |
|||
:''”National unity” redirects here; not to be confused with [[National unity government]] or with [[Industrial unionism|Unionism]].'' |
|||
{{Use British (Oxford) English|date=August 2016}}{{Nationalism sidebar|expanded=all}} |
|||
{{Legal status}} |
|||
'''Nationalism''' is a political, social, and economic system characterized by promoting the interests of a particular nation, particularly with the aim of gaining and maintaining [[self-governance]], or full [[sovereignty]], over the group's [[homeland]]. The [[political ideology]] therefore holds that a nation should govern itself, free from unwanted outside interference, and is linked to the concept of [[self-determination]]. Nationalism is further oriented towards developing and maintaining a [[national identity]] based on shared characteristics such as culture, language, race, religion, political goals or a belief in a common ancestry.<ref name = Triandafyllidou>{{cite journal | last1 = Triandafyllidou | first1 = Anna | year = 1998 | title = National identity and the other | journal = Ethnic and Racial Studies | volume = 21 | issue = 4 | pages = 593–612. | doi=10.1080/014198798329784}}</ref><ref name = Smith>{{cite book | last1 = Smith | first1 = A.D. | year = 1981 | title = The Ethnic Revival in the Modern World | publisher = Cambridge University Press}}</ref> Nationalism therefore seeks to preserve the nation's culture. It often also involves a sense of pride in the nation's achievements, and is closely linked to the concept of patriotism. In some cases, nationalism referred to the belief that a nation should be able to control the government and all means of production.<ref>{{Cite book | last1= Nairn | first1= Tom | last2= James | first2= Paul | authorlink= Paul James (academic) | title= Global Matrix: Nationalism, Globalism and State-Terrorism | url= https://www.academia.edu/1642325/Global_Matrix_Nationalism_Globalism_and_Terrorism_author_with_Tom_Nairn_Pluto_Press_London_2005 | year= 2005 | publisher= Pluto Press | location= London and New York}}; and {{Cite book | last= James | first= Paul |authorlink= Paul James (academic) | title= Globalism, Nationalism, Tribalism: Bringing Theory Back In – Volume 2 of Towards a Theory of Abstract Community |url= https://www.academia.edu/1642214/Globalism_Nationalism_Tribalism_Bringing_Theory_Back_In_author_Sage_Publications_London_2006 | year= 2006 | publisher= Sage Publications | location= London }}</ref> |
|||
From a political or sociological outlook, there are three main [[paradigms]] for understanding the origins and basis of nationalism. The first, known as [[primordialism]] or perennialism, sees nationalism as a natural phenomenon. It holds that, although the concept of nationhood may be recent, nations have always existed. The second paradigm is [[ethnosymbolism]], which is a complex perspective seeking to explain nationalism by contextualizing it throughout history as a dynamic, evolutionary phenomenon and by further examining the strength of nationalism as a result of the nation's subjective ties to national symbols imbued with historical meaning. The third and most dominant paradigm is [[modernism]], which sees nationalism as a recent phenomenon that needs the structural conditions of modern society to exist.<ref name="Anthony Smith">{{cite book|last1=Smith|first1=Anthony|year=2012|title=Nationalism|edition=2nd|publisher=polity|location=Cambridge|isbn=978-0-7456-5128-6}}</ref> |
|||
There are various definitions for what constitutes a nation, however, which leads to several different [[Types of nationalism|strands of nationalism]]. It can be a belief that [[citizenship]] in a state should be limited to one [[Ethnic group|ethnic]], cultural, religious, or identity group, or that multinationality in a single state should necessarily comprise the right to express and exercise national identity even by minorities.{{sfn|Kymlicka|1995|p=16}} |
|||
The adoption of national identity in terms of historical development has commonly been the result of a response by influential groups unsatisfied with traditional identities due to inconsistency between their defined social order and the experience of that social order by its members, resulting in a situation of [[anomie]] that nationalists seek to resolve.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=262}} This anomie results in a society or societies reinterpreting identity, retaining elements that are deemed acceptable and removing elements deemed unacceptable, to create a unified community.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=262}} This development may be the result of internal structural issues or the result of resentment by an existing group or groups towards other communities, especially foreign powers that are or are deemed to be controlling them.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=262}} |
|||
Nationalism means devotion for the nation. It is a sentiment that binds the people together. [[National symbol]]s and [[National flag|flags]], [[national anthem]]s, [[national language]]s, [[national myth]]s and other symbols of national identity are highly important in nationalism.{{sfn|Billig|1995|p=72}}<ref name="Gellner 2005">{{Cite book|last=Gellner|first=Ernest|authorlink=Ernest Gellner|title=Nations and Nationalism |publisher=Blackwell |year=2005 |edition=2nd |isbn=1-4051-3442-9|url=https://books.google.com/?id=jl7t2yMfxwIC}}</ref><ref name="Canovan 1996">{{Cite book|last=Canovan|first=Margaret|authorlink=Margaret Canovan|title=Nationhood and Political Theory|publisher=Edward Elgar| location=Cheltenham, UK| year=1996 |isbn=1-85278-852-6}}</ref><ref>{{harvnb|Miller|1995|p=160}}</ref> |
|||
== Terminology == |
|||
The word ''nation'' was used before 1800 in Europe to refer to the inhabitants of a country as well as to collective identities that could include shared history, law, language, political rights, religion and traditions, in a sense more akin to the modern conception.<ref>{{cite book |last=Gat |first=Azar |date=2012 |title=Nations: The Long History and Deep Roots of Political Ethnicity and Nationalism |publisher=Cambridge University Press |page=214}}</ref> |
|||
''Nationalism'' is a newer word; in English the term dates from 1844, although the concept is older.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/nationalism |title=Nationalism|website=merriam-webster.com}}</ref> It became important in the 19th century.<ref>See Norman Rich, ''The age of nationalism and reform, 1850–1890'' (1970).</ref> The term increasingly became negative in its connotations after 1914. Glenda Sluga notes that "The twentieth century, a time of profound disillusionment with nationalism, was also the great age of [[globalism]]."<ref>Glenda Sluga, ''Internationalism in the Age of Nationalism'' (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013) ch 1</ref> |
|||
==History== |
|||
[[File:Flag of the United Kingdom.svg|thumb|The growth of a national identity was expressed in a variety of symbolic ways, including the adoption of a [[national flag]]. Pictured, the [[Union Jack]] of a newly created [[UKGBI|United Kingdom]] in 1801, formed by the merger of the Kingdoms of [[Kingdom of Great Britain|Great Britain]] and [[Kingdom of Ireland|Ireland]].]] |
|||
''Nationalism'' has been a recurring facet of civilizations since ancient times, though the modern sense of national political autonomy and self-determination was formalized in the late 18th century.<ref>Hans Kohn, ''The idea of nationalism: A study in its origins and background'' (1944).</ref> Examples of nationalist movements can be found throughout history, from the [[Jewish–Roman wars|Jewish revolts]] of the 2nd century, to the re-emergence of Persian culture during the [[Sasanian Empire|Sasanid period]] of [[Persia]], to the re-emergence of Latin culture in the [[Western Roman Empire]] during the 4th and 5th centuries, as well as many others. In modern times, examples can be seen in the emergence of [[German nationalism]] as a reaction against [[Napoleon]]ic control of Germany as the [[Confederation of the Rhine]] around 1805–14.<ref>{{cite book|author=Gregorio F. Zaide|title=World History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Kq512SmGMIsC&pg=PA274|year=1965|publisher=.|page=274|isbn=9789712314728}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last=Calhoun |first=Craig |date=1993 |title=Nationalism and Ethnicity |journal=Annual Review of Sociology |volume=19 |pages=211–39 |doi=10.1146/annurev.soc.19.1.211}}</ref> [[Linda Colley]] in ''Britons, Forging the Nation 1707–1837'' (Yale University Press, 1992) explores how the role of nationalism emerged about 1700 and developed in Britain reaching full form in the 1830s. Typically historians of nationalism in Europe begin with the [[French Revolution]] (1789), not only for its impact on [[French nationalism]] but even more for its impact on [[Germans]] and Italians and on European intellectuals.<ref>Raymond Pearson, ed., ''The Long-man companion to European nationalism 1789–1920'' (2014) p. xi, with details on each country large and small.</ref> Some historians see the [[American Revolution]] as an early form of modern nationalism.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.uncpress.org/book/9780807872000/nationalism-in-europe-and-america/|title=Nationalism in Europe and America {{!}} Lloyd S. Kramer {{!}} University of North Carolina Press|work=University of North Carolina Press|access-date=2017-10-12|language=en-US}}</ref> |
|||
Due to the Industrial Revolution, there was an emergence of an integrated, nation-encompassing economy and a national [[public sphere]], where the British people began to identify with the country at large, rather than the smaller units of their province, town or family. The early emergence of a popular patriotic nationalism took place in the mid-18th century, and was actively promoted by the British government and by the writers and intellectuals of the time.<ref>{{cite book|title= The Rise of English Nationalism: A Cultural History, 1740–1830|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=UiTYQ_9ZhakC|author= Gerald Newman|publisher= Palgrave Macmillan|year= 1997|isbn= 9780312176990}}</ref> [[National symbol]]s, anthems, [[national myth|myths]], flags and narratives were assiduously constructed by nationalists and widely adopted. The [[Union Jack]] was adopted in 1801 as the national one.<ref>Nick Groom, ''The Union Jack: The Story of the British Flag'' (2007).</ref> [[Thomas Arne]] composed the patriotic song "[[Rule, Britannia!]]" in 1740,<ref>{{cite book | last = Scholes| first = Percy A| title = [[The Oxford Companion to Music]] (tenth Edition)| publisher = [[Oxford University Press]]| year = 1970| page = 897 |isbn=}}</ref> and the cartoonist [[John Arbuthnot]] invented the character of [[John Bull]] as the personification of the English national spirit in 1712.<ref>{{cite book |last= Newman |first= Gerald G. |title= The Rise of English Nationalism: A Cultural History, 1740–1830 |year= 1987 |publisher= St. Martin's Press |location= New York |isbn= 0-312-68247-6}}</ref> |
|||
The political convulsions of the late 18th century associated with the [[American Revolution|American]] and [[French Revolution|French]] revolutions massively augmented the widespread appeal of patriotic nationalism.<ref name="Smith 1998">{{Cite book|last= Smith|first= Anthony D.|authorlink= Anthony D. Smith|title= Nationalism and Modernism: A Critical Survey of Recent Theories of Nations and Nationalism| publisher= Routledge| location= London|year= 1998|url= https://books.google.com/?id=4O0w3ZH57KkC|isbn= 0-415-06341-8 |
|||
}}</ref><ref>Iain McLean, Alistair McMillan, ''Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics'', "'''French Revolution'''... It produced the modern doctrine of nationalism, and spread it directly throughout Western Europe ...", Oxford, 2009, {{ISBN|978-0-19-920516-5}}.</ref> |
|||
The [[Prussia]]n scholar [[Johann Gottfried Herder]] (1744–1803) originated the term in 1772 in his "Treatise on the Origin of Language" stressing the role of a common language.<ref>{{cite book|author=Christopher Dandeker, ed.|title=Nationalism and Violence|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GlBEwplB1r4C&pg=PA52|year=1998|publisher=Transaction Publishers|page=52|isbn=9781412829359}}</ref><ref>{{cite web | url = http://www.pitt.edu/~votruba/sstopics/slovaklawsonlanguage/Herder_on_Language.pdf | title = Herder on Language | accessdate = 2010-06-30 | last = Votruba | first = Martin | work = Slovak Studies Program | publisher = University of Pittsburgh}}</ref> He attached exceptional importance to the concepts of nationality and of patriotism {{spaced ndash}} "he that has lost his patriotic spirit has lost himself and the whole worlds about himself", whilst teaching that "in a certain sense every human perfection is national".<ref>{{Cite book|title= The Culture of Power and the Power of Culture: Old Regime Europe 1660–1789| url= https://books.google.com/?id=3qCIzooCRlwC&pg=PA260&dq=nationalism+pejorative#v=onepage&q=nationalism%20pejorative| author= T. C. W. Blanning|publisher= [[Oxford University Press]]|year= 2003|pages= 259–60 | isbn= 978-0-19-926561-9}}</ref> |
|||
===19th century=== |
|||
{{main article|International relations of the Great Powers (1814–1919)}} |
|||
The political development of nationalism and the push for [[popular sovereignty]] culminated with the ethnic/national revolutions of Europe. During the 19th century nationalism became one of the most significant political and social forces in history; it is typically listed among the top causes of [[World War I]].<ref>{{cite book|author=John Horne|title=A Companion to World War I|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EjZHLXRKjtEC&pg=PA21|year=2012|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|pages=21–22|isbn=9781119968702}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Gillette | first1 = Aaron | year = 2006 | title = Why Did They Fight the Great War? A Multi-Level Class Analysis of the Causes of the First World War | url = | journal = The History Teacher | volume = 40 | issue = 1| pages = 45–58 | doi=10.2307/30036938| jstor = 30036938 }}</ref> |
|||
