Jump to content

Gearóid Ó Cuinneagáin: Difference between revisions

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Content deleted Content added
No edit summary
No edit summary
Line 1: Line 1:
[[File:Gearóid_Ó_Cuinneagáin.png|thumb|right|Ó Cuinneagáin in 1942]]
[[File:Gearóid_Ó_Cuinneagáin.png|thumb|right|Ó Cuinneagáin in 1942]]
'''Gearóid Ó Cuinneagáin''' (born '''Gerald Cunningham'''<ref>[http://www.theirishstory.com/2015/08/08/book-review-architects-of-the-resurrection-ailtiri-na-haiseirghe-and-the-fascist-new-order-in-ireland/#.We-3bTskrIU The Irish Story]</ref>; 1910&ndash;1991) was an [[Irish people|Irish]] language activist, [[nationalist]] and far right politician born in [[Belfast]], Ireland.<ref name=hi>http://www.historyireland.com/20th-century-contemporary-history/ailtiri-na-haiseirghe-irelands-fascist-new-order/</ref> He was the founder of the [[fascist]] [[Ailtirí na hAiséirghe]] which sought to install a Christian [[corporatist]] state and revive the Irish language through the establishment of a totalitarian dictatorship in Ireland.<ref>''Political parties in the Republic of Ireland''
'''Gearóid Ó Cuinneagáin''' (born '''Gerald Cunningham'''<ref>[http://www.theirishstory.com/2015/08/08/book-review-architects-of-the-resurrection-ailtiri-na-haiseirghe-and-the-fascist-new-order-in-ireland/#.We-3bTskrIU The Irish Story]</ref>; 1910&ndash;1991) was an [[Irish people|Irish]] language activist, [[Irish nationalism|nationalist]] and far right politician born in [[Belfast]], Ireland.<ref name=hi>http://www.historyireland.com/20th-century-contemporary-history/ailtiri-na-haiseirghe-irelands-fascist-new-order/</ref> He was the founder and leader of [[Ailtirí na hAiséirghe]], a [[fascist]] party which sought to create a Christian [[corporatist]] state and revive the Irish language through the establishment of a totalitarian dictatorship in Ireland.<ref>''Political parties in the Republic of Ireland''
by Michael Gallagher. Manchester University Press ND, 1985, {{ISBN|0-7190-1742-4}}, (p.107-9).</ref>
by Michael Gallagher. Manchester University Press ND, 1985, {{ISBN|0-7190-1742-4}}, (p.107-9).</ref>



Revision as of 22:39, 4 May 2019

File:Gearóid Ó Cuinneagáin.png
Ó Cuinneagáin in 1942

Gearóid Ó Cuinneagáin (born Gerald Cunningham[1]; 1910–1991) was an Irish language activist, nationalist and far right politician born in Belfast, Ireland.[2] He was the founder and leader of Ailtirí na hAiséirghe, a fascist party which sought to create a Christian corporatist state and revive the Irish language through the establishment of a totalitarian dictatorship in Ireland.[3]

Early life and education

Gerald Cunningham was born to a middle-class Catholic family in the Stranmillis district of Belfast and attended St. Malachy's Christian Brothers School. He gained third place nationwise in the Irish civil service examinations in 1927 and earning matriculation to Queen's University Belfast. However he rejected an offer by his father to finance his university studies and instead accepted an appointment in the Irish Department of Finance, being posted in Athlone. There he made the acquaintance of Patrick Lenihan, one of his former teachers at St. Malachy's. Inspired by Lenihan, a cultural nationalist, he changed his name from Gerald Cunningham to its Gaelic form Gearóid Ó Cuinneagáin.[4]

Ó Cuinneagáin was later posted to Castlebar and Dublin and was appointed Junior Executive Officer in the Department of Defence. In 1932 he requested three-months unpaid leave to attend an Irish language immersion programme in Ranafast but was turned down. In response he resigned in July and spent the following year in Ranafast, emerging a fluent Irish speaker.[5][6]

