Wikipedia talk:Write the article first

Disagree

If the world was my playground and I ruled it, I would see to it that you could not create any article without any article namespace redlinks leading to it. I don't think that would make an existing problem (the adding of unencyclopedic links to existing articles) worse, but it would definitely help resolve two other important problems: the creating of most speedyable articles (some recently deleted articles for example: Curtly morris, Samir faruki, Whiteheads RFC), and the creation of walled gardens. Plrk (talk) 11:14, 15 May 2008 (UTC)

This guideline, as it reads at this moment anyway, only prohibits redlinks in "list pages, disambiguation pages, or templates," not other articles. I'm not certain, but it seems to me the process championed here would be something like

1. Redlink the article in related regular articles
2. Write the article (probably more or less simultaneously with the above)
3. Leave it a while, for editorial back-and-forth (which no doubt will include notability discussions, among others)
4. If it survives (as, no doubt, edited and expanded), then it's fair to add it to "lists pages, disambiguation pages, or templates."

Am I on the right track, here? Jackrepenning (talk) 19:24, 21 January 2010 (UTC)

I disagree too, while it would be nice to have everything n the entrie world listed as articles, it often isn't the case. What this PoV suggests is to restrict lists to only those wikipedia recognises - which I think is the wrong approach. It means that lists of useful information becomes censored. Sure, an author should write a small article about the item in question, but practically that doesn;t happen - and the whole approach of wikipedia is that someone *will* do it.

So, crippling information because you see some redline links is not a good enough reason to follow this advice. Gbjbaanb (talk) 21:55, 27 May 2010 (UTC)

I want to add my voice to those disagreeing with this essay. Red-links are incredibly useful. The fact they are a different colour makes it clear to the reader that there is something different about them. For editors they're a very useful way of finding articles that need to be created. But crucially, they bridge the gap between reader and editor. It was clicking on red links and seeing "Wikipedia doesn't have an article on this, perhaps you'd like to create it" that drew me in to helping with the project. The same is true for many established and longstanding editors. With the numbers active editors and administrators on the decline, recruitment tools like this are precisely what we need to encourage. WaggersTALK 12:21, 8 April 2021 (UTC)

WTAF² : Qualifying when this is appropriate

A list of counterexamples would be helpful. There are definitely useful lists that have been made less useful by the overzealous use of this principle. The programming languages example above is one (some software lists w/ commercial entries may be prone to spam by startups; lists about languages themselves, which in compilation are often interesting in the long tail as examples of new ideas or directions, much less so). Another is tables that offer extensive context, where inclusion in the table comes with a statistical summary of impact and relevance.

In all of these cases, removal from a list because the entry obviously fails notability and would be speedied on those grounds, seems reasonable -- removal because noone has successfully created an article that survived merging and deletion over time, even if it is specifically relevant in the context of the list is a much stronger and more volatile filter, and seems unhelpful to me.

As noted above, new page creation has become much more onerous, and stub deletion more common, since this essay was first drafted. So not only does one have to WTAF, any temporary deletion of an article (for needing improvement, lacking sufficient sources, or merging with other articles) can lead to a cascade of deletion of references to it in every associated list. Which is a detriment, not a complement, to human knowledge. – SJ + 21:18, 4 July 2021 (UTC)

@Sj Most of the templates inside Category:Diplomatic missions by sending country templates not only have structured red links, but also Help:Interlanguage links ~ Shushugah (he/him • talk) 23:10, 8 September 2021 (UTC)

I would love clarity on whether including redirects (to sections of another article) qualify or not. I know that previews aren't as nice with redirects, but sometimes a section redirect is better than nothing. For example Foxconn union inside Template:Foxconn ~ Shushugah (he/him • talk) 23:10, 8 September 2021 (UTC)

Thanks! That's a great example; redirects should definitely count. (Often a good and notable concept is redirected to a section for compactness; one certainly shouldn't have to break out a tiny and less-readable stub just to include the section in appropriate lists or tables. – SJ + 22:40, 13 September 2021 (UTC)

THE RESILIENT AGRARIAN HISTORY AND CULTURE OF EGWE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITY (IMO STATE); DEDICATED TO LATE HON. (NZE) PATRICK UDEMEZUE ONWUKAIKE (KSJI) AUTHOR: REV. FR. VINCENT CHUKWUDI OGUEJIOFOR 31/12/2021.

THE RESILIENT AGRARIAN HISTORY AND CULTURE OF EGWE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITY (IMO STATE); DEDICATED TO LATE HON. (NZE) PATRICK UDEMEZUE ONWUKAIKE (KSJI)

AUTHOR: REV. FR. VINCENT CHUKWUDI OGUEJIOFOR 31/12/2021.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

0.1 Introduction For the past few decades, social history has variously and successfully explored the lives of some important groups in our today's society. Nevertheless, the question of having a wholistic approach to history remains a point of interrogation to the contemporary historians. As a young missionary and a catholic priest sent to work in St. Jude's Parish Egwe, my experiences with the parishioners and the entire people of Egwe were that of a people who seemed to be neglected by many historians. This spurred me into a thinking process of emancipation and liberation. I wish to believe that history has not done justice to Egwe as an autonomous community. Thus, the focus of my work is to capture the ‘silent voices’ of Egwe people whose activities have been neglected by historians, the government and their neighbouring communities despite their central role in shaping the contour of change in Igbo land. Consequently, from recent scientific records, there has been an increasing number of scholars from a wide range of disciplines who have become interested in (re)constituting the identity of a people through their unique history and cultural values as to make their “silent voices” known in the society. It is a fact that the role of historical migration is obviously paramount to constituting a clear identity of a people. Migration is not only a potentially powerful conceptual framework for analyzing the formation of ethnic identity in Africa but has become a useful conceptual paradigm for understanding African societies and communities in regional, continental, and global contexts. Viewing the link between migration and the formation of ethnic identities, allow us to explore important historical forces and processes spanning communities, regional and continental boundaries, thereby increasing our knowledge of how both had a phenomenal influence on each other. 0.2 Aim of the Paper Thus, it is our interest to examine how the historical migration auspices of Egwe people affected their formation of ethnic consciousness and identity. Our objective is two-fold. First, we want to demonstrate how the historical migration pattern and cultural deposits of Indigenous Egwe people can be linked to an environmental, socio-political and demographic context, dated far back in the fifteenth century. Secondly, the attitude of the neighbouring communities towards Egwe migrants had been very significant in the identity formation or otherwise the full realization of the Indigenous Egwe as a people distinct from their neighbouring towns with their own language and cultural values. Like any other town, they must struggle to survive as not to go into extinction. Such consciousness had often emerged in response to contestation over resources and opportunities while protecting their final settlement. 0.3 Plan of Work This book is divided into four chapters comprising of thoughts dealing with historiographical and methodological cultural issues in Egwe. They deal with broad issues of Egwe's history and cultural deposits. The second chapter focuses on Egwe's identity, boundaries and cultural festivals. They deal mainly with the outcomes of the social interaction between indigenous Egwe and its neighbouring communities. The third chapter draws our attention to the advent of Christianity and formal education in Egwe. The last chapter contains thoughts related to the gendered dynamics of developments in Egwe and socio-political cum economic transformation in Egwe and launches the future challenges vis-à-vis the administrative leadership capacity in Egwe. Hence, we shall conclude by providing the important accounts of the transformation that have taken place in what became Egwe Autonomous Community from the 15th century to the present. Significant attention is devoted to the gendered nature of these transformations and how they shaped the indigenous people of Egwe.