Napoleon's conquests of the German and Italian states around 1800–06 played a major role in stimulating nationalism and the demands for national unity.<ref>Hans Kohn, "Napoleon and the Age of Nationalism." ''Journal of Modern History'' (1950): 21–37 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/1875877 in JSTOR].</ref> |
|||
====Germany==== |
|||
{{main|German nationalism}} |
|||
[[File:Barricade bei der Universität am 26ten Mai 1848 in Wien.jpg|thumb|Revolutionaries in [[Vienna]] with [[Flag of Germany|German tricolor flags]], May 1848]] |
|||
In the German states west of Prussia, [[Napoleon]] abolished many of the old or medieval relics, such as dissolving the [[Holy Roman Empire]] in 1806.<ref>Alan Forrest and Peter H. Wilson, eds. ''The Bee and the Eagle: Napoleonic France and the End of the Holy Roman Empire'' (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).</ref> He imposed rational legal systems and demonstrated how dramatic changes were possible. His organization of the [[Confederation of the Rhine]] in 1806 promoted a feeling of nationalism. |
|||
Nationalists sought to encompass masculinity in their quest for strength and unity.<ref>Karen Hagemann, "Of 'manly valor' and 'German Honor': nation, war, and masculinity in the age of the Prussian uprising against Napoleon." ''Central European History'' 30#2 (1997): 187–220.</ref> It was Prussian chancellor [[Otto von Bismarck]] who achieved German unification through a series of highly successful short wars against Denmark, Austria and France which thrilled the pan-German nationalists in the smaller German states. They fought in his wars and eagerly joined the new German Empire, which Bismarck ran as a force for balance and peace in Europe after 1871.<ref>Hagen Schulze, ''The Course of German Nationalism: From Frederick the Great to Bismarck 1763–1867'' (Cambridge UP, 1991).</ref> |
|||
In the 19th century German nationalism was promoted by Hegelian-oriented academic historians who saw Prussia as the true carrier of the German spirit, and the power of the state as the ultimate goal of nationalism. The three main historians were [[Johann Gustav Droysen]] (1808–1884), [[Heinrich von Sybel]] (1817–1895) and [[Heinrich von Treitschke]] (1834–1896). Droysen moved from liberalism to an intense nationalism that celebrated Prussian Protestantism, efficiency, progress, and reform, in striking contrast to Austrian Catholicism, impotency and backwardness. He idealized the Hohenzollern kings of Prussia. His large-scale ''History of Prussian Politics'' (14 vol 1855–1886) was foundational for nationalistic students and scholars. Von Sybel founded and edited the leading academic history journal, ''[[Historische Zeitschrift]]'' and as the director of the Prussian state archives published massive compilations that were devoured by scholars of nationalism.<ref>Louis L. Snyder, ''Encyclopedia of Nationalism'' (1990) pp. 77–78, 381–82.</ref> |
|||
The most influential of the German nationalist historians, was Treitschke who had an enormous influence on elite students at Heidelberg and Berlin universities.<ref>Adolf Hausrath, ed. ''Treitschke, his doctrine of German destiny and of international relations: together with a study of his life and work'' (1914) [https://books.google.com/books?id=z-yAAAAAMAAJ online edition]</ref> Treitschke vehemently attacked parliamentarianism, socialism, pacifism, the English, the French, the Jews, and the internationalists. The core of his message was the need for a strong, unified state—a unified Germany under Prussian supervision. "It is the highest duty of the State to increase its power," he stated. Although he was a descendant of a Czech family he considered himself not Slavic but German: "I am 1000 times more the patriot than a professor."<ref>Snyder, ''Encyclopedia of Nationalism'' (1990) pp. 399–401</ref> |
|||
====Italy==== |
|||
{{main article|Italian nationalism|Italian unification}} |
|||
[[File:Napoli Castel Nuovo museo civico - ingresso di Garibaldi a Napoli - Wenzel bis.jpg|thumb|People cheering as [[Giuseppe Garibaldi]] enters Naples in 1860]] |
|||
Italian nationalism emerged in the 19th century and was the driving force for [[Italian unification]] or the "Risorgimento" (meaning the Resurgence or revival). It was the political and intellectual movement that consolidated different states of the Italian peninsula into the single state of the [[Kingdom of Italy]] in 1861. The memory of the Risorgimento is central to Italian nationalism but it was based in the liberal middle classes and proved weak.<ref>Silvana Patriarca and Lucy Riall, eds., ''The Risorgimento Revisited: Nationalism and Culture in Nineteenth-century Italy'' (Palgrave Macmillan, 2011).</ref> Two major groups remained opposed, the South (called the [[Mezzogiorno]]) and the devout Catholics. The new government treated the South as a conquered province with ridicule for its "backward" and poverty stricken society, its poor grasp of the Italian language, and its traditions. The liberals had always been strong opponents of the pope and the very well organized Catholic Church. The pope had been in political control of central Italy; he lost that in 1860 and lost Rome in 1870. He had long been the leader of opposition to modern liberalism and refused to accept the terms offered by the new government. He called himself a prisoner in the Vatican and forbade Catholics to vote or engage in politics. The Catholic alienation lasted until 1929. The liberal government under [[Francesco Crispi]] sought to enlarge his political base by emulating Bismarck and firing up Italian nationalism with a hyper-aggressive foreign policy. It crashed and his cause was set back. Historian R.J.B. Bosworth says of his nationalistic foreign policy that Crispi: |
|||
:pursued policies whose openly aggressive character would not be equaled until the days of the Fascist regime. Crispi increased military expenditure, talked cheerfully of a European conflagration, and alarmed his German or British friends with this suggestions of preventative attacks on his enemies. His policies were ruinous, both for Italy's trade with France, and, more humiliatingly, for colonial ambitions in East Africa. Crispi's lust for territory there was thwarted when on 1 March 1896, the armies of Ethiopian Emperor Menelik routed Italian forces at [[Battle of Adwa|Adowa]] ... in what has been defined as an unparalleled disaster for a modern army. Crispi, whose private life (he was perhaps a trigamist) and personal finances...were objects of perennial scandal, went into dishonorable retirement.<ref>{{cite book|last=R.J.B. Bosworth|title=Italy and the Wider World: 1860–1960|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VL1vjYQRR-0C&pg=PA29|year=2013|publisher=Routledge|page=29|isbn=9781134780884}}</ref> |
|||
Meanwhile, a third major group emerged that was hostile to nationalism as radical socialist elements became a force in the industrial North, and they too rejected liberalism. Italy joined the Allies in the First World War after getting promises of territory, but its war effort was a fiasco that discredited liberalism and paved the way for [[Benito Mussolini]] and his fascism. That involved a highly aggressive nationalism that led to a series of wars, an alliance with Hitler's Germany, and humiliation and hardship in the Second World War. After 1945 the Catholics returned to government and tensions eased somewhat, but the Mezzogiorno remained poor and ridiculed. The working class now voted for the Communist Party, and it looked to Moscow not Rome for inspiration, and was kept out of the national government even as it controlled industrial cities across the North. In the 21st century the Communists are gone but political and cultural tensions remained high as shown by separatist [[Padanian nationalism]] in the North.<ref>{{cite book|author=Stephen Barbour and Cathie Carmichael, eds.|title=Language and Nationalism in Europe|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=1ixmu8Iga7gC&pg=PA181|year=2000|publisher=Oxford UP chapter 8|isbn=9780191584077}}</ref> |
|||
[[File:Missolonghi.jpg|thumb|Beginning in 1821, the [[Greek War of Independence]] began as a rebellion by Greek revolutionaries against the ruling Ottoman Empire.]] |
|||
====Greece==== |
|||
{{main article|Greek War of Independence}} |
|||
The Greek drive for independence from the Ottoman Empire in the 1820s and 1830s inspired supporters across Christian Europe, especially in Britain. France, Russia and Britain critically intervened to ensure the success of this nationalist endeavour.<ref>{{cite book|author=Alister E. McGrath|title=Christian History: An Introduction|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gIFfXCyAYmoC&pg=PT270|year=2012|isbn=978-1-118-33783-7|page=270}}</ref> |
|||
====Philippines==== |
|||
In the 19th century the [[Katipunan]], a revolutionary society founded by [[History of the Philippines (1565-1898)|anti-Spanish]] [[Filipino people|Filipinos]] in [[Manila]] in 1892, and its successor organizations, entered into armed revolt against Spanish colonizers. On 12 June 1898, during the [[Spanish-American War]], a revolutionary [[First Philippine Republic|Philippine Republic]] [[Philippine Declaration of Independence|declared independence]] from Spain. On 23 January 1899, the [[insurgency|insurgent]] [[First Philippine Republic]] was proclaimed. On 10 December 1898, Spain [[cession|ceded]] the Philippines to the United States in the [[Treaty of Paris (1898)|Treaty of Paris]]. On 2 June 1899, hostilities erupted between the United States and Philippine nationalist revolutionaries. These hostilities developed into the [[Philippine–American War]], which continued into the 20th century. |
|||
====Serbia==== |
|||
{{main article|Serbian nationalism|History of Serbia}} |
|||
[[File:Breakup of Yugoslavia-TRY2.gif|thumb|right|250px|Breakup of Yugoslavia]] |
|||
For centuries the Orthodox Christian Serbs were ruled by the Muslim [[Ottoman Empire]]. The success of the [[Serbian Revolution]] against [[History of Ottoman Serbia|Ottoman rule]] in 1817 marked the birth of the [[Principality of Serbia]]. It achieved ''de facto'' independence in 1867 and finally gained [[Berlin Congress|international recognition]] in 1878. Serbia had sought to liberate and unite with Bosnia and Herzegovina to the west and [[Old Serbia]] ([[Kosovo]] and [[Vardar Macedonia]]) to the south. The Serbians developed a larger vision for nationalism in [[Pan-Slavism]] and with Russian support sought to pull the other South Slavs out of the [[Austria-Hungary|Austro-Hungarian Empire]].<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Levine | first1 = Louis | year = 1914 | title = Pan-Slavism and European Politics | journal = Political Science Quarterly | volume = 29 | issue = 4| pages = 664–86 | jstor=2142012 | doi=10.2307/2142012}}</ref><ref>Charles Jelavich, ''Tsarist Russia and Balkan nationalism: Russian influence in the internal affairs of Bulgaria and Serbia, 1879–1886'' (1958).</ref> [[Young Bosnia|Yugoslavist revolutionaries]] assassinated Archduke Ferdinand. Austria-Hungary, with German backing, tried to crush Serbia in 1914 but Russia intervened, thus igniting the [[First World War]] in which Austria dissolved into nation states.<ref>Christopher Clark, ''The Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914'' (2012)</ref> |
|||
In 1918, the region of [[Banat, Bačka and Baranja|Vojvodina]] proclaimed its secession from Austria-Hungary to unite with Serbia; the Kingdom of Serbia joined the union with [[State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs]] on 1 December 1918, and the country was named [[Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes]]. It was renamed [[Yugoslavia]], and a Yugoslav identity was promoted, which ultimately failed, the country [[Breakup of Yugoslavia|breaking up]] in the 1990s.<ref>Sabrina P. Ramet, ''Nationalism and federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962–1991'' (Indiana Univ Press, 1992).</ref> |
|||
====Poland==== |
|||
{{main article|History of Poland|Polish nationalism}} |
|||
The cause of Polish nationalism was repeatedly frustrated before 1918. In the 1790s, Prussia, Russia and Austria [[Partitions of Poland|partitioned Poland]]. Napoleon set up the [[Duchy of Warsaw]], a new Polish state that ignited a spirit of nationalism. Russia took it over in 1815 as [[Congress Poland]] with the tsar as King of Poland. Large-scale nationalist revolts erupted [[November Uprising|in 1830]] and [[January Uprising|1863–64]] but were harshly crushed by Russia, which tried to Russify the Polish language, culture and religion. The collapse of the Russian Empire in the First World War enabled the major powers to reestablish an independent Poland, which survived until 1939. Meanwhile, Poles in areas controlled by Germany moved into heavy industry but their religion came under attack by Bismarck in the [[Kulturkampf]] of the 1870s. The Poles joined German Catholics in a well-organized new [[Centre Party (Germany)|Centre Party]], and defeated Bismarck politically. He responded by stopping the harassment and cooperating with the Centre Party.<ref>Richard Blanke, ''Prussian Poland in the German Empire (1871–1900)'' (1981)</ref><ref>Norman Davies, ''God's Playground: A History of Poland, Vol. 2: 1795 to the Present'' (2005).</ref> |
|||
In the late 19th and early 20th century, many Polish nationalist leaders endorsed the [[Piast Concept]]. It held there was a Polish utopia during the Piast Dynasty a thousand years before, and modern Polish nationalists should restore its central values of Poland for the Poles. Jan Poplawski had developed the "Piast Concept" in the 1890s, and it formed the centerpiece of Polish nationalist ideology, especially as presented by the [[National-Democratic Party (Poland)|National Democracy Party]], known as the "Endecja," which was led by [[Roman Dmowski]]. There was no place in the Piast Concept for a multicultural Poland.<ref>{{cite book|author=Geoffrey A. Hosking and George Schöpflin|title=Myths and Nationhood|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UoOpBJk52GcC&pg=PA152|year=1997|publisher=Routledge|page=152|isbn=9780415919746}}</ref> |
|||
[[File:Bolivar Arturo Michelena.jpg|thumb|200px|left|General Simón Bolívar, (1783–1830), a leader of independence in Latin America.]] |