Ó Cuinneagáin's command of the language earned him a position in 1933 as an editorial writer of the Republican Congress's Irish language newspaper An tÉireannach, publishing some of the articles under the pseudonym "Immaculate Virgin". After some months however he resigned, seeking a more reliable form of income and possibly coming to disagree with the newspaper's socialist views. In 1937 he became a partner in a small tax-consulting venture, Ó Cuinneagáin & Cooke.[7]

Pro-Axis underground

In 1937 he wrote an article in the Wolfe Tone Weekly calling for an alliance between Ireland and Italy against their enemy the United Kingdom.[2] He called for the initation of a large-scale military build-up, hoping that the power of a strong Ireland combined with the influence of the Irish diaspora might sway Mussolini to assisting the Irish cause.[8] At this point however Ó Cuinneagáin was not yet a fascist, stating in the article that Ireland need not be a fascist state and instead envisioning Ireland as a democratic republic based on the United States with an economic programme inspired by Roosevelt's New Deal.[9]

In 1939, recognising that war between Britain and Germany was imminent, he called on Irish people to "make use of this other great danger facing England to benefit our country".[10] In an unpublished manifesto written in Spring 1940 "Ireland a Missionary-Ideological State?" he advocated the establishment of a corporative state which would combine faith and modernity, rejecting the "materialism" of capitalism and communism.[11]

In 1940 Ó Cuinneagáin was involved in the establishment of Clann na Saoirse, an organisation connected to the pro-Axis organisations Irish Friends of Germany and Cumann Náisiúnta formed by Easter Rising veteran and former Blueshirt W.J. Brennan-Whitmore with the goal of creating a corporatist state in Ireland.[12] Ó Cuinneagáin was appointed Stiúrthóir in May and issued an eight-point programme calling for the military reclamation of Northern Ireland, pro-natalist policies, a ban on emigration, the elimination of the "pernicious influence of aliens" on Irish economic life, the establishment of a "sovereign federation" of Ireland, Scotland, Wales and Brittany, and the prohibition of the English language.[13]

Following the discovery of Plan Kathleen the Irish government took the principal members of Clann na Saoirse, Irish Friends of Germany and Cumann Náisiúnta into custody, however Ó Cuinneagáin was not caught as his involvement was the movement was not public knowledge and the detainees were released days later after having been arrested. Irish Friends of Germany and Cumann Náisiúnta began to organise meetings planning to assist a German invasion under the cover of Irish language classes taught by Ó Cuinneagáin, however in September he announced his plans to leave the organisation to instead form a branch of Conradh na Gaeilge known as Craobh na hAiséirghe (Branch of the Resurrection) which would be "a Hitler Youth Movement under the guise of an Irish class".[14]

Two days later, Irish security forces raided the houses of members of Irish Friends of Germany and Cumann Náisiúnta, however Ó Cuinneagáin escaped arrested as the Irish authorities did not realise that "Séamus Cunningham", "Jerry Cunningham" and Gearóid Ó Cuinneagáin were the same person.[15]

Craobh na hAiséirghe

Craobh na hAiséirghe claimed to be a non-political and non-ideological organisation dedicated to the preservation of the Irish language and culture, and many of it's members had no interest in fascism. Their membership grew at a rapid rate, numbering within a year 1,200 and 1,500 adherents.[16] At Craobh na hAiséirghe's second meeting Ó Cuinneagáin was elected president of the organisation but within a few weeks changed his original title to Ceannaire, meaning "leader". Ó Cuinneagáin copper-fastened his authority and established absolute powers of direction over the organisation.[17]

He became involved with the republican party Córas na Poblachta and assumed the leadership of it's youth wing Aicéin (Action) until Aicéin's independence was terminated in February 1942. For Ó Cuinneagáin association with the party allowed him to gain recruits for Craobh na hAiséirghe and make connections with the Irish Republican Army in addition to the possibility of influencing Coras' policy ideologically.[18]