CHAPTER ONE EGWE MIGRATION: THE ‘PUSH’ AND THE ‘PULL’ FACTOR In tandem of the above affirmation, to understand the ideas of self and group identity of the Indigenous Egwe People, it becomes paramount to understand their socio-political, geographical and demographic context.

1.1 The Geographical location Egwe Autonomous Community in Oguta Local Government Area, is an agrarian community, located between Mgbidi and Oguta Town, in Oguta Local Government Area. It is bounded on each side by the OBANA RIVER and OHAMIRI RIVER. Egwe Autonomous Community share boundaries with Egbuoma and Ozara on the side of Obana River; while with Nnebukwu and Nkwesi on the side of Ohamiri River. It has a population of about five thousand inhabitants and occupies an area of square miles.

1.2 The Historical Identity The appellation, “EGWE” is the name of a person. He is the third son of “OMA” of the “OMA CLAN”. “OMA” hails from IBIASOEGBE in Oru East Local Government Area, Imo State. He had seven sons. Eleh, Aji, Egwe, Mgbidi, Awo-Omamma, Omuma and Egbuoma. His extended children are the “Umuoma” in Uli, Ihiala Local Government Area, Anambra State. The Indigenous Egwe people like any other Igbo community lived in little communal autonomous village groups at the outer part of their land mass in order to allow cultivation take place in the inner part of their territory known as Communal Land.

1.3 Cultural Heritage Egwe people like most Igbo governed themselves through village councils without giving power to one individual. As Cyril A. Onwumechili notes, “Every man could and did have his say on all matters under discussion. Nobody had any special privilege because of ancestry.” During farming season, this Communal Land was shared evenly to each family for each to farm thus providing enough food and net profit for the year. The most important feature of this system is the lack of a formalized leadership that Victor Uchendu an Igbo anthropologist described as “an exercise in direct democracy” and “representative assembly”. We can already imagine the existence of some cultural heritages like communal land ownership system among the early Egwe people. It is important to note that due to lack of awareness, there is not enough discussion about cultural preservation in our contemporary society which makes most of these important cultural heritages go into extinction. Therefore, it became pertinent to reawaken the People of Egwe Community during my homily that:

            Our mothers have no space to farm again and find it difficult to pay their children's school fees and other financial dues. There is much hunger spreading all over the land because we have allowed our children to mismanage the patrimony our ancestors left under our care. We must ask ourselves what our generation will hand over to the next generation. Where will the future Indigenous Egwe children build their houses. We must remember that these things were handed over to us by those who were before us. Even the Bible recognizes the handing over of a tradition and culture from one generation to another. Jesus in one of his teachings, said to his disciples, what His Father has given him, that He is handing over to them (…). Can we also today in Egwe say the same to our children that what our forefathers gave us, we hand over to them. Therefore, it is an admonition for us to think of the common good than individual egoism. Let us go back to the practice of communalism and welfarism hence the adage that “a tree cannot make a forest remains a valid truth”. It is a fact that towns and villages that practice individualism tend to go into extinction. So, let us all rise and thing of the modern Egwe and her future.  

1.4 Early Migration The Egwe people have a long history of migration to and building up of their community in Oguta Local Government Area. Some Historians seemed to have agreed that pre-colonial Africa was marked with an abundance of land, this was certainly not the case of Egwe. Though they were agrarians, the problem of insufficient land was visible. 1.4.1 The Ancestry - OMA In about the 15th Century, the children of OMA became uncomfortable with space they were occupying, and in quest for expansion, they started migration. Also, the other sons of OMA had to leave Ibiasogbe in search of new territories. It is no surprise that all the OMA children (towns) lived close to one another and shared common boundaries. It is interesting to record that the relics of OMA ancestry, in what is today referred to as “UDU OMA” are been preserved today in the Ibiasogbe museum. 1.4.2 The Migration of the third Son of Oma – Egwe Egwe embarked on his own expedition towards the southwards of Ibiasogbe, with his household, a movement that lasted years, to its present Egwe home land settlement. He first settled at a very large area of land in the present OZARA town, in Oru West Local Government Area, very adjacent to Aboh Ozara, down to the Obana River. That area is still referred to and called “UHU EGWE”, in other words, a place where Egwe first settled. Not still satisfied, Egwe left Ozara area in search of ‘greener pastures' across the Obana river, to its present settlement. The oral tradition we have today states that when Egwe was not satisfied with comfort of his people, delegates were sent across the Obana River to enquire about the conduciveness and economic potentialities of the area. The delegates were led by one Eze Nwahirinne, a well-known hunter, who, on his second expedition across the Obana River, convinced his brothers, with evidence, like good drinking water, some game from his hunting, and a good quantum reserve of arable land and palm trees. 1.4.2.1 The Early 16th Century The movement of Egwe from Ozara across the Obana River to our present home started as early as 16th Century. The movement was not initially massive. Eziama village was first to cross the river and settled at the present-day site of P.M.G.S., Oguta, up to that of T.H.S, Oguta, covering the “Ugwu Egwe” (Egwe Hill) area. Later Ihite Egwe village followed suit, and subsequently all the nine villages migrated across the river. The villages during the time of migration include: Ihite/Amambudu village. Imo village. Amasima village. Ezioha/Okwuduru village. Umuokwanta village. Umuehi/Umueze village. Eziama village. Isiogwugwu village. Okwekili. These villages, migrating from across the river, settled in different locations, in our present day Egwe home land. The oral tradition recalls that during the migration from the ancestral land, across the Obana river, Egwe was shepherded by two prominent sons, Chiekwe and Onyejiaka. Chiekwe was of the Ihite dynasty that produces the traditional ruler of Egwe, while Onyejiaka was of Imo extraction. 1.4.2.2 The 17th Century Era Later in the 17th Century, the chemistry of villages living close to each other metamorphosed into two groupings of villages, resulting in the appellation, “Okworu” and “Eziala” group of villages. Okwuru villages owned and cultivated the lands from the present location of Town School Egwe, down to Oguta. While Eziala group of villages owned and cultivated the other half, from Town School to Mgbidi boundary.

1.5 The Scramble for Boundaries during the Era of Early Settlement

Egwe and Mgbidi had a protracted boundary/land dispute, in the late eighteen centuries. Intercommunal battles were fought, lives were lost and finally the two communities went to the court for settlement. The conflict was eventually decided in His Royal Majesty's Court in Degema in 1912. It was the court that determined the present boundary between Egwe and Mgbidi, though Egwe lost much territory.