|||
The Piast concept stood in opposition to the "Jagellon Concept," which allowed for multiculturalism and Polish rule over numerous minorities. The Jagellon Concept was the official policy of the government in the 1920s and 1930s. Soviet leader Josef Stalin at Tehran in 1943 rejected the Jagellon Concept because it involved Polish rule over Ukrainians and Belorussians. He instead endorsed the Piast Concept, which justified a massive shift of Poland's frontiers to the west.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Sharp | first1 = Tony | year = 1977 | title = The Origins of the 'Teheran Formula' on Polish Frontiers | journal = Journal of Contemporary History | volume = 12 | issue = 2| pages = 381–93 | jstor=260222 | doi=10.1177/002200947701200209}}</ref> After 1945 the Communist regime wholeheartedly adopted the Piast Concept, making it the centerpiece of their claim to be the true inheritors of Polish nationalism. After all the killings, including Nazi German occupation, terror in Poland (especially the Nazi annihilation of the Jews), and population transfers during and after the war, the nation was officially claimed as 99% "Polish."<ref>{{cite book|author=Davies|title=Heart of Europe|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=lMQei5CPZUgC&pg=PA286|pages=286–87|isbn=9780191587719|date=2001-05-31}}</ref> |
|||
====Jewish Nationalism==== |
|||
Jewish nationalism arose in the latter half of the 19th century and was largely correlated with the Zionist movement. This term originated from the word “Zion”, which was one of the Torah’s names for the city of Jerusalem.The end goal of the nationalists and Zionists was to establish a sovereign Jewish state in the land of Palestine. A tumultuous history of living in oppressive, foreign, and uncertain circumstances lead the supporters of the movement to draft a declaration of independence, claiming Israel as a birthplace. The first and second destructions of the temple and ancient Torah prophecies largely shaped the incentives of the Jewish nationalists. While some Jews viewed such travesties in their history as a sign of God turning his back and abandoning his covenant with Abraham, others eyed them as an opportunities for eventual Jewish redemption and punishment of enemies. Many prominent theories in Jewish theology and eschatology were formed by supporters and opposers of the movement in this era. |
|||
It was the French Revolution of 1789, which sparked new waves of thinking across Europe regarding governance and sovereignty. A shift from the traditional hierarchy-based system towards political individualism and citizen-states posed a dilemma for the Jews. Citizenship was now essential, when it came to ensuring basic legal and residential rights. This resulted in more and more Jews choosing to identify with certain nationalities in order to maintain these rights. Logic said that a nation-based system of states would require the Jews themselves to claim their own right to be considered a nation due to a distinguishable language and history. Historian David Engel has explained that Zionism was more about fear that a majority of worldwide Jews would end up dispersed and unprotected, rather than fulfilling old prophecies and traditions of historical texts.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Zionism|last=David|first=Engel|publisher=Pearson Longman Publishing Group|year=2009|isbn=|location=|pages=}}</ref> |
|||
====Latin America==== |
|||
{{main article|Latin American Wars of Independence}} |
|||
An upsurge in nationalism in Latin America in 1810s and 1820s sparked revolutions that cost Spain nearly all its colonies there.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Miller | first1 = Nicola | year = 2006 | title = The historiography of nationalism and national identity in Latin America | url = | journal = Nations and Nationalism | volume = 12 | issue = 2| pages = 201–21 | doi=10.1111/j.1469-8129.2006.00237.x}}</ref> Spain was at war with Britain from 1798 to 1808, and the British Royal Navy cut off its contacts with its colonies so nationalism flourished and trade with Spain was suspended. The colonies set up temporary governments or juntas which were effectively independent from Spain. The division exploded between Spaniards who were born in Spain (called "peninsulares") versus those of Spanish descent born in [[New Spain]] (called "criollos" in Spanish or "creoles" in English). The two groups wrestled for power, with the criollos leading the call for independence. Spain tried to use its armies to fight back but had no help from European powers. Indeed, Britain and the United States worked against Spain, enforcing the [[Monroe Doctrine]]. Spain lost all of its American colonies, except Cuba and Puerto Rico, in a [[Spanish American wars of independence|complex series of revolts]] from 1808 to 1826.<ref>John Lynch, ''The Spanish American Revolutions 1808–1826'' (2nd ed. 1986)</ref> |
|||
{{-}} |
|||
===20th century=== |
|||
====China==== |
|||
{{main article|Chinese nationalism}} |
|||
The awakening of nationalism across Asia helped shape the history of the continent. The key episode was the [[Russo-Japanese War|decisive defeat of Russia]] by Japan in 1905, demonstrating the military superiority of non-Europeans in a modern war. The defeat which quickly led to manifestations of a new interest in nationalism in China, as well as Turkey, and Persia.<ref>Rotem Kowner, ed., ''The impact of the Russo-Japanese war'' (Routledge, 2006).</ref> In China [[Sun Yat-sen]] (1866–1925) launched his new party the [[Kuomintang]] (National People's Party) in defiance of the decrepit Empire, which was run by outsiders. Kuomintang recruits pledged: |
|||
:from this moment I will destroy the old and build the new, and fight for the self-determination of the people, and will apply all my strength to the support of the Chinese Republic and the realization of democracy through the Three Principles, . . . for the progress of good government, the happiness and perpetual peace of the people, and for the strengthening of the foundations of the state in the name of peace throughout the world.<ref>Hans Kohn, ''Nationalism: Its Meaning and History'' (1955) p. 87.</ref> |
|||
The Kuomintang largely ran China until the Communists took over in 1949. but the latter had also been strongly influence by Sun's nationalism as well as by the [[May Fourth Movement]] in 1919. It was a nationwide protest movement about the domestic backwardness of China and has often been depicted as the intellectual foundation for Chinese Communism.<ref>Shakhar Rahav, ''The Rise of Political Intellectuals in Modern China: May Fourth Societies and the Roots of Mass-Party Politics'' (Oxford UP, 2015).</ref> The [[New Culture Movement]] stimulated by the May Fourth Movement waxed strong throughout the 1920s and 1930s. According to historian Patricia Ebrey: |
|||
:Nationalism, patriotism, progress, science, democracy, and freedom were the goals; imperialism, feudalism, warlordism, autocracy, patriarchy, and blind adherence to tradition were the enemies. Intellectuals struggled with how to be strong and modern and yet Chinese, how to preserve China as a political entity in the world of competing nations.<ref>Patricia Buckley Ebrey, ''Cambridge Illustrated History of China'' (1996) p. 271</ref> |
|||
====Africa==== |
|||
{{main article|African nationalism|History of Africa}} |
|||
[[File:The National Archives UK - CO 1069-124-8.jpg|thumb|[[Kenneth Kaunda]], an anti-colonial political leader from [[Zambia]], pictured at a nationalist rally in colonial [[Northern Rhodesia]] (now [[Zambia]]) in 1960]] |
|||
In the 1880s the European powers divided up almost all of Africa (only Ethiopia and Liberia were independent). They ruled until after World War II when forces of nationalism grew much stronger. In the 1950s and 1960s the colonial holdings became independent states. The process was usually peaceful but there were several long bitter bloody civil wars, as in Algeria,<ref>Alistair Horne, ''A savage war of peace: Algeria 1954–1962'' (1977).</ref> Kenya<ref>David Anderson, ''Histories of the hanged: The dirty war in Kenya and the end of empire'' (2005).</ref> and elsewhere. |
|||
Across Africa nationalism drew upon the organizational skills that natives learned in the British and French and other armies in the world wars. It led to organizations that were not controlled by or endorsed by either the colonial powers not the traditional local power structures that were collaborating with the colonial powers. Nationalistic organizations began to challenge both the traditional and the new colonial structures and finally displaced them. Leaders of nationalist movements took control when the European authorities exited; many ruled for decades or until they died off. These structures included political, educational, religious, and other social organizations. In recent decades, many African countries have undergone the triumph and defeat of nationalistic fervor, changing in the process the loci of the centralizing state power and patrimonial state.<ref>Gabriel Almond and James S. Coleman, ''The Politics of the Developing Areas'' (1971)</ref><ref>Festus Ugboaja Ohaegbulam, ''Nationalism in colonial and post-colonial Africa'' (University Press of America, 1977).</ref><ref>Thomas Hodgkin, ''Nationalism in Colonial Africa'' (1956)</ref> |
|||
[[History of South Africa|South Africa]], a British colony, was exceptional in that it became virtually independent by 1931. From 1948 to 1994, it was controlled by white [[Afrikaner]] nationalists focused on racial segregation and white minority rule known officially as [[apartheid]]. The black nationalist movement fought them until success was achieved by the [[African National Congress]] in 1994 and [[Nelson Mandela]] was elected President.<ref>Nancy L. Clark and William H. Worger, ''South Africa: The rise and fall of apartheid'' (Routledge, 2013).</ref> |
|||
==== Middle East ==== |
|||
[[Arab nationalism]], a movement toward liberating and empowering the Arab peoples of the Middle East, emerged during the latter 19th century, inspired by other independence movements of the 18th and 19th centuries. As the [[Ottoman Empire]] declined and the Middle East was carved up by the Great Powers of Europe, Arabs sought to establish their own independent nations ruled by Arabs rather than foreigners. [[Syria]] was established in 1920; Transjordan (later [[Jordan]]) gradually gained independence between 1921 and 1946; [[Saudi Arabia]] was established in 1932; and [[Egypt]] achieved gradually gained independence between 1922 and 1952. The [[Arab League]] was established in 1945 to promote Arab interests and cooperation between the new Arab states. |
|||
Parallel to these efforts was the [[Zionism|Zionist movement]] which emerged among European Jews in the 19th century. Beginning in 1882 Jews, predominantly from Europe, began emigrating to [[Ottoman Palestine]] with the goal of establishing a new Jewish homeland. The effort culminated in the declaration of the [[State of Israel]] in 1948. As this move conflicted with the belief among Arab nationalists that Palestine was part of the Arab nation, the neighboring Arab nations [[1948 Arab–Israeli War|launched an invasion]] to claim the region. The invasion was only partly successful and led to decades of clashes between the Arab and Jewish nationalist ideologies. |
|||
==== Philippines ==== |
|||
Ongoing hostilities between Philippine revolutionaries and the United States developed into the [[Philippine–American War]]. General armed conflict drew to a close in 1902, with the Philippines going on the become a [[Territories of the United States#Former unincorporated territories of the United States (incomplete)|U.S. territory]]. On 4 July 1946, in the [[Treaty of Manila (1946)|Treaty of Manila]], the United States granted the Philippines full independence. |
|||
==== Post-Communism ==== |
|||
There was a rise in extreme nationalism after the collapse of communism in the 1990s. When communism fell, it left many people with no identity. The people under communist rule had to integrate, and found themselves free to choose. Given free choice, long dormant conflicts rose up and created sources of serious conflict.<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal|last=Berg|first=Steven|date=1993|title=Nationalism Redux: Through the Glass of the Post-Communist States Darkly.|url=|journal=Ethnic Conflicts WorldWide, Current History|volume=|pages=162–166|via=}}</ref> When communism fell in Yugoslavia, serious conflict arose, which led to the rise in extreme nationalism. |
|||
In his 1992 article ''Jihad vs. McWorld,'' [[Benjamin Barber]] proposed that the fall of communism will cause large numbers of people to search for unity and that small scale wars will become common; groups will attempt to redraw boundaries, identities, cultures and ideologies.<ref name=":1">{{Cite journal|last=Barber|first=Benjamin|date=1992|title=Jihad vs. McWorld: the two axial principles of our age—tribalism and globalism—clash at every point except one: they may both be threatening to democracy|url=|journal=The Atlantic|volume=|pages=|via=}}</ref> Communism's fall also allowed for an "us vs. them" mentality to sprout up.<ref name=":2">{{Cite journal|last=Huntington|first=Samuel|date=1993|title=The Clash of Civilizations|url=|journal=Foreign Affairs|volume=|pages=22–49|via=}}</ref> Governments become vehicles for social interests and the country will attempt to form national policies based on the majority, for example culture, religion or ethnicity.<ref name=":0" /> Some newly sprouted democracies have large differences in policies on matters that ranged from immigration and human rights to trade and commerce. |
|||
Academic Steven Berg felt that at the root of nationalist conflicts is the demand for autonomy and a separate existence.<ref name=":0" /> This nationalism can give rise to strong emotions that may lead to a group fighting to survive, especially as after the fall of communism, political boundaries did not match ethnic boundaries.<ref name=":0" /> Serious conflicts often arose and escalated very easily as individuals and groups acted upon their beliefs, causing death and destruction.<ref name=":0" /> When this would happen, those states who were unable to contain the conflict ran the risk of slowing their democratization progress. |
