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Neftenya

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See also: Ethiopian Empire

A neftenya (Template:Lang-am, "rifle-bearer") was a feudal lord and expansionist settler who operated in the framework of the process of territorial expansion and creation of modern Ethiopia by the late 19th century.[1] In its literal meaning, neftenya refers to rifle bearers who settled in Ethiopia's peripheral regions, including parts of today's Oromia Region, the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples' Region, Gambela Region, Benishangul-Gumuz Region from the late 19th century onwards.[2] The Shewan conquerors that were described as Neftenya were originally a multi-ethnic group of aristocratic rulers of the Kingdom of Shewa mostly made up of Amhara people and Oromo people who were high ranking members of Menelik II's Royal Court and their soldiers.[3][4][5]

Neftenya is in modern times frequently used as an ethnic slur against the Amhara, the second most populous ethnic group in Ethiopia. Historically not only the Amharas were part of the Neftenya ruling class, some of them were Tigrayans, Oromos, and Gurages,[2] a majority of which came from the Kingdom of Shewa[6][7][8][9].

As a result of neftenyas settling in the southern regions, other ethnic groups assimilated by into royal court culture[10] by adopting the Amharic language, Orthodox Christianity, and other aristocratic cultural traits. The Amhara culture-influenced royal court culture[10] dominated throughout the eras of military and monarchic rule[10]. Both the imperial and the Derg government relocated numerous Amharas into southern Ethiopia where they served in government administration, courts, church and even in school, where Oromo texts were eliminated and replaced by Amharic.[11][12][13] The Abyssinian elites perceived the various southern minority languages as hindrances to Ethiopian national identity expansion.[14]

Establishment of administration

In Illubabor in the 19th century, the semi-feudal system of neftenya, balabats, and gebbars was introduced. The Shewan officials and soldiers who settled in Illubabor, known as neftenya, were assigned to a number of peasant households, or gabbars depending on their rank and position. A Dejazmach was granted 1,000 peasant households, a Fitawrari 300, a Kenyazmach 100 to 150; a Shambal 70 to 90; a Mato Alaqa 40 to 60, Hamsalaqa 25 to 35 and an ordinary soldier 5 to 10. Each peasant household had to go to the land owned by the overlord and contribute his labor as a form of tax. The overland provided food and drinks. At the end of the work, each peasant went back to their land or business. Taxes were collected from every married couple. In addition to the tax [gabbar] sometimes the local farmers built the fences and homes of the overlord. They had to supply honey, butter, chicken and fattened sheep or goat on holidays. Each household had to produce fifty kilos of grounded cereals to each neftenya every month. Furthermore, the peasants had to transport grain crops to the nearest government granaries. If a gabbar failed to fulfill his duties, he would be summoned to the court.[15] As C.F. Rey had noticed[citation needed] "[...] the judges are the sub governor creatures of course take the side of the plaintiff in nine cases out of ten." The neftenyoch could pass any judgment they wanted, short of capital punishment, which required Emperor Menelik's approval.[citation needed]

Ethnic slur

Reference to Amhara, the second most populous ethnic group in Ethiopia, as "neftegna" or "neftenya"(meaning "musketeers") by the government and local officials was described as "inflammatory" by Human Rights Watch in 1995.[16] Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPDRF) officials used the term in a "derogatory" sense during the EPDRF period of rule[17] and usage in the context of the Hachalu Hundessa riots in 2020 was considered "inflammatory" as part of hate speech predominating in Ethiopian media at the time.[18] In the context of interethnic conflict, the term is used as a slur against extreme Amhara nationalists,[19] or more generally against ethnic Amhara,[2] and against politicians perceived as pursuing centralising policies, an Ethiopian nationalism.[2][20][21]

The actual Flag of Menelik II.[22][23][24]

See also

References

  1. ^ Zewde, Bahru. A history of Ethiopia: 1855–1991. 2nd ed. Eastern African studies. 2001
  2. ^ a b c d "Context and Updates on Current Issues in Ethiopia". Embassy of Ethiopia, London. 2020-07-08. Retrieved 2020-12-16.
  3. ^ Nicolas, Andrea (November 2007). "Founded in Memory of the 'Good Old Times': The Clan Assembly of Hiddii, in Eastern Shewa, Ethiopia". Journal of Eastern African Studies. 1 (3): 484–497. doi:10.1080/17531050701625490. ISSN 1753-1055.
  4. ^ +ECADF (2013-07-29). "Fiction and Facts on Oromos of Ethiopia". Retrieved 2021-01-22.
  5. ^ "How Ethiopia's ruling coalition created a playbook for disinformation · Global Voices Advox". Retrieved 2021-01-22.
  6. ^ "Context and Updates on Current Issues in Ethiopia". Embassy of Ethiopia, London. 2020-07-08. Retrieved 2020-12-16.
  7. ^ Nicolas, Andrea (November 2007). "Founded in Memory of the 'Good Old Times': The Clan Assembly of Hiddii, in Eastern Shewa, Ethiopia". Journal of Eastern African Studies. 1 (3): 484–497. doi:10.1080/17531050701625490. ISSN 1753-1055.
  8. ^ +ECADF (2013-07-29). "Fiction and Facts on Oromos of Ethiopia". Retrieved 2021-01-22.
  9. ^ "How Ethiopia's ruling coalition created a playbook for disinformation · Global Voices Advox". Retrieved 2021-01-22.
  10. ^ a b c Pausewang, Siegfried (2005). "The two-faced Amhara identity". Scrinium. 1 (1): 273-286. doi:10.1163/18177565-90000138.
  11. ^ OROMO CONTINUE TO FLEE VIOLENCE, September 1981
  12. ^ Country Information Report ethiopia, August 12, 2020
  13. ^ Ethiopia. Status of Amharas, March 1, 1993
  14. ^ The Politics of Linguistic Homogenization in Ethiopia and the Conflict over the Status of "Afaan Oromoo", July 1970
  15. ^ Adrian P. Wood, "Rural Development and National Integration in Ethiopa", African Affairs Vol. 82, No. 329, pp. 509-539 (accessed 16 December 2020)
  16. ^ "Ethiopia – Human Rights Developments". Human Rights Watch. 1995. Archived from the original on 2021-02-20. Retrieved 2021-03-29.
  17. ^ Tesfaye, Amanuel (2018-05-04). "Commentary:The Birth of Amhara Nationalism: Causes, Aspirations, and Potential Impacts". Addis Standard. Archived from the original on 2021-03-29. Retrieved 2021-03-29.
  18. ^ Skjerdal, Terje; Moges, Mulatu Alemayehu (2020-11-26). "The ethnification of the Ethiopian media" (PDF). Fojo Media Institute, International Media Support. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2020-12-24. Retrieved 2020-12-24.
  19. ^ Makonnen Tesfaye: The Political Economy of the Emerging Neo-Neftegna State in Ethiopia. Tigrai Online July 18, 2020
  20. ^ "Obang Metho remarks on Shimelis Abdissa's speech at the Ireecha Festival". Borkena Ethiopian News. 2019-10-07. Retrieved 2021-01-21.
  21. ^ "The Controversy Surrounding Shimelis Abdisa Speech". www.ezega.com. Retrieved 2021-01-21.
  22. ^ Flag Research Center Firefly The Flag Bulletin, Volume 27 – Google Books" Flag Research Center, 1988. p. 11.
  23. ^ Michael B. Lentakis Ethiopia: A View from Within – Google Books" Janus Publishing Company Lim, 2005. p. 11.
  24. ^ W. Mitchell Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, Whitehall Yard, Volume 41, Issue 2 – Google Books" 1897. p. 1190.
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