1.5.1 Need for Expansion as a Factor In the early 17th Century, the Okworu section of Egwe expanded their farming lands to the “Ohamiri” river where they encountered some “Orsu” settlers who were harvesting palm fruits and fishing along the river banks. There was an obstinate resistance from these settlers to vacate the area, which resulted in armed conflict. The entire Egwe was involved and eventually the Orsu people were forced to withdraw across the Ohamiri river, to their ‘country'. That area they occupied then, is still known as “Uhu Orsu”, literally meaning, “where Orsu lived”. Similar episode played out when Egbema infiltrated Egwe territory along the Ohamiri River, fishing, harvesting palm fruits. The story was told that it was a good colony of people, who refused to vacate when confronted by Egwe people. A war broke out and Egbema people were forced to abandon their settlement and flee across the river, back home. That area is still referred to as “Ogbu Egbema”, literally, where Egbema was battled. 1.5.2 Need for a Distinct Territorial Jurisdiction as a Factor The now frosty relationship between Egwe and Oguta could be traced to mid eighteenth century when Egwe people encountered some fishermen who settled along the Ohamiri River, down the lake side. On interrogation, they identified themselves as Obagwa people, Oguta, who had come to fish and dry their nets. There was understanding between Egwe and Obagwa people, to be allowed to do their fishing business and go home. With time, the Obagwa people started settling in their fishing villages, which attracted other Oguta villages from across the lake. Obagwa is the first village in Oguta to settle along the Egwe side of the lake. Egwe has nostalgic relationship with Obagwa. The bountiful harvest of fish and beautiful water of the lake, enhanced the migration of Oguta from across the lake. Trade and other businesses flourished along the coast line.

Expeditions by the “Oyibos” for trade, in the early nineteenth century, led to the establishment of companies such as: U.A.C., John Holt, Lever Brothers and other trading companies, along the coast of the lake. Population grew appreciably, hence the expansion of Oguta, eastwards to Egwe, thus necessitating their encroachment on Egwe land. This forceful encroachment and intimidation intended to tactically put Egwe to extinction led to a protracted land dispute between Egwe and Oguta which started in the late fourties, till virtually early nineties. The fire seems smouldered but not quenched.

Egwe has a table land, except for our “Ugwu Egwe” (Egwe Hill), which stretches some five hundred metres down to Oguta town. It is on that hill that Oguta Local Government Headquarters was built. The early missionaries came to Egwe in 1912 and established the church/school today known as Town School, Egwe and St Jude Catholic Parish, Egwe. 1.5.3 The River Mother Protectorate as a Factor The Obana River is an asset, a monument, very sacrosanct to a true Egwe son/daughter. Egwe does not fetch water from the river on Eke Market day. Egwe does not fish in the river. It is a taboo to do so. Why? Their forefathers told the story that Obana River saved them from defeat during one of the wars they fought with their invading enemies from across the river. Their enemies invaded them at night, but unfortunately, spies had alerted the community and the men took cover far away from the town. There was only a foot-bridge across the Obana River. When the enemies were disappointed by not having a frontal encounter, they hurriedly stamped back, thinking they were being ambushed. While the enemy was in the town sprawling, “OUR MOTHER”, the Obana River, washed away the foot-bridge. The enemies were trapped. The few guards left in the town, pursued them, and all of them, in attempt to escape, were drowned in the river. Obana River is sacrosanct; the water and the fish.

CHAPTER TWO EGWE'S SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS AND IDENTITY

Social scientists have recognized the importance of networks based on kinship, ethnicity and other factors as social capital to migrant communities. ‘Ethnicity’ is not a category but rather an emergent phenomenon that continues to develop with the changing position of groups and individuals in the host society. In this sense, a migrant network can be seen as an early phase in the process of emergence of an ethnic consciousness in a new context. We can draw from historical examples. Sigusmund Wilhelm Kolle, author of Polyglotta Africana, had asserted that the Igbo recaptives in Sierre Leone had never heard of the name Igbo till they were sent away. The argument has often been made that one Olaudah Equiano only recognized his Igbo Identity in the diaspora. 2.1 Recognition of self-Identity While the point at which Egwe consciousness and identification with an Egwe Autonomous Community began cannot be pinned down easily, we were most sure that Egwe the son of Oma who was no longer comfortable for lack of landed space needed in farming, consciously embarked on his own expedition, southwards of Ibiasogbe, with his household, a movement that lasted years, to its present Egwe home land settlement. The Egwes of Seventeenth century as much as today were first and foremost loyal to their respective villages and village groups, but they were very much aware of their shared qualities and identities as Egwe. 2.2 Agriculture as Means of Self Sustenance The history of Egwe as an agricultural people cannot but be defined by their relationship to the land and their ecology. This cultural ethos defined Egwe's identity and attitude to farming among their other neighbouring communities. Egwe people were famous in cassava, yam, maize, plantain cultivation and harvesting of palm trees. It is of cardinal point to note that before the beginning of planting season, the elders gathered to share the community land. It was divided by villages and from there to individual families. Even women had right to plant and got their portions. However, the story is no longer the same today. 2.2.1 Cassava Cultivation In Egwe, cassava production was adopted as a response to population increases. Also, there arose the need to maximize land productivity thereby reducing hunger in the land. For Egwe, cassava was the most important and traditional staple food crops. The value of cassava in the agricultural economy of Egwe is that it has many advantages over other crops and could still survive soil infertility and degradation more than other crops. The women traded on garri and could supply to neighbouring towns. In the 1940s, two major transformations relating to cassava cultivation that took place in agricultural economy of Egwe were: Firstly, cassava became increasingly adopted as a famine relief crop. And secondly, because cassava was perceived as inferior to yam, (the male prestige crop), it became virtually a women's crop in Egwe. It is important to note this transformation is not only visible is Egwe, but in the entire Igbo land. Phoebe Ottenberg, who studied the Afikpo people in the early 1950s, confirms that the major source of economic change in women's fortune was the introduction of cassava, the cultivation of which was “considered beneath the dignity of men”. While men looked down on cassava, the economic opportunities it afforded to women increased their economic independence and self-esteem”. Hence, cassava does not readily deteriorate in the field-thus, it is available all year round, unlike yams, which has a fixed planting and harvest seasons. But cassava has made it possible for Egwe peasants to adjust to the change in the agricultural economy, to ensure their food security, to increase their incomes, and to ensure cheap food supplies to the urban population. 2.3 Cultural Festivals and Deities In the words of Rev. Fr. Dr. Nnamdi Nwankwo, Principal of College of Immaculate Conception (C.I.C) Enugu: “No culture is inherently evil. It is the people that practice the culture that can be inherently evil.” Therefore, we should not on no account allow our culture to die. The once Director of Youths and Culture, Anambra State Government, Rev. Fr. Dr. Arazu, CSSP, explained culture in the following terms:

          “The culture of every people is manifest in language and dialects, in religion, morality, laws, customs and in ways of constructing houses; in modes of dress and general attire, in ways of preparing food, and eating habits in arts and crafts, in political institutions, in marriage and love making customs, in ways of burying the dead, and of welcoming new born babies into the community; in farming methods, in fishing and animal husbandry, in hunting. The culture of a people is the fabric into which everything about that people is woven and in which alterations are made by every new generation for better or for worse. That is why we say culture is dynamic. It grows. It deteriorates. It dies. It can be rejuvenated.”