In 1941 Ó Cuinneagáin was elected to Conradh na Gaeilge's national executive, the Coiste Gnótha, but became involved in a dispute with other members of the executive over a proposed Conradh commemorative publication of the Easter Rising as Ó Cuinneagáin insisted that a member of Craobh na hAiséirghe be appointed editor of the issue. Ó Cuinneagáin's attempts to pack the leadership of Conradh failed to work as only himself and Proinsias Mac an Bheatha were elected and his two bids for presidency of Conradh na Gaeilge likewise didn't succeed.[19] Afterwards he commenced a boycott of Conradh, prohibiting Craobh delegates from participating in the Coiste Gnótha and withholding the annual fee due from the branch.[20]

On Whit weekend a commemorative convention was organised in Donaghpatrick to commmemorate the founding of The Nation newspaper by Young Ireland. Ó Cuinneagáin was invited to an address in recognition of his work on behalf of the Irish language. His two-hour speech was a political one that strongly criticised Irish society and its leadership but praised the Emergency Powers Act for helping to prepare Ireland for totalitarian government. He announced the formation of a new political movement alongside Craobh na hAiséirghe to be known as Ailtirí na hAiséirghe.[21]

The speech brought to a head dissent growing at the increasingly political stance of the branch as many of the branch's members were civil servants or otherwise worked for the state which Ó Cuinneagáin now expressed his wish to overthrow. The publication of Aiseirghe 1942 which was devoted purely to laying out Ó Cuinneagáin's political vision, which was similar to the eight-point programme he had issued as a member of Clann na Saoirse, for his new movement exacerbated the tensions.[22]

On the 6th of November 1942 at the annual Craobh na hAiseirghe meeting, the organisation split amicably with the culturalists under Proinsias Mac an Bheatha adopting the new name of Glún na Buaidhe (Generation of Victory) and agreeing to assume Craobh na hAiséirghe's debts. In his final address as leader of the branch, Ó Cuuinneagáin pledged his co-operation with it's objectives and asked members to assist Glún na Buaidhe.[23]

Ailtirí na hAiséirghe

Ó Cuinneagáin and his movement began to organise speeches where crowds of people might be found such as pubs, cinemas, sporting events and churches as well as parades and Irish dancing.[24] Aiséirghe speakers would deliver a speech in Irish before switching to English, something which according to Aindrias Ó Scolaidhe aroused the curiosity of crowds rather than driving them away in boredom.[25] Ó Cuinneagáin became a frequent speaker at campus events, even proselytising in Trinity College.[26]

Ó Cuinneagáin courted the support of Irish republicans with whom he had developed close relationships during his time in Conradh na Gaeilge and Córas na Poblachta. He was prominent in the Green Cross Fund which helped provided financial assistance to the families of republican internees and he began to arrange film screenings for and provide books, gramophone records and Aiséirghe literature to IRA internees. Several prominent IRA volunteers including Gearóid Ó Bróin, a member of the IRA Army Council, joined Ó Cuinneagáin or expressed their approval of the party.[27] G2 and MI5 began to note that Aiséirghe members often attended Sinn Féin meetings and sometimes even spoke from their platforms.[28]

The party was unprepared for the 1943 Irish general election and won no seats. In an attempt at a publicity stunt two weeks before the election Ó Cuinneagáin organised an Aiséirghe céilí in Belfast and gave a speech during it, hoping to be arrested and given press coverage as a "political prisoner". As he predicted the Royal Ulster Constabulary immediately broke up the event and took Ó Cuinneagáin into custody, however he was released forty-eight hours later denying him the press coverage he had hoped for.[29] The party's support in Northern Ireland was devastated as in the weeks as following the incident Aiséirghe members in Northern Ireland were visited by the RUC and given the choice of resigning from Aiséirghe or being interned under the Special Powers Act.[30]

American Note Crisis

In February 1944 the American Note crisis took place when the American minister to Ireland, David Gray, dispatched a communiqué to Éamon de Valera demanding the closure of legations belonging to the Axis powers in Dublin. Fearing this to be the diplomatic prelude to an invasion of Ireland by the Allies, the Irish government placed the army on high alert and rushed troops to the border. As a result the two Allied governments were forced to clarify that the communiqué had been a request rather than an ultimatum and that they had no intention of violating Irish neutrality.[31]