|||
Yugoslavia was established after WWI and was a merger of three separate ethnic groups; Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The national census numbers for a ten-year span 1971–1981 measured an increase from 1.3 to 5.4% in their population that ethnically identified as Yugoslav.<ref name=":3">{{Cite journal|last=Berg|first=Steven|date=2004|title=Why Yugoslavia Fell Apart|url=|journal=Current History|volume=92:577|pages=357–363|via=}}</ref> This meant that the country, almost as a whole, was divided by distinctive religious, ethnic or national loyalties after nearly 50 years. |
|||
Within Yugoslavia, separating Croatia and Slovenia from the rest of Yugoslavia is an invisible line of previous conquers of the region. Croatia and Slovenia to the northwest were conquered by Catholics or Protestants, and benefited from European history; the Renaissance, French Revolution, Industrial Revolution and are more inclined towards democracy.<ref name=":2" /> The remaining Yugoslavian territory was conquered by the Ottoman or Tsarists empires; are Orthodox or Muslims, are less economically advanced and are less inclined toward democracy. |
|||
In the 1970s the leadership of the separate territories within Yugoslavia protected only territorial interests at the expense of other territories. In Croatia, there was almost a split within the territory between Serbs and Croats so any political decision would kindle unrest, and tensions could cross the territories adjacent; Bosnia and Herzegovina.<ref name=":3" /> Within Bosnia there was no group who had a majority; Muslim, Serb, Croat, and Yugoslav were all there so the leadership could not advance here either. Political organizations were not able to deal successfully with such diverse nationalism. Within the territories the leadership could not compromise. To do so would create a winner in one ethnic group and a looser in another, raising the possibility of a serious conflict. This strengthened the political stance promoting ethnic identities. This caused intense and divided political leadership within Yugoslavia. |
|||
In the 1980s Yugoslavia began to break into fragments.<ref name=":1" /> The economic conditions within Yugoslavia were deteriorating. Conflict in the disputed territories was stimulated by the rise in mass nationalism and inter-ethnic hostilities.<ref name=":3" /> The per-capita income of people in the northwest territory, encompassing Croatia and Slovenia, in contrast to the southern territory were several times higher. This combined with escalating violence from ethnic Albanians and Serbs within Kosovo intensified economic conditions.<ref name=":3" /> This violence greatly contributed to the rise of extreme nationalism of Serbs in Serbia and within Yugoslavia. The ongoing conflict in Kosovo was propagandized by Communist Serbian Slobodan Milosevic to further increase Serb nationalism. As mentioned, this nationalism did give rise to powerful emotions which grew the force of Serbian nationalism through highly nationalist demonstrations in Vojvodina, Serbia, Montenegro, and Kosovo. Serbian nationalism was so high, Slobodan Milosevic was able to oust leaders in Vojvodina and Montenegro, further repressed Albanians within Kosovo and eventually controlled four of the eight regions/territories.<ref name=":3" /> Slovenia, one of the four regions not under Communist control, favoring a democratic state. |
|||
Within Slovenia, fear was mounting because Milosevic was using the militia to suppress a in Kosovo, what would he do to Slovenia.<ref name=":3" /> Half of Yugoslavia wanted to be democratic, the other wanted a new nationalist authoritarian regime. In fall of 1989 tensions came to a head and Slovenia asserted its political and economic independence from Yugoslavia and seceded. In January 1990, there was a total break with Serbia at the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, an institution conceived by Milosevic to strengthen unity and became the backdrop for the fall of communism within Yugoslavia. |
|||
In August 1990, a warning to the region was issued when ethnically divided groups attempted to alter the government structure. The republic borders established by the Communist regime in the postwar period were extremely vulnerable to challenges from ethnic communities.Ethnic communities arose because they did not share the identity with everyone within the new post-Communist borders.<ref name=":3" /> This threatened the new governments. The same disputes were erupting that were in place prior to Milosevic and were compounded by actions from his regime. |
|||
Also within the territory the Croats and the Serbs were in direct competition for control of government. Elections were held and increased potential conflicts between Serb and Croat nationalism. Serbia wanted to be separate and decide its own future based on its own ethnic composition. But this would then give Kosovo encouragement to become independent from Serbia. Albanians in Kosovo were already independent from Kosovo. Serbia didn't want to let Kosovo become independent. Muslims nationalists wanted their own territory but it would require a redrawing of the map, and would threaten neighboring territories. When communism fell in Yugoslavia, serious conflict arose, which led to the rise in extreme nationalism. |
|||
Nationalism again gave rise to powerful emotions which evoked in some extreme cases, a willingness to die for what you believe in, a fight for the survival of the group.<ref name=":0" /> The end of communism began a long period of conflict and war for the region. In the six years following the collapse 200,000-500-000 people died in the Bosnian war.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Ramet|first=Sabrina|date=1996|title=Eastern Europe's Painful Transition|url=|journal=Current History|volume=|pages=97–102|via=}}</ref> Bosnian Muslims suffered at the hands of the Serbs and Croats.<ref name=":2" /> The war garnered assistance from groups; Muslim, Orthodox and Western Christian as well as state actors who supplied all sides; Saudi Arabia and Iran supported Bosnia, Russia supported Serbia, Central European and Western countries including the U.S. supported Croatia, and the Pope supported Slovenia and Croatia. |
|||
===21st century=== |
|||
Arab nationalism began to decline in the 21st century leading to localized nationalism, culminating in a series of revolts against authoritarian regimes between 2010 and 2012, known as the ''[[Arab Spring]]''. Following these revolts, which mostly failed to improve conditions in the affected nations, Arab nationalism and even most local nationalistic movements declined dramatically.<ref>{{cite magazine | title=What is the point of the Arab League? | date=29 April 2016 | magazine=The Economist | url=https://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21698047-sad-decline-once-bold-organisation-what-point-arab-league}}</ref> A consequence of the [[Arab Spring]] as well as the [[2003 invasion of Iraq]] were the [[Iraqi Civil War (2014–present)|civil wars in Iraq]] and [[Syrian Civil War|Syria]], which eventually joined to form a [[Spillover of the Syrian Civil War|single conflict]]. |
|||
The rise of [[globalism]] in the late 20th century led to a rise in nationalism and [[populism]] in Europe and North America. This trend was further fueled by increased terrorism in the West (the [[September 11 attacks]] in the U.S. being a prime example), increasing unrest and civil wars in the Middle East, and [[Refugees of the Syrian Civil War|waves of Muslim refugees]] flooding into Europe ({{as of|2016|lc=y}} the refugee crisis appears to have peaked).<ref>{{cite journal | title=American Nationalism and U.S. Foreign Policy from September 11 to the Iraq War | author= McCartney, Paul T. | date=Fall 2004 | journal=Political Science Quarterly | volume=119 | number=3 | publisher=The Academy of Political Science | jstor= 20202389 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal | title=Europe's New Identity: The Refugee Crisis and the Rise of Nationalism | author=Postelnicescu, Claudia | date=12 May 2016 | journal=European Journal of Psychology | url=https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4894286/}}</ref> Nationalist groups like Germany's [[Pegida]], France's [[National Front (France)|National Front]], and the [[UK Independence Party]] gained prominence in their respective nations advocating restrictions on immigration to protect the local populations.<ref>{{cite web | title=The New European Nationalism and the Migrant Crisis | author=Clark, Philip | date=12 November 2015 | website=Stanford Politics | url=https://stanfordpolitics.com/the-new-european-nationalism-and-the-migrant-crisis-e989a1a45ac3}}</ref><ref name="WP: Survey">{{cite newspaper | title=Surveys show Russian nationalism is on the rise. This explains a lot about the country's foreign and domestic politics. | author=Arnold, Richard | date=30 May 2016 | newspaper=Washington Post | url=https://stanfordpolitics.com/the-new-european-nationalism-and-the-migrant-crisis-e989a1a45ac3}}</ref> |
|||
In Russia, exploitation of nationalist sentiments allowed [[Vladimir Putin]] to consolidate power.<ref>{{cite web | title=The Rise of the Russian Nationalism, the Secret of Putin's Survival, and the Return of Stalin | editor= Arshakuni, Nini | date=June 2016 | website=Institute of Modern Russia | url=https://imrussia.org/en/the-rundown/media-must-reads/2564-the-rise-of-the-russian-nationalism,-the-secret-of-putin’s-survival,-and-the-return-of-stalin}}</ref> This nationalist sentiment was used in Russia's annexation of [[Crimea]] in 2014 and other actions in Ukraine.<ref name="WP: Survey"/> Nationalist movements gradually began to rise in other parts of Eastern Europe as well, Poland in particular.<ref>{{cite magazine | title=The Problem With Poland's New Nationalism | author=Zamoyski, Adam | date=27 January 2016 | magazine=Foreign Policy | url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2016/01/27/the-problem-with-polands-new-nationalism/}}</ref> |
|||
In a [[United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, 2016|2016 referendum]], the British populace voted to withdraw the United Kingdom from the [[European Union]] (the so-called ''[[Brexit]]''). The result had been largely unexpected and was seen as a victory of [[populism]]. The [[United States presidential election, 2016|2016 U.S. presidential campaign]] saw the unprecedented rise of [[Donald Trump]], a businessman with no political experience who ran on a populist/nationalist platform and struggled to gain endorsements from mainstream political figures, even within his own party. Trump's slogans "''Make America Great Again''" and "''America First''" exemplified his campaign's repudiation of globalism and its staunchly nationalistic outlook. His unexpected victory in the election was seen as part of the same trend that had brought about the [[Brexit]] vote.<ref>{{cite book | title=The Lure of Greatness: England's Brexit and America's Trump | author=Barnett, Anthony | year=2017 | publisher=Random House | url=https://books.google.com/?id=wRWXDgAAQBAJ&dq=trump+brexit| isbn=9781783524549 }}</ref> |
|||
In Japan, nationalist influences in the government developed over the course of the early 21 century, thanks in large part to the [[Nippon Kaigi]] organization. The new movement has advocated re-establishing Japan as a military power and revising historical narratives to support the notion of a moral and strong Japan.<ref>{{cite news | title=Tea Party Politics in Japan | author= Kato , Norihiro | date=12 September 2014 | newspaper=New York Times | url=https://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/13/opinion/tea-party-politics-in-japan.html}}</ref><ref>{{cite news | title=Japan's Resurgent Nationalism | author=Feffer, John | url=http://www.huffingtonpost.com/john-feffer/japans-resurgent-national_b_4609290.html}}</ref> |
|||
In 2016, [[Rodrigo Duterte]] became president of the [[Philippines]] running a distinctly nationalist campaign. Contrary to the policies of his recent predecessors, he distanced the country from the Philippines' former ruler, the United States, and sought closer ties with China (as well as Russia).<ref>{{cite journal | title=Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs | author=Teehankee, Julio C. | journal=Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs | date=2016 | url=https://journals.sub.uni-hamburg.de/giga/jsaa/article/download/1010/1022}}</ref> During 2017, Turkish nationalism propelled President [[Recep Tayyip Erdoğan]] to gain unprecedented power in a [[Turkish constitutional referendum, 2017|national referendum]].<ref>{{cite news | title=In Supporting Erdogan, Turks Cite Economic and Religious Gains | author=Kingsley, Patrick | date=17 April 2017 | newspaper=NY Times | url=https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/17/world/europe/turkey-referendum-erdogan.html}}</ref> Reactions from world leaders were mixed, with Western European leaders generally expressing concern while the leaders of many of the more authoritarian regimes, as well as President Donald Trump, offered their congratulations. |
|||
== Political science == |
|||
Many political scientists have theorized about the foundations of the modern nation-state and the concept of sovereignty. The concept of nationalism in political science draws from these theoretical foundations. Philosophers like Machiavelli, Locke, Hobbes, and Rousseau conceptualized the state as the result of a "[[social contract]]" between rulers and individuals.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199756223/obo-9780199756223-0151.xml?rskey=ZyiKL0&result=121|title=The Nature of the State|last=Miller|first=Max|date=31 March 2016|website=Oxford Bibliographies|archive-url=|archive-date=|dead-url=|access-date=18 May 2017}}</ref> [[Max Weber|Weber]] provides the most commonly used definition of the state, "that human community which successfully lays claim to the monopoly of legitimate physical violence within a certain territory".<ref>{{Cite book|title=Weber: Political Writings|last=Weber|first=Max|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=1994|isbn=|location=Cambridge: UK|pages=309–331}}</ref> According to [[Benedict Anderson]], nations are "[[Imagined Communities]]", or socially constructed institutions.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Imagined Communities: Reflections on the origins and spread of nationalism|last=Anderson|first=Benedict|publisher=Verso Books|year=2006|isbn=|location=|pages=}}</ref> |