At the level of thoughts, culture becomes a philosophy of being and existence. Above explanation is all embracing. We shall dwell now on the most prominent festivals and cultures in Egwe. They include Owu, Ogwugwu, Iro Mmuo, Ekili Awura, Ekeleke, breaking of Kolanuts, Marriage ceremony, funeral/burial rites, etc. 2.3.1 Owu The Owu of Egwe has intimate relationship, traditionally and culturally, with the rest of “Oma clan”. “Owu” is a festival for men. It is a period of rest between the months of April and May. This is usually after the year's first farming period, when clearing of bush and planting of yam seedlings had ended. In the evening of the last day, “Orie market day”, people of the town gather at the festival square to witness the dexterity and craftsmanship of the dancing masquerades called Owu. More interesting and amusing to watch are the initiated children, about four or five years olds, who may even miss the rhythm and dance on, when the beating and drummers had stopped. Money is sprayed on the dancers by both parents and relations. Generally, the period is spiced with peace-making and entertainment. 2.3.2 Ogwugwu

Ogwugwu is another festival recognized in Egwe which is celebrated annually, especially in the month of November. It lasts for four days. While the Owu festival is for men, Ogwugwu is mainly reserved for women- married or single girls. The women must have finished their end-of-year farm weeding. It is then that their husbands show gratitude and appreciation to their wives for their labour for the year. Relations of wives, far and near are invited to share in the celebration. Husbands buy new wrappers, blouses, sandals, shoes, watches, soaps, perfumes etc., for their wives. Enough of rice, fowls, fish, meats etc. are purchased, to cook and entertain friends and well-wishers. There is a parlance those days, that “Ogwugwu” is the period that people pride with the expanse of their relationships. The more relations, guests that grace your house hold, the more that people speak good of the wives in their maiden homes, and the man, in his town. The girls in their age groups, visit one another, entertain themselves with biscuits, groundnuts and soft drinks. The women and the girls organize native dances in the village square, every evening for the four market days period. The climax of this celebration is on Orie Market day when the village square will be agog with all types of fireworks, in anticipation of the year end.

2.3.3 Iro-Mmuo Iro-Mmuo literally means “thank the gods”. It is a festival mostly performed by married men. It is celebrated on either the last week of September or the first week of October, each year on an “Eke ukwu” market day. It is the period men show appreciation to God for keeping them alive to plant and reap the first fruit of the yam they planted for the year. In Egwe, Iro Mmuo is performed between the two customary divides, the Ezikes and the Durus. The Durus perform theirs at Eke Ukwu, while the Ezikes perform on Eken-Nta market days. During the festival, every married man/house-hold, organizes four or eight tubers of newly harvested yams, in an oblong raffia basket (Abo), one keg of palm wine, one bottle of “kiki” hot drink, four pieces of kolanuts and its pepper, and caked powder “Nzu”. A very big cock (Fowl) or goat must crown the assemblage of items. Every married daughter with her husband and children is expected to pay homage to her father with some items like four big pieces of yam, two gallons of palm wine, a bottle of kiki drink and a cock. The eldest man of the kindred is usually invited to perform the libation (thanks-giving). After his libation, he usually departs with a piece of yam and some parts of the animal killed. Eating of new yam is thereby declared effective from that day, in all households. 2.3.4 Ekili Awura Ekili Awura is another festival celebrated in Egwe. According to my interview with Mr. Ikenna Onyebagu, Ekeleke festival is usually performed by Amasima and Okwaekili villages between the end of February and early March each year. This festival headed by “Iju” is celebrated in preparation for the year's farming season. On the main day of the festival, every Egwe indigene was expected to gather in the village square called “Ihu Ekili” where the married women dance to the joy of their husbands, children and relatives. On the final days, after the dancing, (often referred to as “Uwe Njenje”), the women continue the celebration by visiting every house-hold with their music. They are offered yams, fowls, money and a male goat (Nkpi) in appreciation by their husbands. 2.3.5 Ekeleke Another important cultural celebration among the people of Egwe was the masquerades dance festival. In Egwe, the “Ekeleke” cultural dance is performed between the months of February and March during the dry season. It is a special festival during which the Aros entertain themselves, the community and friends and relations from far and wide with their two-legged tall masquerades well decorated with expensive apparel. 2.4 Genealogy of Ekili/Ogwugwu Deities Egwe people saw Ogwugwu as mother deity with her daughter Ada Ogwugwu Egwe meaning that, the head of such family will be missing. This means that Ogwugwu took form of the Igbo Ideal family perfectly, not the monogamous type but, certainly the polygamous. This means that a male is in charge, as the husband of Ogwugwu, father of Ada Ogwugwu Egwe and others. Ekili deity was the husband of Ogwugwu which happens to be his second wife. Ogwugwu gave birth to a male child called Awo and a female Ada Ogwugwu-Egwe. Ekili had his first wife as Obana Egwe who gave birth to a son called Awuru Okwuro. Both wives were rivals but Ekili as husband was able to maintain peace by making them to stay apart. 2.5 Breaking of Kola in Egwe The kolanut (oji) usually summons the Egwe man to prayer. The traditional Igbo kolanut is usually demarcated with visible lines but united as a single kola. It is a symbol of unity and solidarity even amidst varieties. An ‘orji Igbo’ (kolanut) with its divergent demarcations, points that in spite of our differences of clan, village, title and gender, we are but one people as kolanut is one. By eating it at the gathering, we celebrate our unity in diversity. 2.5.1 The Ritual/Rite of Kolanut In Egwe town, the rite of breaking of kolanut was usually solemnly celebrated by the head of the family. It was in form of morning prayer for the family. The first ritual was the washing of hands with water which was very symbolic (ka okwochapu aka uchu). He will then bring out from the bowl (okwa nzu) the white native chalk (kaolin) Nzu make four or eight parallel lines in front of okwu-ichie ani. While holding what was called ofo (symbol of authority) in the right hand, he invokes God first and the forefathers to come and guard the family. He would ask for favours and at the end of every request those sitting around would chorus “ofo-o” (Amen). An important aspect of this prayer was that fact the he would reject or rebuke the evil spirits and the evil men both living and the dead, and state categorically that they would not partake in the eating of the kolanut. 2.5.2 Sharing and Eating of the Kolanut On breaking of the kolanut, the number of lobes would be shown and correct interpretations are given. Normally if the kolanut has three lobes, it is referred to as ikenga kwu oto. If four, it is ubosi na-ano-di n'igwe which represents the four Igbo market days, that is EKE, ORIE, AFOR and NKWO. If the kolanut has five or six lobes, it is regarded as a sign of omumu. The head of the family will first take his share of the kola together and places the rest in okwa oji before distributing it to the rest of the family. After eating the kolanut, the head of the family would bring the traditional Igbo palm wine says similar prayers and pours some contents on the ground. This act was symbolic because it was presumed he was sharing the wine with his ancestors. Then he distributes the wine to the members of the family. The mark the end of the rite, the members of the family would thank him by calling him his title names. Finally, everybody disperses happily for various morning duties. 2.6 Marriage Ceremony

Marriage is regarded as a publicly recognized and culturally sanctioned union between a man and a woman so that any child born within the union becomes the legitimate offspring of the parents. However, marriage has been proved to be the most difficult institution to define because of divergent opinions and societal differences. Murdock as observed by Jha sees marriage as a universal cooperation and formation of the nuclear family.

