Politics of upstate New York

The prevailing political ethos of the residents of Upstate New York varies from that of their Downstate fellows.

Voting patterns

Often attributed to the region's semi-rural character, there is more conservatism in culture and politics than found in the more urban downstate area, and is the power base of the state's Republican Party. Upstate New York does however have several Democratic counties including Erie County (Buffalo), Monroe County (Rochester), Onondaga County (Syracuse), Tompkins County (Ithaca), Albany County (Albany), Niagara County (Niagara Falls), Broome County (Binghamton), Clinton (Plattsburgh), Franklin County (Malone), St. Lawrence County (Massena, Potsdam, Ogdensburg) and Ulster County (Kingston, Woodstock, New Paltz).

As a whole, Upstate New York is roughly equally divided in Federal elections between Democrats and Republicans. In 2004, John Kerry defeated George W. Bush by less than 1,500 votes (1,553,246 votes to 1,551,971) in the Upstate Region.

The conservatism of the upstate region more closely resemble Rockefeller Republicans, pro-business and pro-taxation but socially liberal Republicans who supported the policies of former Governor Nelson Rockefeller. Others are libertarians similarly to the conservatism of Vermont, New Hampshire and some western states instead of the social conservatism of the southern states and the Religious Right.

The influence of public service labor unions is a factor in the Democratic Party's continued strength in the region. Hospitals and public schools are among the area's largest employers, and these agencies have unionized workers. Unionized workers as a whole make up 1 in 4 New York workers, the most in the nation. These unions, most notably the Service Employees International Union and New York State United Teachers, make large purchases of television air time on local television and radio stations during budget negotiations and prior to school budget votes to air commercials featuring scare tactics threatening the closure of hospitals or emergency rooms, larger class sizes, and reduced care if they don't receive more money. Organized rebuttals have been few and far between, although more frequent in recent years; Eliot Spitzer's use of his personal campaign funds to push through his 2007 reforms was the first, more recent movements include Rochester businessman Tom Golisano's Responsible New York campaign, and Buffalo developer Carl Paladino's calls for a constitutional convention directly to address union-friendly laws such as the "Wicks Law" and the Taylor Law.

Upstate politicians have sometimes taken the leading role in the moves that give the state its liberal reputation. It was George Michaels, an assemblyman from the Finger Lakes, who in 1970 asked that his vote of "no" on the bill to legalize abortion in New York be changed to "yes," causing the bill to pass by one vote. Nearly three decades later, voters in Plattsburgh elected Daniel L. Stewart, the state's first openly gay mayor, a Republican. Another upstate mayor, Jason West of New Paltz, drew national attention in early 2004 when he officiated at the state's first gay weddings.

The Democratic Party in upstate cities, particularly in Buffalo, also has traditionally leaned further to the right than downstate Democrats. Jack Quinn, a Republican, was elected from a district that was 57 percent Democratic. Similarly, leading Democrats in the area, including Dennis Gorski, Anthony Masiello and James D. Griffin, were noted for their fiscal and social conservatism and were often cross-endorsed by the Conservative Party of New York. Other examples of moderate to conservative leaning Democrats include Michael McNulty, Scott Murphy and Brian Higgins.

One example of the ideological divide between upstate and downstate Democrats was the reaction to Governor David Paterson's appointment of Congresswoman Kirsten Gillibrand, who represented the 20th District upstate, to the U.S. Senate. Downstate Democrats were skeptical of Gillibrand's positions on gun control and immigration, which while mainstream in Upstate New York, were to the right of positions of downstate Democratic activists such as Congresswoman Carolyn McCarthy. Paterson's appointment of Gillibrand was believed to be an effort to enhance his own chances in a general election by presenting a balanced ticket whch would appeal to moderates and Upstate voters. The last time that New York has had a senator of either party from upstate was Republican Charles E. Goodell in 1971; he was forced out by a more conservative downstate candidate (James Buckley) on a third-party challenge.

Proponents of the 2008 presidential run by Sen. Hillary Clinton have pointed to her relative success upstate (she lost the region by less than 10 percent of the vote in 2000) as an argument that she could succeed as a candidate in red states. Skeptics of such a bid have responded that upstate is not as conservative of what is now the leadership of the Republican Party. [1].

Most of New York State's most successful Republican politicians, however, such as Rockefeller, George Pataki, Thomas Dewey, Fiorello La Guardia, Jacob Javits and Alfonse D'Amato, came from the downstate region. Most upstate Republicans are politically unacceptable to even downstate Republican voters, and the party's financial backers are mostly based downstate. This was a key factor in forcing Buffalo politician Chris Collins out of a potential run for governor in 2010.