The Cork and Waterford organisations of Aiséirghe pledged their support for the Taoiseach in withstanding Allied pressure however to their exasperation in Dublin Ó Cuinneagáin instead used the opportunity to attack the Fianna Fáil government.[32] Dissent began to grow against Ó Cuinneagáin's leadership. Ernest Blythe, criticising Ó Cuinneagáin's skill for public speaking, suggested that Ó Cuinneagáin should resign as Ceannaire while remaining Secretary or Director of Organisation.[33] Seosamh Ó Coigligh, the leader of the Cork organisation of the party, believing that Ó Cuinneagáin's attacks on respected mainstream political leaders alienated many potential supporters from the movement, sent a letter to him on behalf of the Cork executive harshly criticising his attacks on the government and his revanchism which he percieved caused Aiséirghe to be regarded as merely an appendage of the IRA and Sinn Féin.[34]

De Valera's prestige soared as a result of the crisis which he took advantage of by calling a general election in May. Despite clear signs that the election would result in a sweeping victory for Fianna Fáil and the party suffering financial issues Ó Cuinneagáin was determined that Aiséirghe should run candidates.[35] The party again failed to gain any seats in the 1944 Irish general election.

Post-Emergency

The end of the war resulted in the lifting of the Emergency Powers Act which allowed Aiséirghe to place its programme before the public without censorship. In addition during the 1945 Irish local elections effort was put into preparing for the polls and addressing local concerns by constituents.[36] As a result Aiséirghe candidates won nine seats in the 1945 local elections, however with the exeception of Louth their gains were confined to Munster, showcasing the gaps in their national organisation.[2][37]

Throughout the second half of 1945 Ó Cuinneagáin depicted the result of the elections as a success for Aiséirghe. Despite this for many in the movement such as Ó Dochartaigh the election's result showed that the party had the potential for success under a more moderate and less dictatorial leader open to building bridges with mainstream parties and politicians.[2][38] In August Ó Dochartaigh and Seán Ó hUrmoltaigh met with Ó Cuinneagáin laying out their complaints which he dismissed as being trivial matters. Following an ignored request for a party executive meeting Ó Dochartaigh threatened to host an executive meeting without Ó Cuinneagáin's permission. In response Ó Cuinneagáin suspended Ó Dochartaigh and Ó hUrmoltaigh from the movement for insubordination.[39]

The party executive censured Ó Cuinneagáin at a meeting in September for exceeding his authority by suspending Ó Dochartaigh and Ó hUrmoltaigh, and reinstated the latter. Ó Cuinneagáin responded by dismissing Ó Coigligh and Muiris Mac Gearailt, the head of the Tipperary organisation, from their positions a week after the meeting.[40] Dissidents in the movement lead by officers of the Cork City branch nominated Riobárd Breathnach for a new Ceannaire.[41]

At a party convention held in October a vote was held with twenty two officials backing Ó Cuinneagáin's continued leadership and thirteen supporting Riobárd Breathnach in addition to one abstention and one spoiled ballot. Following the vote Tómas Ó Dochartaigh and the entire Cork delegation resigned.[42] The split was a devastating blow for the party which caused Aiséirghe to lose many in the party's Munster heartland as many who had been recruited into the party by the resignees also left.[43] The rise of Clann na Poblachta caused further Aiséirghe members to defect.[44] Ó Cuinneagáin was dismissive of the threat posed to Aiséirghe by the new party and viewed their rise in popularity as a passing phase.[45] The 1948 Irish general election saw Aiséirghe gain no seats while Clann na Poblachta gained ten.

Noting the dire state of the party organisation and morale Ó Cuinneagáin tried once more to gain publicity by antagonising Stormont. On the 13th and 14th of May 1949 Aiséirghe members put up posters saying "Arm Now to Take The North" in Dublin and other large towns. The Gardaí responded by tearing down the posters which only resulted in further attention being drawn to the spectacle.[46] However Ó Cuinneagáin was unable to follow up on his call to action and ultimately many of the followers he had briefly gotten from the incident went away disillusioned.[47] The party's collapse continued unabated and by 1950 it was all but defunct.