Marriage ethics in the context of this study refers to the moral principles and code of conduct prescribed by the Egwe people. Thus, in Egwe marriage is seen as relationship between two kinship groups (man and woman) than a contract. It should be borne in mind that in Igbo land as in Egwe, marriages invariably carry with the expectation of child bearing; whereas childlessness was likely to have graver consequences. Among Egwe people, monogamy and polygyny were widely practiced. Prior to westernization, education and other agents of social change which influenced the marriage institution, polygamy was the preferred form of marriage because of the important economic benefits and roles it performs. At present, most Igbo cultures practice two to three forms of marriage rites such as customary, traditional marriage and religious marriage. 2.6.1 Monogamy This is the most popular form of marriage. It is a marriage between one woman and man. This kind of marriage is traditional to Egwe people in the past until they started noticing difficulties in form of childlessness. Usually child bearing was regarded as a sign of wealth, which gives a man affluence in taking titles. Also, the children were meant to provide helping hands to the family during the farming seasons. Secondly every family desired to have a male child who will continue to represent the linage in the future. Families without male children were threatened of linage extinction thus ushering in polygamy. 2.6.2 Polygamy This was coined by Greek “poly” meaning “multiple”, and “gamy” - marriage. This is the marriage of one man with two or more wives. This involves an individual having multiple spouses at a given time. Polygamy has many sub-forms such as polygyny and polyandry. 2.6.2.1 Polygyny Polygyny is the sub-form in which a man has multiple wives at any given time. Polygyny exists in two specialized variations, namely, the sororal polygyny and non-sororal polygyny. Sororal polygyny is a variety of polygyny in which the multiple wives of an individual are sisters. This type was rare to find in Egwe, but there are small traces of relatives married to a man. The other types which is the non-sororal polygyny is a variety of polygyny in which the multiple wives of an individual are not sisters. This one is common in Egwe culture. Polygyny is the sub-form of polygamy in which a woman has multiple husbands at any given time. 2.6.2.2 Polyandry Polyandry refers to a marriage between a woman and multiple men. There are three specialized variations - fraternal or adelphic polyandry, non-fraternal or non-adelphic polyandry and familial polyandry. Fraternal or adelphic type is a variety in which the multiple husbands of a woman are brothers, that is, offspring of the same mother. Such cannot be found in Egwe culture because it is regarded as incest, abomination, which involves cleansing. Non-fraternal of non-adelphic polyandry is a variety where the multiple husbands are either clan brothers or unrelated men. Fraternal and non-fraternal polyandry in which the multiple husbands of a woman are one brothers and clan brothers respectively, are not found in Egwe. Familial polyandry is a type of polyandry in which the husbands of a woman are father and son occurs among the Tibetans. When this accidentally occurs among the Egwe people, both may suffer death, public disgrace, followed by total cleansing to appease the gods of the land because it is regarded as an abomination. 2.7 Death (Onwu) and Burial Rights- Ikwa Ozu- Ceremony in Egwe The Egwe social reality known as their worldviews will form the basis for a holistic understanding of the rest of the inter-connectivity as it affects beliefs, ideas, arts, and values and group practices. This is because the people’s worldview determines their unified picture of the cosmos and reality as a whole... This is why Kalu posits that:

            The function of worldviews is that, first, they assist man to explain reality. The insecure   feeling of being lost in an inexplicable, uncontrollable cosmos is thus taken care of; secondly, such intellectual ordering of reality makes it possible to predict space time events and finally, men can then exert control over these events.

In this regard, the word, death (onwu) takes a centre stage in the life of the living because of their worldview and belief in life after death, which human life appear to be the pivot of the traditional Igbo cosmology. This is the highest value in the Egwe perception of reality. That is why any aspect of their culture is geared towards the advancement and substances of their life in the society. Ndi-Egwe believed in the triangle just like Geoffrey’s interpretation of African cosmos as well as ndi-Igbo in general. They believed that human life comes from the Supreme Being- Chukwu at the peak of the triangle as “God the Creator”, chukwu onye okike, who controls the deities, ancestral spirits and their cosmic forced. We must note that the concept of “chi” is very significant both in Egwe and in entire Igbo land. “Chi” is referred to as a direct gift from Chukwu to each person, at creation assigned to lead the person through life; no wonder, the Igbo name chiedu. When we talk about life, we also talk about death like Ikwuegbu Okoyeudo (1984), in an interview, posits that “we protect life to be killed by death”- anyi na zota ndu, edebelu onwu. Akpan (2006:209) agreed with Dopamu’s explanation of death as: “People believe that life here on earth is not interminable, sooner or later, death will come upon man, who is a sojourner on God’s earth. No matter how long a person lives, death must come as a necessary end”. 2.7.1 Ancestor-hood The perception of death in Egwe also involves the Igbo traditional belief in the life after death (ancestor-hood). This marks the fullest realization of personal salvation. It is their prayer to Chukwu in every situation with kolanut - oji, to enable men and women, children, everybody especially the good ones to live out full span of earthly existence - mmadu ito ato na ndu (longevity) in strict compliance with the norms of morality obtained in their community. It is also, the wish of everyone in the course of their lives on earth; to actualize their ambition by taking the noble ranks of titled men and women, who ensure that their parent’s death they receive complete funeral rites. 2.7.2 Premature Death as Omen In Egwe, funeral rites are given based on gender, nwoke ma obu nwanyi (man or woman) and social class, such as father, mother, wealthy or poor, title held and social clout. Death - onwu, is classified as good and bad following Igbo ethics, oma na ojoo, good and bad. Since everybody fears death - onwu; nobody wishes to die young or prematurely. Thus, the death of children, young people, especially promising persons categorized as bad death. More so, accident victims, suicide, swollen stomach, chicken pox, among others are regarded as bad death. Similarly, people that lived for over eighty to hundred and beyond who died peacefully after blessing their children and grandchildren or great grandchildren are categorized as good death because they died peacefully after self-actualizing their mission on earth without torture by dangerous sickness. Such category receives special funeral rites. 2.7.3 Celebration of Funeral Rites Egwe culture gives funeral rites to only deserving deceased person. The death of young persons, children, unmarried men and women, people who died of dreaded diseases such as (swollen stomach) ito afo or people who are buried commonly. They are like nwaogiga and do not attract burial rites. The funeral rites of adults, particularly very old men and women with title are celebrated in a grand style. It is grand because of the social status and lineage of relationships - grand, great grandchildren, many in-laws if he is a polygynist, ndi-ogo, friends and well-wishers to mourn for him or her. When men without title in Egwe dies, the story is different the rites in the funeral is less complex in relation to title holders. The patrilineal system of kinship in Egwe, during burials bows for the maternal side of the deceased because of the material representations of chi. It is believed that man's guiding spirit comes from the maternal side who owns the corpse. The coming of maternal linage of one to cut the ogbu-chi plant marks the end of every burial in Egwe, Ibiasogbe and beyond because of its symbolic nature. Igboluogbu chi rite reminds every family of their matrilineal origin popularly called ndi nna ochie - ancient grandfathers, it reaffirms the matrilineal ties of links to the ancestral world of the spirits. The matrilineal side - ndi nna ochie must be informed when their son or daughter dies and must see his or her corpse before committing it to mother earth (burial). 2.7.3.1 Sympathizers before and after Burial The relatives will be receiving condolences of their friends and well-wishers almost all persistently address the patient with an endless repletion of the word “ndo” which according to Basden (1983:112) conveys a much deeper and comprehensive meaning than the English word “sympathy”. It is good to note that in Egwe town, the aborigine of Oma cultural area, their pattern of wailing is different. They sympathize expressing the following expressions: - Egwe ozodoani no mkpologwu aka ejimuoos - calling their ancestors - ozodoani from mkpologwu to come to their rescue. Meanwhile the sympathizers console him or her with: welu nwayoo immelua ahui or bear it - dieeh ya, together with ndo repeatedly. 2.7.3.2 Burring of the Corps The corpse is being attached Immediately behind their hut. In the ancient times, banana leafs or plantain leafs will be plucked and laid as mat for the deceased final bathing which must be done by the sister - nwanne ozu na awu ozu aru. The sisters do the bathing while the brothers supervise. This episode is significant and guided jealously should incase the killer may want to collect the deceased particulars like - finger nails, hair or any valuables. Honey from bees are used to embalm or preserve the body for days if they are waiting for some important children to return. Some use hot drinks to clean and season the body of the deceased as a check against smell and easy decay. Igbasie ozu, for the body while cotton wool-like substance gotten from palm frond head scratched from its surface was used to block the nostrils against flies. The body of the deceased is clothed with the finest cloth from the deceased wardrobe because of encrustation influences of textile. In ancient times, if the deceased is a title holder (nze na ozo) the lion cloth or woven fabric was used and he would be seated in state instead of lying in state. He will be dressed in his outing costume and accessories for people to see, salute and pay their last respect. The youth (Umuikolobia) dig the grave usually 180cm length and 180cm depth and 120cm width; and they are compensated with one jar of palm wine, cigarettes or tobacco etc. In the ancient, Egwe did not use coffin but mats- ute - or agbudu foot mat and use ekwelle rope from palm frond to wrap it and lower it in the grave. This means that he or she has been buried. The umuikolobia cover the grave with dugout sand using ogilisi plant to identify the deceased head.