|||
Many scholars have noted the relationship between state-building, war, and nationalism. Many scholars believe that the development of nationalism in Europe (and subsequently the modern nation-state) was due to the threat of war. "External threats have such a powerful effect on nationalism because people realize in a profound manner that they are under threat because of who they are as a nation; they are forced to recognize that it is only as a nation that they can successfully defeat the threat".<sup>[[Nationalism#cite note-herbst-war-and-state-62|[62]]]</sup> With increased external threats, the state's extractive capacities increase. [[Jeffrey Herbst]] argues that the lack of external threats to countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, post-independence, is linked to weak state nationalism and state capacity .<sup>[[Nationalism#cite note-herbst-war-and-state-62|[62]]]</sup> [[Barry Posen]] argues that nationalism increases the intensity of war, and that states deliberately promote nationalism with the aim of improving their military capabilities.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Posen|first=Barry|date=Fall 1993|title=Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power|url=|journal=International Security|volume=18|pages=80–124}}</ref> |
|||
==Sociology== |
|||
The sociological or modernist interpretation of nationalism and nation-building argues that nationalism arises and flourishes in modern societies that have an industrial economy capable of self-sustainability, a central supreme authority capable of maintaining authority and unity, and a centralized language understood by a community of people.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|pp=508–09}} Modernist theorists note that this is only possible in modern societies, while traditional societies typically lack the prerequisites for nationalism. They lack a modern self-sustainable economy, have divided authorities, and use multiple languages resulting in many groups being unable to communicate with each other.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|pp=508–09}} |
|||
Prominent theorists who developed the modernist interpretation of nations and nationalism include: [[Carlton J. H. Hayes]], [[Henry Maine]], [[Ferdinand Tönnies]], [[Rabindranath Tagore]], [[Émile Durkheim]], [[Max Weber]], [[Arnold Joseph Toynbee]] and [[Talcott Parsons]].{{sfn|Motyl|2001|pp=508–09}} |
|||
Henry Maine in his analysis of the historical changes and development of human societies noted the key distinction between traditional societies defined as "status" societies based on family association and functionally diffuse roles for individuals; and modern societies defined as "contract" societies where social relations are determined by rational contracts pursued by individuals to advance their interests. Maine saw the development of societies as moving away from traditional status societies to modern contract societies.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=510}} |
|||
Ferdinand Tönnies in his book ''[[Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft]]'' (1887) defined a gemeinschaft (community) as being based on emotional attachments as attributed with traditional societies, while defining a Gesellschaft (society) as an impersonal society that is modern. While he recognized the advantages of modern societies he also criticized them for their cold and impersonal nature that caused [[Social alienation|alienation]] while praising the intimacy of traditional communities.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=510}} |
|||
Émile Durkheim expanded upon Tönnies' recognition of alienation, and defined the differences between traditional and modern societies as being between societies based upon "mechanical solidarity" versus societies based on "organic solidarity".{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=510}} Durkheim identified mechanical solidarity as involving custom, habit, and repression that was necessary to maintain shared views. Durkheim identified organic solidarity-based societies as modern societies where there exists a division of labour based on social differentiation that causes alienation. Durkheim claimed that social integration in traditional society required authoritarian culture involving acceptance of a social order. Durkheim claimed that modern society bases integration on the mutual benefits of the division of labour, but noted that the impersonal character of modern urban life caused alienation and feelings of [[anomie]].{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=510}} |
|||
Max Weber claimed the change that developed modern society and nations is the result of the rise of a charismatic leader to power in a society who creates a new tradition or a rational-legal system that establishes the supreme authority of the state. Weber's conception of charismatic authority has been noted as the basis of many nationalist governments.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=510}} |
|||
===Primordialist evolutionary interpretation=== |
|||
Another approach emerging from biology and psychology looks at long-term evolutionary forces that might lead to nationalism. The primordialist perspective is based upon evolutionary theory.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|pp=272–73}}<ref>David Goetze, "Evolution, mobility, and ethnic group formation." ''Politics and the Life Sciences'' (1998): 59–71. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/4236409 in JSTOR]</ref> |
|||
This approach has been popular with the general public but is typically rejected by experts. Laland and Brown report that "the vast majority of professional academics in the social sciences not only ... ignore evolutionary methods but in many cases [are] extremely hostile to the arguments" that draw vast generalizations from rather limited evidence.<ref>{{cite book|author1=Kevin N. Laland|author2=Gillian R. Brown|title=Sense and Nonsense: Evolutionary Perspectives on Human Behaviour|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2KcbFVBSxWYC&pg=PA2|year=2011|publisher=Oxford UP|page=2|isbn=9780199586967}}</ref> |
|||
The evolutionary theory of nationalism perceives nationalism to be the result of the evolution of human beings into identifying with groups, such as ethnic groups, or other groups that form the foundation of a nation.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|pp=272–73}} Roger Masters in ''The Nature of Politics'' describes the primordial explanation of the origin of ethnic and national groups as recognizing group attachments that are thought to be unique, emotional, intense, and durable because they are based upon [[kinship]] and promoted along lines of common ancestry.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=273}} |
|||
The primordialist evolutionary views of nationalism often reference the evolutionary theories of [[Charles Darwin]] as well as [[Social Darwinist]] views of the late nineteenth century. Thinkers like [[Herbert Spencer]] and [[Walter Bagehot]] reinterpreted Darwin's theory of natural selection "often in ways inconsistent with Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution" by making unsupported claims of biological difference among groups, ethnicities, races, and nations.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=495-496}} Modern evolutionary sciences have distanced themselves from such views, but notions of long-term evolutionary change remain foundational to the work of evolutionary psychologists like [[John Tooby]] and [[Leda Cosmides]].{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=268}} |
|||
Approached through the primordialist perspective, the example of seeing the mobilization of a foreign military force on the nation's borders may provoke members of a national group to unify and mobilize themselves in response.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=271}} There are proximate environments where individuals identify nonimmediate real or imagined situations in combination with immediate situations that make individuals confront a common situation of both subjective and objective components that affect their decisions.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=272}} As such proximate environments cause people to make decisions based on existing situations and anticipated situations.{{sfn|Motyl|2001|p=272}} |
|||
[[File:Maerz1848 berlin.jpg|thumb|230px|Nationalist and liberal pressure led to the [[Revolutions of 1848|European revolutions of 1848]]]] |
|||
Critics argue that primordial models relying on evolutionary psychology are based not on historical evidence but on assumptions of unobserved changes over thousands of years and assume stable genetic composition of the population living in a specific area, and are incapable of handling the contingencies that characterize every known historical process. Robert Hislope argues: |
|||
:the articulation of cultural evolutionary theory represents theoretical progress over sociobiology, but its explanatory payoff remains limited due to the role of contingency in human affairs and the significance of non-evolutionary, proximate causal factors. While evolutionary theory undoubtedly elucidates the development of all organic life, it would seem to operate best at macro-levels of analysis, "distal" points of explanation, and from the perspective of the long-term. Hence, it is bound to display shortcomings at micro-level events that are highly contingent in nature.<ref>Robert Hislope "From Ontology to Analogy: Evolutionary Theories and the Explanation of Ethnic Politics: in Patrick James and David Goetze ed. ''Evolutionary Theory and Ethnic Conflict'' (2000) p. 174.</ref> |
|||
English Historian [[G. P. Gooch]] in 1920 argued that "While patriotism is as old as human association and has gradually widened its sphere from the clan and the tribe to the city and the state, nationalism as an operative principle and an articulate creed only made its appearance among the more complicated intellectual processes of the modern world.<ref>{{cite book|author=G.P. Gooch|authorlink = George Peabody Gooch|title=Nationalism|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=xxqDAAAAMAAJ&pg=PA5|year=1920|page=5}}</ref> |
|||
===Marxist interpretations=== |
|||
[[Karl Marx|Marx]] and [[Friedrich Engels|Engels]] declared that 'the working men have no country'.<ref>{{cite book|author=K. Marx, F. Engels|title=Manifesto of the Communist Party}}</ref> They saw nationalism as a '[[false consciousness]]', which prevented the working class from rising up and ending their oppression by the [[capitalist class]]. |
|||
[[Vladimir Lenin|Lenin]] supported the concept of self-determination.<ref name="Smith (1983)">{{cite journal|last1=Smith|first1=Anthony D.|title=Nationalism and Classical Social Theory|journal=The British Journal of Sociology|date=March 1983|volume=34|issue=1|pages=19–38|doi=10.2307/590606|jstor=590606}}</ref> |
|||
[[Joseph Stalin]]'s ''[[Marxism and the National Question]]'' (1913) declares that "a nation is not a [[Race (human classification)|racial]] or [[Tribe|tribal]], but a historically constituted community of people;" "a nation is not a casual or ephemeral [[wiktionary:conglomeration|conglomeration]], but a stable community of people"; "a nation is formed only as a result of lengthy and systematic [[Interpersonal communication|intercourse]], as a result of people living together generation after generation"; and, in its entirety: "a nation is a historically constituted, stable community of people, formed on the basis of a common language, territory, economic life, and psychological make-up manifested in a common culture."<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1913/03a.htm |title=Marxism and the National Question|last=Stalin|first=Joseph|website=marxists.org|publisher=Marxists Internet Archive |accessdate=10 May 2016}}</ref> |
|||
==Varieties== |
|||
{{see also|Types of nationalism}}Historians, sociologists, and anthropologists have debated different types of nationalism since at least the 1930s.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Wirth|first=Louis|date=1936-05-01|title=Types of Nationalism|url=http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/217296|journal=American Journal of Sociology|volume=41|issue=6|pages=723–737|doi=10.1086/217296|issn=0002-9602}}</ref> Generally, the most common way of classifying nationalism has been to describe movements as having either "civic" or "ethnic" nationalist characteristics. This distinction was popularized in the 1950s by Hans Kohn who described "civic" nationalism as "Western" and more democratic while depicting "ethnic" nationalism as "Eastern" and undemocratic.<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Idea of Nationalism: A Study of Its Origins and Background|last=Kohn|first=Hans|publisher=Macmillan|origyear=1944 |type=reprint|year=2005|isbn=9781412804769|location=New York|pages=}}</ref> Since the 1980s, however, scholars of nationalism have pointed out numerous flaws in this rigid division and proposed more specific classifications and numerous varieties.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Spencer|first=Philip|last2=Wollman|first2=Howard|date=1998-10-01|title=Good and bad nationalisms: A critique of dualism|url=https://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569319808420780|journal=Journal of Political Ideologies|volume=3|issue=3|pages=255–274|doi=10.1080/13569319808420780|issn=1356-9317}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Yack|first=Bernard|date=1996-03-01|title=The myth of the civic nation|url=https://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913819608443417|journal=Critical Review|volume=10|issue=2|pages=193–211|doi=10.1080/08913819608443417|issn=0891-3811}}</ref>[[File:Hitlermusso2 edit.jpg|right|thumb|The ''[[Duce]]'' [[Benito Mussolini]] and the ''[[Führer]]'' [[Adolf Hitler]].]] |