Later life

Ó Cuinneagáin sparked a minor diplomatic incident in 1950 when in reaction to a tour of the United States and Canada by Basil Brooke his newspaper offered a £1,000 reward for Brooke's capture. Patrick Gordon Walker summoned the Irish ambassador to launch a protest on behalf of the British government.[48]

Despite the decline of his party throughout the 50s and 60s sales of his newspaper Aiséirí remained strong, continuing to criticise the Irish government's language policies, party politics and foreign cultural influences. He also expressed an interest in technological advances and pointed ways in which they could be used to assist an Irish cultural and economic revival. In 1954 Ó Cuinneagáin launched the first Irish-language women's magazine, Deirdre.

He became favorable to the idea of a federal Europe and supported Irish entry into the European Economic Community. He welcomed the upswing in nationalism caused by the Troubles but deplored that unity was left to a paramilitary instead of the Irish government. He continued to publish Aiséirí until 1975 when he discontinued the journal due to being unable to pay the costs for publication.[49] Despite this, Ó Cuinneagáin never abandoned his ideological convictions and in 1990 shortly before his death he startled Risteárd Ó Glaisne by saying "You think we're all washed up. We're not. You wait and see - our day is coming."[50]

Notes

  1. ^ The Irish Story
  2. ^ a b c d http://www.historyireland.com/20th-century-contemporary-history/ailtiri-na-haiseirghe-irelands-fascist-new-order/
  3. ^ Political parties in the Republic of Ireland by Michael Gallagher. Manchester University Press ND, 1985, ISBN 0-7190-1742-4, (p.107-9).
  4. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 60
  5. ^ http://www.theirishstory.com/2015/08/08/book-review-architects-of-the-resurrection-ailtiri-na-haiseirghe-and-the-fascist-new-order-in-ireland/#.WfCMtlRSzIV
  6. ^ Martin White, The Greenshirts: Fascism in the Irish Free State, 1935-45, p. 257
  7. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 61
  8. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 34
  9. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 64
  10. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 62
  11. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 63
  12. ^ R. M. Douglas, The Historical Journal Vol. 49, No. 4 (2006), p. 1161
  13. ^ R. M. Douglas, The Historical Journal Vol. 49, No. 4 (2006), p. 1162
  14. ^ Martin White, The Greenshirts: Fascism in the Irish Free State, 1935-45, p. 256
  15. ^ R. M. Douglas, The Historical Journal Vol. 49, No. 4 (2006), p. 1169
  16. ^ R. M. Douglas, The Historical Journal Vol. 49, No. 4 (2006), p. 1175
  17. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 76
  18. ^ R. M. Douglas, The Historical Journal Vol. 49, No. 4 (2006), p. 1176
  19. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 84
  20. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 85
  21. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 86
  22. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 87
  23. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 90
  24. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 178
  25. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 176
  26. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 170
  27. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 168
  28. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 174
  29. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 189
  30. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 190
  31. ^ Caoimhe Nic Dháibhéid, Seán MacBride: A Republican Life, 1904-1946, p. 188
  32. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 208
  33. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 203
  34. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 209
  35. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 201
  36. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 224
  37. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 227
  38. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 234
  39. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 237
  40. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 238
  41. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 240
  42. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 245
  43. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 248
  44. ^ Martin White, The Greenshirts: Fascism in the Irish Free State, 1935-45, p. 261
  45. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 254
  46. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 262
  47. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 265
  48. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 278
  49. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 275
  50. ^ Douglas (2009), p. 286

Further reading

  • Douglas, R. M. Architects of the Resurrection: Ailtirí na hAiséirghe and the Fascist 'New Order' in Ireland. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007 ISBN 978-0-7190-7998-6
  • Mac Aonghusa, P. Ar Son na Gaeilge: Conradh na Gaeilge, 1893-1993. Baile Átha Cliath: Conradh na Gaeilge, 1993.