CHAPTER THREE THE ADVENT OF CHRISTIANITY AND FORMAL EDUCATION IN EGWE The advent of education and Christianity particularly the Catholic faith in Egwe, dates back to early Twentieth century (1912) when the early missionaries ventured southwards from their base at Onitsha. It was Bishop Shanahan, who in 1912, sent Rev. Fr. Feral and his Companions to Nnebukwu and neighbouring towns, including Egwe, to explore the possibilities of evangelizing these areas, through the establishment of churches and schools. 3.1 The First Church The Catholic faith was the first to arrive in the entire Egwe region. Consequently, St. Jude Catholic Church was founded in 1912, through the untiring efforts of Mr. James Obiejesi Onyemachi of blessed memory. He was born in 1885 and in about his adolescent age, he went to Onitsha to pursue his elementary education. After his standard six certificate, he was engaged as a teacher by the Catholic Mission, at Onitsha. It was during the incursion of the early Missionaries to Nnebukwu, Mgbele, Orsu-Obodo, K/Beach, Oguta, and Ulakwo, that Onyemachi attracted them to Egwe through Uhamiri River. Egwe was then a sparsely populated area and Onyemachi was the first to be baptized by the Missionaries and first to acquire the Whitman's Standard Six Certificate in Egwe. 3.1.1 Other Pioneers Apart from Mr. Onyemachi, other pioneers worth mentioning are, Mr. Christopher Onyeka, a craftsman, who built the first tables, forms, benches and stools for the pioneer teachers and pupils, Udechukeu Thomas, Obiajulu Felix, Ifih Augustine, Oguobi Hyacinth and Mr. Jerome Udoji, Mr. Odininye, Mr. Nwabiukwu, as pionner catechists. It is worthy of note that the early Missionaries were however welcomed with open arms by the citizenry, including the traditional ruler, Ndi Nze, Ndi Osiji, Ndi Ofolese etc. They happily allocated land to the Missionaries to build their Church/school. 3.1.2 The Development of St. Jude's Parish Egwe According to Hon. Patrick Onwukaike, at around nineteen forties, St. Jude became an out station of Sacred Heart Parish, Oguta, during the tenure of Bishop Whelan of Owerri Diocese. At the turn of Nineteen fifties, St. Jude witnessed a phenomenal increase in both Catholic adherent and school pupils. This necessitated the relocation of the Church/school to its present site through the efforts of Oguobi Hyacinth, Enyikwasara Daniel, Okolie Mathew, Ndinemenu Pius, the traditional ruler, etc. In March 2013, the Archbishop of Owerri Archdiocese, Most Rev. Anthony J.V Obinna, granted St. Jude's station a special Jurisdiction Status. Later on, St. Jude was raised to a parish on 18/2/2014 and was handed over to the Congregation of the Servants of Charity (Guanellians), with Rev. Fr. Christopher Orji, as the pioneer parish priest. 3.1.2.1 Indigenous Missionaries/Indigenous Priests and Religious It is pertinent to mention that as an out station of Sacred Heart Parish, Oguta, St. Jude was administered by many priests from that parish. Most worthy of mention are Rev. Fr. (Prof.) Iheanyi Obilor and Rev. Jude Eziokwuobundu Ike. Mention must be made of the inestimable contributions of our sons: Chief Ezeanya Emmanuel (Osimiri) and Engr. Ndinemenu Felix, whose names are indelible in the annuals of St. Jude parish. They are our pillars in faith and confidence, more especially towards the construction of the parish House. St. Jude parish has produced a Catholic priest, Rev. Fr. Emmanuel Chibuzo Anamaneze and three Rev. Sisters: Sr. Okonkwo Maryanne, Sr. Umelo Blessing and Sr. Ginika Ossai. The Chart illustration of St Jude as a Parish Status Dates Special Jurisdiction March 2013.

Created Parish 18th of February, 2014.

First Parish Priest Rev. Fr. Christopher Orji.

2014 – 2020.

Second Parish Priest Rev. Fr. Leonard Anyanwu.

2020 - ?

First Curate Rev. Fr. Vincent Oguejiofor. First Resident Priest. Rev. Fr. Benedict Onyema

2019 – 2021

2021 - ?

Catechist Mr. Vitus Onwudiwe.

2014.

Parish Council Chairmen Sir Udemezue Onwukaike (KSJI). Mr. Peter Agumezie.

2014 – 2019.

                                             2019 - ?