|||
===Civic nationalism and liberal nationalism=== |
|||
{{main article|Civic nationalism}}Civic nationalism (also known as [[Civic nationalism|liberal nationalism]]) defines the nation as an association of people who identify themselves as belonging to the nation, who have equal and shared political rights, and allegiance to similar political procedures.<ref name="blackwell">{{Cite book |
|||
| last = Nash | first = Kate |
|||
| title = The Blackwell companion to political sociology |
|||
| page = 391 |
|||
| publication-date = 2001 |
|||
| publisher = Wiley-Blackwell |
|||
| isbn = 0-631-21050-4 |
|||
}} |
|||
</ref> According to the principles of civic nationalism, the nation is not based on common ethnic ancestry, but is a political entity whose core identity is not ethnicity. This civic concept of nationalism is exemplified by [[Ernest Renan]] in his lecture in 1882 "[[What is a Nation?]]", where he defined the nation as a "daily referendum" (frequently translated "daily [[plebiscite]]") dependent on the will of its people to continue living together.<ref name="blackwell"/> |
|||
Civic nationalism is a kind of non-[[xenophobic]] nationalism that is claimed to be compatible with [[liberal values]] of [[Freedom (political)|freedom]], [[Toleration|tolerance]], [[Egalitarianism|equality]], and [[individual rights]].<ref>Tamir, Yael. 1993. ''Liberal Nationalism.'' Princeton University Press. {{ISBN|0-691-07893-9}}</ref>{{sfn|Kymlicka|1995|p=200}}<ref>{{harvnb|Miller|1995|pp=188–89}}</ref> [[Ernest Renan]]<ref>Renan, Ernest. 1882. [http://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Qu%27est-ce_qu%27une_nation_%3F "Qu'est-ce qu'une nation?"]</ref> and [[John Stuart Mill]]<ref>Mill, John Stuart. 1861. ''Considerations on Representative Government.''</ref> are often thought to be early liberal nationalists. Liberal nationalists often defend the value of national identity by saying that individuals need a national identity to lead meaningful, autonomous lives,{{sfn|Kymlicka|1995|p=34}}<ref>For criticism, see: {{cite journal | last1 = Patten | first1 = Alan | year = 1999 | title = The Autonomy Argument for Liberal Nationalism | url = http://www.blackwell-synergy.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1354-5078.1999.00001.x | journal = [[Nations and Nationalism (journal)|Nations and Nationalism]] | volume = 5 | issue = 1| pages = 1–17 | doi=10.1111/j.1354-5078.1999.00001.x}}</ref> and that liberal democratic polities need national identity to function properly.<ref>{{harvnb|Miller|1995|p=136}}</ref><ref>For criticism, see: {{cite journal | last1 = Abizadeh | first1 = Arash | year = 2002 | title = Does Liberal Democracy Presuppose a Cultural Nation? Four Arguments | url = http://abizadeh.wix.com/arash#!Article-Does-Liberal-Democracy-Presuppose-a-Cultural-Nation/c22zv/558da7580cf298ff2bcbdc82 | journal = American Political Science Review | volume = 96 | issue = 3| pages = 495–509 | doi=10.1017/s000305540200028x}}; {{cite journal | last1 = Abizadeh | first1 = Arash | year = 2004 | title = Liberal Nationalist versus Postnational Social Integration | url = http://abizadeh.wix.com/arash#!Article-Liberal-Nationalist-vs-Postnational-Social-Integration/c22zv/558eaf0b0cf20d45521f9542 | journal = [[Nations and Nationalism (journal)|Nations and Nationalism]] | volume = 10 | issue = 3| pages = 231–50 | doi=10.1111/j.1354-5078.2004.00165.x}}</ref> |
|||
Civic nationalism lies within the traditions of [[rationalism]] and liberalism, but as a form of nationalism it is contrasted with [[ethnic nationalism]]. Membership of the civic nation must be voluntary, as in [[Ernest Renan]]'s classic definition of the nation in [[What is a Nation?]] (1882). Renan argued that factors such as ethnicity, language, religion, economics, geography, ruling dynasty and historic military deeds were important but not sufficient. Needed was a spiritual soul that allowed as a "daily referendum" among the people.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Singley | first1 = Carol J. | year = 2003 | title = Race, Culture, Nation: Edith Wharton and Ernest Renan | url = | journal = Twentieth Century Literature | volume = 49 | issue = 1| pages = 32–45 | doi=10.2307/3176007| jstor = 3176007 }}</ref> Civic-national ideals influenced the development of [[representative democracy]] in countries such as the United States and France. |
|||
German philosopher Monika Kirloskar-Steinbach does not think liberalism and nationalism are compatible, but she points out there are many liberals who think they are. She states: |
|||
:Justifications of nationalism seem to be making a headway in political philosophy. Its proponents contend that liberalism and nationalism are not necessarily mutually exclusive and that they can in fact be made compatible. Liberal nationalists urge one to consider nationalism not as the pathology of modernity but as an answer to its malaise. For them, nationalism is more than an infantile disease, more than "the measles of mankind" as Einstein once proclaimed it to be. They argue that nationalism is a legitimate way of understanding one's role and place in life. They strive for a normative justification of nationalism which lies within liberal limits. The main claim which seems to be involved here is that as long as a nationalism abhors violence and propagates liberal rights and equal citizenship for all citizens of its state, its philosophical credentials can be considered to be sound.<ref> |
|||
Monika Kirloskar-Steinbach, "Liberal Nationalism-A Critique" ''Trames'' 5#2 (June 2001) pp. 107–19 [https://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=qtr-VsOh6X8C&oi=fnd&pg=PA107&dq=%22Liberal+Nationalism-A+Critique%22&ots=p0eE4lJCRl&sig=xeAmTzl7O0L65Ybc3-Le0yis2l0#v=onepage&q=%22Liberal%20Nationalism-A%20Critique%22&f=false online]</ref> |
|||
[[File:2012 UPA March in Kiev.jpg|thumb|Ukrainian nationalists carry portraits of [[Stepan Bandera]] and flags of the [[Ukrainian Insurgent Army]]]] |
|||
===Ethnic nationalism=== <!-- This section is linked from [[White supremacy]] --> |
|||
{{See also|Ethnic nationalism}} |
|||
[[File:UDIK-Nacionalizam ubija (1).jpg|thumb|"Nationalism kills" in [[Bosnian language|Bosnian]], [[Serbian language|Serbian]] and [[Croatian language|Croatian]] is a recognizable [[Association for Social Research and Communications|UDIK]]'s motto against nationalism in [[Bosnia and Herzegovina]], [[Croatia]] and [[Serbia]]<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.klix.ba/vijesti/bih/nacionalizam-ubija-porucili-aktivisti-iz-sarajeva/131109040|title=Nacionalizam ubija, poručili aktivisti iz Sarajeva -Klix|publisher=www.klix.ba|date=9 November 2013|accessdate=2017-06-29}}</ref>]] |
|||
Whereas nationalism in and of itself does not necessarily imply a belief in the superiority of one ethnicity or country over others, some nationalists support ethnocentric supremacy or protectionism. |
|||
===Religious nationalism=== |
|||
{{main article|Religious nationalism}} |
|||
Religious nationalism is the relationship of nationalism to a particular religious belief, dogma, or affiliation where a shared religion can be seen to contribute to a sense of national unity, a common bond among the citizens of the nation. [[Saudi Arabia]] [[Iran]] Egypt [[Iraq]] [[Hindutva]], [[Pakistani nationalism]] ([[Two-Nation Theory]]), are some examples. |
|||
===Left-wing nationalism=== |
|||
[[File:Antiimperialismo caracas.jpg|thumb|left|A political mural in [[Caracas]] featuring an anti-American and anti-imperialist message.]] |
|||
[[Left-wing nationalism]] (occasionally known as socialist nationalism, not to be confused with [[national socialism]])<ref>{{cite journal|url=http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/119472227/abstract?CRETRY=1&SRETRY=0 |title=Class and Nation: Problems of Socialist Nationalism|doi=10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb01886.x|year=2006|volume=35|issue=2|journal=Political Studies|pages=239–255|last1=Schwarzmantel|first1=J. J}}</ref> refers to any political movement that combines [[left-wing politics]] with nationalism. |
|||
Many nationalist movements are dedicated to national liberation, in the view that their nations are being persecuted by other nations and thus need to exercise [[self-determination]] by liberating themselves from the accused persecutors. [[Anti-Revisionism|Anti-revisionist]] [[Marxism–Leninism|Marxist–Leninism]] is closely tied with this ideology, and practical examples include Stalin's early work ''[[Marxism and the National Question]]'' and his [[Socialism in One Country]] edict, which declares that nationalism can be used in an internationalist context, fighting for national liberation without racial or religious divisions. |
|||
Other examples of left-wing nationalism include [[Fidel Castro]]'s [[26th of July Movement]] that launched the [[Cuban Revolution]] in 1959, [[Cornwall]]'s [[Mebyon Kernow]], Ireland's [[Sinn Féin]], [[Wales]]'s [[Plaid Cymru]], the [[Awami League]] in Bangladesh, the [[African National Congress]] in South Africa and numerous movements in Eastern Europe.<ref>Robert Zuzowski, "The Left and Nationalism in Eastern Europe" ''East European Quarterly'' 41#4 (2008) [https://www.questia.com/library/journal/1G1-173464008/the-left-and-nationalism-in-eastern-europe online]</ref><ref>Alexander J. Motyl, ed., ''Encyclopedia of Nationalism'' (2 vol. 2000).</ref> |
|||
===Territorial nationalism=== |
|||
{{Main article|Territorial nationalism}}Some nationalists exclude certain groups. Some nationalists, defining the national community in ethnic, linguistic, cultural, historic, or religious terms (or a combination of these), may then seek to deem certain minorities as not truly being a part of the 'national community' as they define it. Sometimes a mythic homeland is more important for the national identity than the actual territory occupied by the nation.<ref>Smith, Anthony D. 1986. The Ethnic Origins of Nations London: Basil Blackwell. pp. 6–18. {{ISBN|0-631-15205-9}}.</ref>[[File:Brasil ame-o ou deixe-o.png|thumb|Nationalist slogan "''Brazil, love it or leave it''", used during the [[Brazilian military government|Brazilian military dictatorship]]]] |
|||
Territorial nationalists assume that all inhabitants of a particular nation owe allegiance to their country of birth or adoption .<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=1BmPsVvbbdQC&pg=PA22 Middle East and North Africa: Challenge to Western Security] by Peter Duignan and L.H. Gann, [[Hoover Institution Press]], 1981, {{ISBN|978-0-8179-7392-6}} p. 22</ref> A sacred quality is sought in the nation and in the popular memories it evokes. Citizenship is idealized by territorial nationalists. A criterion of a territorial nationalism is the establishment of a mass, public culture based on common values, codes and traditions of the population.{{sfn|Leoussi|2001|p=62}} |
|||
===Integral nationalism, Irredentism, and Pan-nationalism=== |
|||
{{main article|Integral nationalism|Irredentism|Pan-nationalism}} |
|||
There are different types of nationalism including Risorgimento nationalism and Integral nationalism.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ruiGAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA66&lpg=PA66&dq=Peter+Alter++Risorgimento&source=bl&ots=OepZzAHUMT&sig=0fK_FXIqdUZBp5QVrxVmYFjIwbc&hl=it&sa=X&ei=BJpkVPTVJsH-ygPki4CYBw&ved=0CCIQ6AEwAQ|title=Contemporary Nationalism|publisher=}}</ref><ref>Integral nationalism is one of five types of nationalism defined by [[Carlton Hayes]] in his 1928 book ''The Historical Evolution of Modern Nationalism.''</ref> Whereas risorgimento nationalism applies to a nation seeking to establish a liberal state (for example the [[Risorgimento]] in Italy and similar movements in [[Greece]], Germany, [[Poland]] during the 19th century or the [[civic nationalism|civic]] [[American nationalism]]), integral nationalism results after a nation has achieved independence and has established a state. [[Italian Fascism|Fascist Italy]] and [[Nazi Germany]], according to Alter and Brown, were examples of integral nationalism. |
|||
Some of the qualities that characterize integral nationalism are [[anti-individualism]], [[statism]], radical extremism, and aggressive-expansionist militarism. The term Integral Nationalism often overlaps with fascism, although many natural points of disagreement exist. Integral nationalism arises in countries where a strong military ethos has become entrenched through the independence struggle, when, once independence is achieved, it is believed that a strong military is required to ensure the security and viability of the new state. Also, the success of such a liberation struggle results in feelings of national superiority that may lead to extreme nationalism |
|||
Pan-nationalism is unique in that it covers a large area span. Pan-nationalism focuses more on "clusters" of ethnic groups. [[Pan-Slavism]] is one example of Pan-nationalism. The goal is to unite all [[Slavic people]] into one country. They did succeed by uniting several [[South Slavs|south Slavic]] people into [[Yugoslavia]] in 1918.<ref>Ivo Banac, ''The National Question in Yugoslavia'' (Cornell University Press, 1984).</ref> |
|||
===Anti-colonial nationalism=== |
|||
[[File:Crowd demonstrates against Great Britain in Cairo.jpg|thumb|Crowd demonstrates against Britain in [[Cairo]] on 23 October 1951 as tension continued to mount in the dispute between Egypt and Britain over control of the [[Suez Canal]] and [[Anglo-Egyptian Sudan]].]] |
|||
This form of nationalism came about during the [[decolonization]] of the post war periods. It was a reaction mainly in Africa and Asia against being subdued by foreign powers. It also appeared in the non-Russian territories of the Tsarist empire and later, the USSR, where Ukrainianists and Islamic Marxists condemned Russian Bolshevik rule in their territories as a renewed Russian imperialism. This form of nationalism took many guises, including the peaceful passive resistance movement led by [[Mahatma Gandhi]] in the Indian subcontinent.<ref>{{cite web|last=Grant|first=Moyra|title=Politics Review|url=http://moodle.collyers.ac.uk/file.php/465/Politics_Review_articles/nationalism_expansionistanddesrtuctive.pdf|publisher=Politics Review|accessdate=2011-04-16}}</ref> |