3.1.2.2 Friends of St. Jude Also worthy of mention are friends of St. Jude parish from Oguta, Chief Arthur F. Nzeribe who through him and his connections donated over fifty percent of the pews in the church. Duke Nwanegbo and some other sons and daughters of Oguta also contributed towards the church development. The efforts of our Catechists who laboured tirelessly to evangelize and catechize the parishioners cannot be ignored. Other pioneers include, James Onyemachi, Chigbo Gabriel, Ozoemeka John, Orji Batholomew, Ifih Fredrick, Egbufoama Stephen, Nnobadim Richard and Ezediugwu Vitus. 3.2 The Presence of other Missionaries The Advent of education and Christianity especially the Catholic faith, in Egwe, has drastically changed the evangelical life of the average Egwe person. The Anglican Church (St. James Parish) Egwe was founded by Mr. Ogbata Lewis, a native of Awarasi, Uga, Anambra state, in 1977. This was followed by other numerous Orthodox and non-Orthodox Churches. The population of Egwe is now about ninety percent Christian. 3.3 The Dream Project of a Secondary School in Egwe A resolution of the whole Egwe community to set up a community Secondary school was taken. It was championed and heavily sponsored by Gosi Ife Social Group Egwe. After rigorous search for a befitting site the present location of the abandoned building at the entrance to Egwe was chosen. Donations and necessary levies were made by Gosi Ife Social Group Egwe. However, these efforts were downplayed by the Ministry of education in Imo State and Education Commission of Imo State who never approved this school till today. The Egwes believed it was the hand work of their neighbouring communities who never wanted them grow and succeed. Today, the site has nothing to behold as the buildings have been abandoned. However, Egwe people are convinced that this dream will come through. However, the building got dilapidated more after the military used the site as it was confiscated by government. Egwe people fought back for the land in order to retain its purpose. Thus, last year, during one of my house visitation as usual to Hon. Patrick Onwukaike, he expressed his dissatisfaction hearing that some of the youths want to encroach at the land. He told me he was thinking if this particular portion of the intended proposed site for secondary school could be given to my Religious Congregation so that the purpose of that land for the community will not die. He expressed his fears for future. He expressed his utmost desire for my religious congregation (Servants of Charity) to use the land to build an institution that will be in the name of Egwe even if it won't be a secondary school. I supported his idea and suggested to him to discuss it with my Parish Priest Rev. Fr. Leonard Okechukwu and equally asked him to mobilise and get the consent of other elders. This, we discussed in the month of June, little would Hon. Patrick Onwukaike that he will die in the month of October. But the good news is that his wish and good intentions for his people were fulfilled and that this dream will not die in future. May his soul rest in perfect peace….. Amen!

CHAPTER FOUR DEVELOPMENT IN EGWE

4.1 The Breeze of Development in Egwe In view of the self-sufficiency and early development, Egwe people did not look outwards but inwards. As it is encapsulated that Onye nje nje ka onye isi awo ama ihie. The significant moment to be remembered was the encounter between a well-known wrestler who sneaked out to Onitsha to learn a trade on return was asked to wrestle. One Mr. Nnamdi Chiekwe told the contender that it was not wrestling and bringing down the opponent was in vogue but counting the money one has acquired (Oburo gbaa nwude kama obu gua kwuba na ewuzi). By this many most young were challenged and they started to look out-wards like their counterparts elsewhere. 4.2 Progressive Unions in Egwe Then with the capitulation of “Gosi Ife Social Group Egwe” which was founded by Nze Julius Onyemaize, the enthronement of Egwe Progressive Union (EPU) having Chief Franklin Onwudiwe as its first incumbent president and the formation of Egwe Elites Forum headed by Engr. Nzube Reginald Ezeanya as its first chairman, efforts toward development became visible. These organs of leadership in Egwe have made the followings possible: Rebuilding and extension of class room blocks for Egwe towns Primary School. Establishment of Education Trust Fund by EPU for training of eligible undergraduates or prospective undergraduates in tertiary institutions. Creation of Land Committee with the intention defending Egwe's boundaries with neighbouring towns and redemption of community land that were used for planting. Establishment of other branches of Egwe Progressive Union in places like Onitsha, Benue State and Lagos. 4.3 Egwe Electricity Project History had it that Egwe was not captured in the State Rural Electrification Project rather taken to their neighbouring communities. Mr. Emmanuel Ugochukwu sought for solution and was able to draw electricity to Egwe in his household for the first time. However, Egwe Progressive Union approached Chief Emmanuel Ezeanya, a great philanthropist and a developer of his people who help them to electrify the whole Egwe community. So, from 1990 Egwe people started to enjoy the benefit of being electrified. The entire village still enjoys free NEPA bill because of ISOPADEC as it belongs to Oguta L.G.A but has a very poor power supply since APC led administration. 4.4 The Emergence of Women Wing (Egwe Progressive Union) Rev. Fr. Vincent Chukwudi Oguejiofor in his opening address to Egwe Women during their last year's August Meeting reminded them of the old African adage that said: “If you educate a man, you educate an individual. But if you educate a woman, you educate a nation.” This well-known African Proverb has long motivated Egwe women under the leadership of Mrs Engr. Chizoba Ezeanya for an inclusive voice of women in leadership. As noted above, the women of Egwe played a major role in the agricultural economy of Egwe apart from their vital roles in the families. At the establishment of Egwe Progressive Union of Women Wing, Egwe women grew a more active and impacting voice in the development of Egwe land and their children through the followings: Promotion of education for all. Settlement of dispute in the community and stoppage of land selling in Egwe. Sustainable goals for Eke Egwe market. Built an ultra-modern Hall for the community. Empowerment of their follow women especially the widows. Thus, from the studies above, we can say Egwe is yet to arrive at its promised land as vanguard of development and emancipation in the 21st century of our today's society as an autonomous community. This research makes bold to suggest other vehicles of developmental empowerment that need urgent attention: To establish Health Care Centre in Egwe. A committee to draw a constitution and must be approved. Revisit issue of hereditary system of leadership in Egwe. Stoppage of land selling in Egwe through court's victory. Rebuilding Egwe Town School and Egwe Eke market. Revisit land boundary between Egwe and Oguta. Empowerment of the youths in the village. Adopting philosophy of Aku-luno for Egwes in diaspora. Building of civic centre in Egwe and boreholes in Egwe. Sustaining and establishment of more wards in Egwe. Recognition as landlords on the Local Government Headquarter in Egwe. 4.5 The Rural Egwe Market Egwe autonomous community has a very important and famous market at its centre called EKE EGWE Market from time immemorial. The Market served many towns surrounding Egwe far and near. Examples are: Awomama, Omuma, Mgbidi, Ibiasogbe, Uli, Oguta, Egbuoma, Orsu-obodo, Nnebukwu, Nkwesi, Mgbele, Awa, Akabor, Izombe, Ejemekwuru, Ogbaku, Egbema and other Igbo speaking Nigeria that is Anambra State, Delta State and Rivers State areas. Eke Egwe Market is a rural Market that holds every four days and is for buying and selling mostly agricultural products and livestock. Every person who goes to Eke Egwe Market on Eke days either for buying or selling gets satisfaction. It functioned effectively during the Nigerian-Biafran Civil war and still functional today. 4.6 Leadership and Administration in Egwe According to Chief Cosmos Uzor, Ihitte is the first son of Egwe from where the traditional rulers are picked. In the colonial days, there were no kings (Ezes) in almost all communities rather “wealthy and, or influential” individuals where accorded respect and charged with administration of their communities. The colonial masters later recognized these groups of people as warrant chiefs. It was through this process that Egwe had paramount rulers as Chiekwe, from Ihitte Egwe. After Chiekwe, Egwe had Akpulonu, Madubueze and Mbanude. The civilian government of Nigeria, just before and after the civil war, crowned and installed these paramount rulers as Ezes, Igwes, and His Royal Highnesses. For example, the present traditional ruler of Egwe, H.R.H, Eze Pius Ezejiofor, from Umuagwu, Ihitte Egwe, was recognized by East Central State Government in 1978. Note that the traditional stool in Egwe is not rotational.