|||
Benedict Anderson argued that anti-colonial nationalism is grounded in the experience of literate and bilingual indigenous intellectuals fluent in the language of the imperial power, schooled in its "national" history, and staffing the colonial administrative cadres up to but not including its highest levels. Post-colonial national governments have been essentially indigenous forms of the previous imperial administration.{{sfn|Anderson|1983|pp=37–46}}<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Velychenko |first1=Stephen |date=October 2012 |title=Ukrainia Anticolonialist Thought in Comparative Perspective |journal=Ab Imperio |issue=4 |page=339 |url=http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/85287169/ukrainia-anticolonialist-thought-comparative-perspective-preliminary-overview}}</ref> |
|||
===Racial nationalism=== |
|||
{{main article|Racial nationalism}} |
|||
Racial nationalism is an ideology that advocates a racial definition of national identity. Racial nationalism seeks to preserve a given race through policies such as banning race mixing and the immigration of other races. Specific examples are [[black nationalism]] and [[white nationalism]]. |
|||
===Sports nationalism=== |
|||
{{main article|Nationalism and sport}} |
|||
Sport spectacles like football's World Cup command worldwide audiences as nations battle for supremacy and the fans invest intense support for their national team. Increasingly people have tied their loyalties and even their cultural identity to national teams.<ref>Grant Jarvie and Wray Vamplew, ''Sport, nationalism and cultural identity'' (1993).</ref> The globalization of audiences through television and other media has generated revenues from advertisers and subscribers in the billions of dollars, as the FIFA Scandals of 2015 revealed.<ref>Andrew Jennings, ''The Dirty Game: Uncovering the Scandal at FIFA'' (2015).</ref> Jeff Kingston looks at football, the Commonwealth Games, baseball, cricket, and the Olympics and finds that, "The capacity of sports to ignite and amplify nationalist passions and prejudices is as extraordinary as is their power to console, unify, uplift and generate goodwill."<ref>Jeff Kingston, ''Nationalism in Asia: A History Since 1945'' (2016).</ref> The phenomenon is evident across most of the world.<ref>H. Fernández L’Hoeste et al. ''Sports and Nationalism in Latin/o America'' (2015).</ref><ref>Alan Bairner, ''Sport, nationalism, and globalization: European and North American perspectives'' (2001).</ref><ref>Gwang Ok, ''Transformation of Modern Korean Sport: Imperialism, Nationalism, Globalization'' (2007).</ref> The [[British Empire]] strongly emphasized sports among its soldiers and agents across the world, and often the locals joined in enthusiastically.<ref>P. McDevitt, ''May the Best Man Win: Sport, Masculinity, and Nationalism in Great Britain and the Empire, 1880–1935'' (2008).</ref> It established a high prestige competition in 1930, named the British Empire Games from 1930–50, the British Empire and Commonwealth Games from 1954–66, British Commonwealth Games from 1970–74 and since then the [[Commonwealth Games]].<ref>Harold Perkin, "Teaching the nations how to play: sport and society in the British empire and Commonwealth." ''International Journal of the History of Sport'' 6#2 (1989): 145–55.</ref> |
|||
The French Empire was not far behind the British in the use of sports to strengthen colonial solidarity with France. Colonial officials promoted and subsidized gymnastics, table games, and dance and helped football spread to French colonies.<ref>Driss Abbassi, "Le sport dans l'empire français: un instrument de domination?." ''Outre-mers'' 96.364 (2009): 5–15. [http://www.persee.fr/doc/outre_1631-0438_2009_num_96_364_4411 online]</ref> |
|||
=== Gendered and Muscular nationalism === |
|||
Feminist critique interprets nationalism as a mechanism through which sexual control and repression are justified and legitimised, often by a dominant masculine power. The [[Gender|gendering]] of nationalism through socially constructed notions of [[masculinity]] and [[femininity]] not only shapes what masculine and feminine participation in the building of that nation will look like, but also how the nation will be imagined by nationalists.<ref name=":4">{{Cite journal|last=Banerjee|first=Sikata|title=Gender and nationalism: the masculinization of hinduism and female political participation in india|url=http://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0277539503000190|journal=Women's Studies International Forum|volume=26|issue=2|pages=167–179|doi=10.1016/s0277-5395(03)00019-0}}</ref> A nation having its own identity is viewed as necessary, and often inevitable, and these identities are gendered.<ref name=":5">{{Cite journal|last=Mackay|first=Eva|date=2000|title=Death by Landscape: Race, Nature and Gender in the Canadian Nationalist Mythology|url=http://cws.journals.yorku.ca/index.php/cws/article/view/7618/6749|journal=Canadian Woman Studies|volume=20|pages=125-130|via=Journals.Yorku}}</ref> The physical land itself is often gendered as female (i.e. "Motherland"), with a body in constant danger of violation by foreign males, while national pride and protectiveness of "her" borders is gendered as masculine.<ref>{{Cite book|title=The Woman and War Reader|last=Peterson|first=Spike V.|publisher=New York University Press|year=1998|isbn=978-0814751459|editor-last=Turpin|editor-first=Jennifer|location=New York|pages=41-49|chapter=Gendered nationalism: Reproducing "Us" versus "Them"|editor-last2=Lorentzen|editor-first2=Lois Ann}}</ref> |
|||
[[File:US_Patriotic_Army_Recruiting_Poster_WW2_Then_Now_Forever.jpg|thumb|World War 2 United States Patriotic Army Recruiting Poster]] |
|||
History, political ideologies, and religions place most nations along a continuum of muscular nationalism.<ref name=":5" /> Muscular nationalism conceptualises a nation’s identity as being derived from muscular or masculine attributes that are unique to a particular country.<ref name=":5" /> If definitions of nationalism and gender are understood as socially and culturally constructed, the two may be constructed in conjunction by invoking an [[Ingroups and outgroups|"us" versus "them" dichotomy]] for the purpose of the exclusion of the so-called "other," who is used to reinforce the unifying ties of the nation.<ref name=":4" /> The empowerment of one gender, nation or sexuality tends to occur at the expense and disempowerment of another; in this way, nationalism can be used as an instrument to perpetuate [[Heteronormativity|heteronormative]] structures of power.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Gender Ironies of Nationalism|last=Mayer|first=Tamar|publisher=Psychology Press|year=2000|isbn=|location=|pages=}}</ref> The gendered manner in which dominant nationalism has been imagined in most states in the world has had important implications on not only individual’s lived experience, but on international relations.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Robidoux|first=Michael A.|date=2002|title=Imagining a Canadian Identity through Sport: A Historical Interpretation of Lacrosse and Hockey|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4129220|journal=The Journal of American Folklore|volume=115|issue=456|pages=209–225|doi=10.2307/4129220}}</ref> [[Colonialism]] is heavily connected to muscular nationalism, from research linking [[British Empire|British]] [[hegemonic masculinity]] and [[empire-building]],<ref name=":4" /> to [[Intersectionality|intersectional]] oppression being justified by colonialist images of “others”, a practice integral in the formation of Western identity.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Orientalism|last=Said|first=Edward|publisher=Vintage Books|year=1979|isbn=0-394-74067-X|location=New York|pages=1-368}}</ref> This “othering” may come in the form of [[orientalism]], whereby the East is [[Feminization (sociology)|feminized]] and [[Sexualization|sexualized]] by the West. The imagined feminine East, or “other,” exists in contrast to the masculine West. |
|||
The status of conquered nations can become a causality dilemma: the nation was “conquered because they were effeminate and seen as effeminate because they were conquered.”<ref name=":4" /> In defeat they are considered militaristically unskilled, not aggressive, and thus not muscular. In order for a nation to be considered “proper”, it must possess the male-gendered characteristics of virility, as opposed to the stereotypically female characteristics of subservience and dependency.<ref name=":5" /> Muscular nationalism is often inseparable from the concept of a [[warrior]], which shares [[Ideology|ideological]] commonalities across many nations; they are defined by the masculine notions of aggression, willingness to engage in war, decisiveness, and muscular strength, as opposed to the feminine notions of peacefulness, weakness, non-violence, and compassion.<ref name=":4" /> This masculinized image of a warrior has been theorised to be “the culmination of a series of gendered historical and social processes" played out in a national and international context.<ref name=":4" /> Ideas of cultural [[dualism]]—of a martial man and chaste woman—which are implicit in muscular nationalism, underline the [[Race (human categorization)|raced]], [[Social class|classed]], [[Gender|gendered]], and [[Heteronormativity|heteronormative]] nature of dominant national identity.<ref name=":5" /> |
|||
Nations and gender systems are mutually supportive [[Social constructionism|constructions]]: the nation fulfils the masculine ideals of comradeship and brotherhood.<ref name=":6">{{Cite journal|last=Waetjen|first=Thembisa|date=2001|title=The Limits of Gender Rhetoric for Nationalism: A Case Study from Southern Africa|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/658064|journal=Theory and Society|volume=30|pages=121–152|via=JSTOR}}</ref> Masculinity has been cited as a notable factor in producing political militancy.<ref name=":6" /> A common feature of national crisis is a drastic shift in the socially acceptable ways of being a man,<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Alison|first=Miranda|date=2007|title=Wartime Sexual Violence: Women's Human Rights and Questions of Masculinity|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/20097951.|journal=Review of International Studies|volume=33|pages=75–90|via=JSTOR}}</ref> which then helps to shape the gendered perception of the nation as a whole. |
|||
===Criticisms=== |
|||
{{See also|Internationalism (politics)|Anti-nationalism}} |
|||
Critics of nationalism have argued that it is often unclear what constitutes a "nation", or whether a nation is a legitimate unit of political rule. Nationalists hold that the boundaries of a nation and a state should coincide with one another, thus nationalism tends to oppose [[multiculturalism]].<ref name = Heywood>{{cite book| last=Heywood| first=Andrew|title=Political Theory: An Introduction|publisher=Macmillan Press| location=London| year=1999| edition=2nd|pages=97–98|isbn=0-333-76091-3}}</ref> In doing so, nationalism serves to marginalize minorities who live within a [[nation-state]] but do not share the necessary characteristics to be considered part of the nation.<ref name = Aguettant>{{cite journal | last1 = Aguettant | first1 = Joseph | year = 1996 | title = Impact of Population Registration on Hill Tribe Development in Thailand | journal = Asia-Pacific Population Journal | volume = 11 | issue = 4 | pages = 47–72.| pmid = 12347778 }}</ref><ref name = Laungaramsri>{{cite book| last1 = Laungaramsri | first1 = Pinkaew | year = 2003 | chapter = Constructing Marginality: The Hill Tribe Karen and Their Shifting Locations within Thai State and Public Perspectives | title = Living at the Edge of Thai Society: The Karen in the Highlands of Northern Thailand | editor = Claudio Delang | publisher = RoutledgeCurzon}}</ref> It can also lead to conflict when more than one national group finds itself claiming rights to a particular territory or seeking to take control of the state.<ref name="Triandafyllidou"/> |
|||
Philosopher [[A.C. Grayling]] describes nations as artificial constructs, "their boundaries drawn in the blood of past wars". He argues that "there is no country on earth which is not home to more than one different but usually coexisting culture. Cultural heritage is not the same thing as national identity".<ref>{{cite book|last=Grayling|first=A.C.|title=The Meaning of Things: Applying Philosophy to Life.|publisher=Weidenfeld & Nicolson| location=London| year=2001| pages=78–79| isbn=0-297-60758-8}}</ref> |
|||
[[File:AmericanFries.JPG|thumbnail|A snack bar sign advertising [[Freedom fries|"American" fries]] at [[Knott's Berry Farm]]. The sign formerly read "French".]] |
|||
Nationalism is inherently divisive because it highlights perceived differences between people, emphasizing an individual's identification with their own nation. The idea is also potentially oppressive because it submerges individual identity within a national whole, and gives elites or political leaders potential opportunities to manipulate or control [[Common people|the masses]].<ref>{{cite book|last=Heywood|first=Andrew|title=Key Concepts in Politics|publisher=Macmillan Press|location=London|year=2000|page=256|isbn=0-333-77095-1}}</ref> Much of the early opposition to nationalism was related to its geopolitical ideal of a separate state for every nation. The classic nationalist movements of the 19th century rejected the very existence of the multi-ethnic empires in Europe. Even in that early stage, however, there was an ideological critique of nationalism. That has developed into several forms of [[Internationalism (politics)|Internationalism]] and [[anti-nationalism]] in the western world. The [[Islamic revival]] of the 20th century also produced an [[Islamism|Islamist]] critique of the nation-state. (see [[Pan-Islamism]]) |
|||