CONCLUSIONS PRESERVING EGWE'S CULTURAL HERITAGE IN IMO STATE AND IN THE ENTIRE IGBOLAND

Finally, Life histories are central in creating knowledge about rural life. This is particularly true of rural peasants and autonomous communities considered to be ‘lower class’ in society whose experiences have not usually made it into the written record. Texts as James Hoopes argues, help establish the cultural and social context “without which oral evidence may lack historical significance”. As a Roman Catholic Priest, posted to work in Egwe as the since 2019, I felt privileged to have lived and interacted with the people of Egwe. Living and working with them was a fragrant testimony of a communal life. The have a high sense of hospitality. I observed a happy people rich with cultural heritages and values. These experiences of mine and observations have informed me to create a historical knowledge about the rural life of Egwe whose history has not made it into written record. A striking irony is how Egwe people are been marginalized by their neighbouring communities and towns thus, considered as a weak community that should be exterminated. It remains an unforgettable experience to the people of Egwe that the project of having a secondary school is not yet actualized. Egwe's ‘silent voices’ were not heard anywhere even in the government. Thanks to the Catholic Archbishop of Owerri Archdiocese, His Grace Most Rev. Dr Anthony J. V. Obinna who heard the ‘silent voice’ of the Church of Egwe and created it a parish in the year 2014. Hence, Egwe needed to be encouraged in order to emancipate. It got worst seeing the stronger towns playing a kind of territorial dominance by buying all the farm lands in Egwe. First, the stronger neighbouring towns engineering quarrels among family members and then came behind to buy lands at giveaway prices. Sometimes they stronger neighbouring towns mastermind some Egwe youths within the age of 16 – 30 years to sell their family lands without the consent of their parents or family members rather bribe some bad omens among the elders to stand as witnesses. With court, Egwe is more or less intimidated as they are poor and lacks personnel and fund to pursue their cases. The stronger neighbouring towns have blocked the political dividends meant for Egwe in several cases both at state and local government level as a tactics to silent Egwe people and bring them to extinction. Example of that is that there is no primary health care centre in Egwe community and other basic social amenities. These land crises and the scramble for Egwe land by domineering neighbouring communities have caused a lot of harms and confusion hazards. The precarious situation I met in Egwe gave me sleepless night. A voice kept telling me at the chapel whenever I went for my prayers. During the Eucharistic celebrations in the Church, there was this constant reminder to air the ‘silent voice’ of Egwe. That Divine voice said: “Fada Vin, tell the world about the cultural heritage of Egwe as to emancipate them and prevent a future extinction”. In the year 2019 of the Month of June which is usually the celebration of the World Ethnic Day, a day aimed at celebrating different cultures and ethnic groups. We demanded the youths to gather to pray for our town Egwe. They were to wear their different traditional attires. We had the Holy Mass, speech presentations on the current situation of the land and other cultural activities. It was an enriching day that help us reconnected with the traditional and cultural roots of Egwe and promoted the true essence of age-old customs of our people. The presence of our elders and our Eze (the traditional ruler) were never lacking. Through this program, we discovered that the domineering syndrome of the neighbouring communities of Egwe gives a heightening risk of looting Egwe’s cultural heritage and autonomy. This unfolding crisis risks deepening inequalities and rendering Egwe Autonomous Community vulnerable. We believe that this research will help bridge the gap between cultures among neighbouring communities and promote the ‘silent voices' of Egwe Autonomous Community which is urgent and necessary for peace and stability. We remember late Chief Hon. Onwukaike Udemezue (KSJI), who provided me with vital oral informations that I have translated into writing to produce this historical document for Egwe. It was his dream and passion to see the new Egwe emancipate. To see where Egwe’s cultural heritage would remain in existence. To see Egwe people winning their land cases in court, and making their ‘silent voices’ heard through education. Though death did not permit him to see the end of this research and for this reason we dedicate this research to him. We extend our words of appreciation to Chief Cosmos Uzor, Mr. Richard Nnobadim, Engr. Gerald Ezeanya and Mr. Benjamin Obiajuru for their wonderful insights and useful informations. May God reward you all.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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III. Other Sources Akpan U., Funeral/Burial Rites in Rural Nigeria: The Case of the Ibibio, Akwa Ibom State, (Lagos: Lisjognson Redources, 2006). Arazu R. C., Our Religion Past and Present, (Awka: Martinal King Press, 2005). Basden T. G., Among The Igbos of Nigeria, (Ibadan: University Publishing Co., 1982). Bonvillain Nancy, Cultural Anthropology, 2nd ed., (Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2010). Jha M., An Introduction to Social Anthropology, (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 2001). Kalu O. U., Igbo Traditional Religious Systems in the Igbo Traditional Society: A survey of the Igbo Nation, (Onitsha: First Publishers Limited 2002). Koelle Sigismund Wilhelm, Polyglotta African, or A Comparative Vocabulary of Nearly Three Hundred Words and Phrases, in more than One Hundred Distinct African Languages, (London: Church Missionary House, 1854). Korieh J. Chima, The Way We Lived: Essays on Nigerian History, Gender and Society, (New Jersey: Goldline & Jacobs Publishing, 2013). Ottenberg Phoebe V., “The Changing Economic Position of Women Among the Afikpo Ibo,” in William R. Bascom and Melvin J. Herskovits, Continuity and Change in African Cultures, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956). Portes A., “Economic Sociology and Sociology of Immigration: A Conceptual Overview,” in The Economic Sociology of Immigration: Essays on Network, Ethnicity and Entrepreneurship, edited by A. Portes (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1995). Oguejiofor Rev. Fr. Vincent Chukwudi, Homily on Mother's Day Celebration, St Jude's Parish Egwe, 2021. Uchendu Victor, The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965).

IV. INTERVIEWS Late Hon. (Nze) Patrick Udemezue Onwukaike (2019). Interview in Eziala village Egwe. H.R.H, Eze Pius Ezejiofor (2019), Interview in Umuagwu, Ihitte Eze’s Palace Egwe. Chief Philip Okwu (2019). Interview in Okwuoru village Egwe. Chief Cosmas Uzor (2019). Interview in Eziala village Egwe. Mr Richard Nnobadim (2021). Interview in St Jude's Parish Egwe. Mr Benjamin Obiajuru (2021). Interview in St Jude's Parish Egwe. Mr Vitus Onwudiwe (2021). Interview in St Jude's Parish Egwe. Mr Hyacinth Enyikwasara (2021). Interview in Eziala village Egwe. Omamuyuvwi3886 (talk) 00:30, 6 February 2022 (UTC)