At the end of the 19th century, [[Marxism|Marxists]] and other [[socialism|socialists]] and [[communism|communists]] (such as [[Rosa Luxemburg]]) produced political analysis that were critical of the nationalist movements then active in [[central Europe|central]] and eastern Europe, although a variety of other contemporary socialists and communists, from [[Vladimir Lenin]] (a communist) to [[Józef Piłsudski]] (a socialist), were more sympathetic to national [[self-determination]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.marxists.org/archive/cliff/works/1959/rosalux/6-natquest.htm |title=Rosa Luxemburg and the national question |accessdate=2008-08-02|last=Cliff |first=Tony |authorlink=Tony Cliff|year=1959|publisher=[[Marxists Internet Archive]]}}</ref> |
|||
In his classic essay on the topic [[George Orwell]] distinguishes nationalism from patriotism, which he defines as devotion to a particular place. Nationalism, more abstractly, is "power-hunger tempered by self-deception."<ref name=NonN>George Orwell, [http://orwell.ru/library/essays/nationalism/english/e_nat Notes on Nationalism], [http://orwell.ru orwell.ru].</ref> |
|||
For Orwell, the nationalist is more likely than not dominated by irrational negative impulses: |
|||
{{quote|There are, for example, Trotskyists who have become simply enemies of the U.S.S.R. without developing a corresponding loyalty to any other unit. When one grasps the implications of this, the nature of what I mean by nationalism becomes a good deal clearer. A nationalist is one who thinks solely, or mainly, in terms of competitive prestige. He may be a positive or a negative nationalist—that is, he may use his mental energy either in boosting or in denigrating—but at any rate his thoughts always turn on victories, defeats, triumphs and humiliations. He sees history, especially contemporary history, as the endless rise and decline of great power units and every event that happens seems to him a demonstration that his own side is on the upgrade and some hated rival is on the downgrade. But finally, it is important not to confuse nationalism with mere worship of success. The nationalist does not go on the principle of simply ganging up with the strongest side. On the contrary, having picked his side, he persuades himself that it is the strongest and is able to stick to his belief even when the facts are overwhelmingly against him.<ref name=NonN />}} |
|||
In the [[liberalism|liberal political tradition]] there was mostly a negative attitude toward nationalism as a dangerous force and a cause of conflict and war between nation-states. The historian [[Lord Acton]] put the case against "nationalism as insanity" in 1862. He argued that nationalism suppresses minorities, it places country above moral principles and especially it creates a dangerous individual attachment to the state. However Acton opposed democracy and was trying to defend the pope from Italian nationalism.<ref>{{cite journal | last1 = Lang | first1 = Timothy | year = 2002 | title = Lord Acton and 'the Insanity of Nationality' | journal = Journal of the History of Ideas | volume = 63 | issue = 1| pages = 129–49 | jstor=3654261 | doi=10.2307/3654261}}</ref> Since the late 20th century liberals have been increasingly divided, with some philosophers such as [[Michael Walzer]], [[Isaiah Berlin]], [[Charles Taylor (philosopher)|Charles Taylor]] and [[David Miller (philosopher)|David Miller]] emphasizing that a liberal society needed to be based in a stable nation state.<ref>Motyl 1:298</ref> |
|||
The [[Pacifism|pacifist]] critique of nationalism also concentrates on the violence of nationalist movements, the associated [[militarism]], and on conflicts between nations inspired by [[jingoism]] or [[chauvinism]]. National symbols and patriotic assertiveness are in some countries discredited by their historical link with past wars, especially in Germany. British pacifist [[Bertrand Russell]] criticizes nationalism for diminishing the individual's capacity to judge his or her fatherland's foreign policy.<ref>''Russell Speaks His Mind'', 1960. Fletcher and son Ltd., Norwich, United Kingdom</ref> [[Albert Einstein]] stated that "Nationalism is an infantile disease. It is the measles of mankind."<ref>{{cite news |last=Viereck |first=George Sylvester |title=What Life Means to Einstein |url=http://www.saturdayeveningpost.com/wp-content/uploads/satevepost/what_life_means_to_einstein.pdf |accessdate=2013-05-19 |newspaper=[[The Saturday Evening Post]] |date=26 October 1929 |authorlink=George Sylvester Viereck|page=117}}</ref> |
|||
==See also== |
|||
{{commons category|Symbols of national identity}} |
|||
* [[Gellner's theory of nationalism]] |
|||
* [[Global issue]] |
|||
* [[Historiography and nationalism]] |
|||
* [[List of figures in nationalism]] |
|||
* [[List of historical autonomist and secessionist movements]] |
|||
* [[List of nationalist conflicts]] |
|||
* [[:Category:Nationalism by country or region|List of nationalism in countries and regions]] |
|||
* [[List of nationalist organizations]] |
|||
* [[List of active nationalist parties in Europe]] |
|||
* [[Lists of active separatist movements]] |
|||
* [[Patriotism]] |
|||
* [[National memory]] |
|||
* [[Nationalism studies]], an interdisciplinary academic field devoted to the study of nationalism |
|||
==Notes== |
|||
{{Reflist}} |
|||
==References== |
|||
* {{cite book|last=Anderson|first=Benedict|title=Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism |year=1983 |publisher=Verso |location=London |isbn=0-86091-059-8 |authorlink=Benedict Anderson |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4mmoZFtCpuoC&printsec=frontcover |ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{Cite book|last=Billig |first=Michael |authorlink=Michael Billig |title=Banal Nationalism |publisher=Sage |location=London |year=1995 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VV18cdwqVf4C&printsec=frontcover |isbn=0-8039-7525-2 |ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{Cite book |editor-last =Delanty | editor-first =Gerard |editor2-last=Kumar |editor2-first=Krishan |editor2-link=Krishan Kumar |title=The Sage Handbook of Nations and Nationalism |location =London |publisher=Sage Publications |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3Y3zK_jyagQC&printsec=frontcover |isbn=1-4129-0101-4 |year =2006 |ref=harv}} |
|||
* Hayes, Carlton J. ''The Historical Evolution of Modern Nationalism'' (1928) the first major scholarly survey. |
|||
* {{cite book |last=Hobsbawm |first=Eric J. |authorlink=Eric Hobsbawm |title=Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality |year=1992 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge |isbn=0-521-43961-2 |edition=2nd|ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{cite book |last=James |first=Paul |authorlink=Paul James (academic) |title=Nation Formation: Towards a Theory of Abstract Community | url= https://books.google.com/books?isbn=0761950737 | year=1996 |publisher=Sage Publications |location=London |isbn=0-7619-5072-9 |ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{cite book |last=James |first=Paul |authorlink=Paul James (academic) |title=Globalism, Nationalism, Tribalism: Bringing Theory Back In |url= https://www.academia.edu/1642214/Globalism_Nationalism_Tribalism_Bringing_Theory_Back_In_author_Sage_Publications_London_2006 | year=2006 | publisher= Sage Publications |location=London}} |
|||
* Kohn, Hans. ''The idea of nationalism: A study in its origins and background'' (1944; 2nd ed. 2005 with introduction by Craig Calhoun). 735pp; an often-cited classic |
|||
* {{Cite book|last=Kymlicka |first=Will |authorlink=Will Kymlicka |title=Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights |publisher=Clarendon Press |location=Oxford |year=1995 |isbn=0-19-827949-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=w5Kaqqy-W78C&printsec=frontcover |ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{Cite book|year=2001 |editor-last=Leoussi |editor-first =Athena S. |title=Encyclopedia of Nationalism |location=New Brunswick, N.J |publisher=Transaction Publishers |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9_vuJusOJkMC&pg=PA62 |isbn=0-7658-0002-0 |ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{Cite book| last= Miller| first=David |authorlink=David Miller (political theorist) |title=On Nationality |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford |year=1995 |isbn=0-19-828047-5 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=naLMTURfICAC&printsec=frontcover |ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{Cite book|year=2001| editor-link=Alexander J. Motyl|editor-last=Motyl|editor-first =Alexander|title=Encyclopedia of Nationalism|location=San Diego|publisher=Academic Press 2 vol.|isbn=0-12-227230-7|ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{Cite book |author-link=Louis Leo Snyder |last=Snyder |first=Louis L. |title=Encyclopedia of Nationalism |location=New York |publisher=Paragon House |isbn=1-55778-167-2 |url=https://books.google.com/?id=8ogYAAAAIAAJ |year =1990 |ref=harv}} |
|||
==Further reading== |
|||
* Baycroft, Timothy. ''Nationalism in Europe 1789–1945'' (1998), textbook; 104 pp. |
|||
* {{cite book |last=Breuilly |first=John |title=Nationalism and the State |year=1994|edition=2nd|publisher=University of Chicago Press |isbn=0-226-07414-5 |ref=harv}} |
|||
* Breuilly, John, ed. ''The Oxford handbook of the history of nationalism'' (Oxford UP, 2013). |
|||
* {{cite book |last=Brubaker |first=Rogers |authorlink=Rogers Brubaker |title=Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe |year=1996 |publisher=Cambridge UP|isbn=0-521-57224-X |ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{cite journal |last1=De Benoist |first1=Alain |date=Summer 2004 |title=On Identity |journal=[[Telos (journal)|Telos]] |volume=2004 |issue=128 |url=http://journal.telospress.com/cgi/content/abstract/2004/128/9}} |
|||
* Gellner, Ernest. ''Nations and Nationalism'' (2nd ed. 2009). |
|||
* Gerrits, ''Nationalism in Europe since 1945'' (2015). |
|||
* {{cite book|last=Greenfeld|first=Liah|title=Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity |year=1992 |publisher=Harvard University Press |isbn=0-674-60318-4 |authorlink=Liah Greenfeld|ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{cite book |last=Jusdanis |first=Gregory |title=The Necessary Nation |year=2001 |publisher=Princeton UP |isbn=0-691-07029-6 |ref=harv}} |
|||
* Kingston, Jeff. '' Nationalism in Asia: A History Since 1945'' (2016). |
|||
* Kohn, Hans. ''Nationalism: Its Meaning and History'' (1955) 192pp, with primary sources [https://www.questia.com/library/1458669/nationalism-its-meaning-and-history online] |
|||
* Kramer, Lloyd. ''Nationalism in Europe and America: Politics, Cultures, and Identities since 1775'' (2011). [https://www.amazon.com/Nationalism-Europe-America-Politics-Identities/dp/0807872008/ excerpt] |
|||
* {{cite book |last=Malesevic |first=Sinisa |authorlink=Sinisa Malesevic |title=Identity As Ideology: Understanding Ethnicity and Nationalism |year=2006 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=1-4039-8786-6 |ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{cite book |last=Malesevic |first=Sinisa |authorlink=Sinisa Malesevic |title=Nation-States and Nationalisms:Organization, Ideology and Solidarity |year=2013 |publisher=Polity |isbn= 978-0-7456-5339-6 |ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{cite web |url=http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/nationalism/ |title=Nationalism |first=Nenad |last=Miscevic |date=1 June 2010 |work=Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy |publisher=Stanford University}} |
|||
* {{cite journal |date=Spring 2010 |title=Nations and Nationalism |journal=[[Harvard Asia Pacific Review]] |volume=11 |issue=1 |url=http://issuu.com/harvard_asia_pacific_review/docs/hapr11.1?viewMode=magazine |issn=1522-1113|ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{cite book |last=Özkirimli |first=Umut |authorlink=Umut Özkirimli |title=Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction |edition=2nd |year=2010 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=0-230-57732-6 |ref=harv}} |
|||
* Smith, Anthony D. ''Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History'' (2nd ed. 2010) [https://www.amazon.com/Nationalism-Ideology-Anthony-D-Smith/dp/0745651283/ excerpt] |
|||
* Smith, Anthony D. ''Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era'' (1995) |
|||
* Smith, Anthony D. ''The Nation in History: Historiographical Debates about Ethnicity and Nationalism'' (2000) [https://www.amazon.com/Nation-History-Historiographical-Ethnicity-Nationalism/dp/1584650400/ excerpt] |
|||
* Smith, Anthony D. ''The Nation Made Real: Art and National Identity in Western Europe, 1600–1850'' (2013) [https://www.amazon.com/Nation-Made-Real-National-1600-1850/dp/0199662975/ excerpt] |
|||
* {{Cite book |year=1999 |editor-last =Spira |editor-first =Thomas |editor-link=Thomas Spira |title=Nationalism and Ethnicity Terminologies: An Encyclopedic Dictionary and Research Guide | publication-place =Gulf Breeze, FL |publisher=Academic International Press |url=http://www.ai-press.com/NET.html |isbn=0-87569-205-2 |ref=harv}} |
|||
* {{cite web |url=http://nationalityinworldhistory.net/index.html |title=Nationality: The History of a Social Phenomenon |last1= White |first1= Philip L. |authorlink1=Philip L. White|last2= White |first2= Michael Lee |year=2008 |work=Nationality in World History}} |
|||
==External links== |
|||
{{Sister project links|voy=no}} |
|||
* {{cite web |url=http://www.fordham.edu/Halsall/mod/modsbook17.asp |title=Nationalism |work=Internet Modern History Sourcebook |publisher=[[Fordham University]]}} |
|||
* {{cite web |url=http://www.nationalismproject.org/ |title=The Nationalism Project |date= |work=Association for Research on Ethnicity and Nationalism in the Americas |publisher=[[University of South Carolina]]}} |
|||
* [http://polyarchy.org/references/nationalism.html Nationalism : selected references] |
|||
{{Nationalism}} |
|||
{{Political ideologies}} |
|||
{{Authority control}} |
|||
[[Category:Nationalism| ]] |
|||
[[Category:Anthropology]] |
|||
[[Category:Political theories]] |
|||
Revision as of 16:36, 4 December 2017
hi