Nevertheless, Republican attempts upstate to court votes by openly appealing to suspicion of New York City have usually backfired. In 1998 incumbent (and Long Island native) Republican Senator Al D'Amato's Senate campaign ran television ads in some upstate markets attempting to link his opponent, Charles Schumer, to a flock of hungry sharks released from New York City to fleece upstate. Schumer went on to win the election and did well in upstate areas.

But while politicians based upstate rarely win elections for governor or U.S. Senator, some have been elected to other lesser statewide offices, such as lieutenant governor (Stan Lundine, Maryanne Krupsak and Mary Donohue, for instance), comptroller (Edward Regan) and attorney general (Dennis Vacco).

The sharp differences in ideology have historically fueled many political struggles by upstate conservatives with largely downstate-based Democrats in the New York Legislature; however the feuds quite often tend to be more on regional lines than on party lines. The most recent major examples were the failed attempt by Syracuse-area assemblyman Michael Bragman, the majority leader of that body to seize control of the downstate-dominated state Democratic party in 2000, which was immediately followed by a strong retaliatory backlash against all upstate politicians in state government and the attempt by both Republicans and Democrats to cater to upstate voters by promising to disband the New York State Thruway, whose toll portions are entirely upstate. Both candidates in the 2006 gubernatorial election (Democrat Eliot Spitzer and Republican John Faso) pledged to eliminate the tolls. However, at the present time, only an eight mile stretch of I-190 in downtown Buffalo, which had been collecting tolls to be used to keep I-84 downstate a free highway, has been made toll-free. In fact, the thruway authority has steadily increased tolls annually since 2006. Critics upstate feel that it is unlikely that either party would genuinely be willing to give up such a significant source of revenue, despite promises to the contrary, particularly one that does not draw its funding from the population core downstate.

While Republicans have traditionally controlled the State Senate by virtue of holding most seats upstate, the leadership has often been split between upstate senators such as Joseph Bruno and Long Islanders such as the current leader, Dean Skelos.

The 2008 state senate elections shifted political power in the chamber from the upstate-heavy Republicans to the New York City-centered Democrats. Skelos, a Long Island native, hatched a plan to lure four conservative New York City Democrats (known collectively as the "Gang of Four") to vote for Skelos as leader of the Senate in exchange for committee assignments, but the move backfired: the Democrats in question got the committee assignments (ahead of the upstate senators who were expected to get them) but instead turned and announced their support for Senate Democratic leader Malcolm Smith, as part of a deal ironically hatched by upstate politicians Steven Pigeon and Tom Golisano. As a result, several state Senate Republicans have considered reaching out to the five upstate Democrats (compared to 27 downstate Democrats) in the chamber to form a coalition, including Buffalo Democrat William Stachowski, who would have earned a powerful committee leadership position had it not been for the Gang of Four deal. Stachowski and the others have so far rebuffed any suggestions they would break ranks. In an effort to retain the upstate Democrats, Smith nominated Syracuse senator David Valesky as his second-in-command. Upstate Democrats such as Valesky, Stachowski and Darrel Aubertine often face significant pressure from constituents and other upstate lawmakers to hold more conservative positions than their downstate counterparts.

In the congressional elections of 2006 and 2008, many upstate Congressional seats historically held by Republicans came under serious challenge by Democratic contenders, and some (such as the 20th, 24th and 29th districts) were lost to Democrats, even with Republican voter enrollment advantages remaining in place. Slow population growth in the 1990s led legislators to eliminate two upstate House districts in the 2002 reapportionment and leave all downstate districts alone, hence, the influence of upstate in Congress has faded from the days in which Jack Kemp, Barber Conable, and Sam Stratton were prominent House leaders.

A growing movement exists among New York City residents to buy summer homes in upstate tourist communities and vote in elections there (where their vote would have more of an influence), a move that has drawn significant enmity from local residents.

Presidentital voting patterns

Upstate New York
Presidential elections results

Year	Republican	Democratic
2008	46.82% 1,504,543	53.18% 1,708,772
2004	49.19% 1,551,971	49.23% 1,553,246
2000	45.30% 1,348,93	49.33% 1,469,087
1996	36.76% 1,050,511	49.66% 1,419,077
1992	36.72% 1,159,280	39.31% 1,241,203
1988	52.49% 1,506,011	46.71% 1,340,248
1984	60.17% 1,765,919	34.49% 1,158,830
1980	47.93% 1,327,072	41.65% 1,153,234
1976	55.57% 1,555,430	44.06% 1,233,220
1972	63.45% 1,805,076	36.30% 1,032,633
1968	49.60% 1,330,622	44.12% 1,183,698
1964	31.73% 873,257	68.18% 1,876,429
1960	54.05% 1,552,646	45.87% 1,317,838

Downstate New York
Presidential elections results

Year	Republican	Democratic
2008	30.14% 1,320,570	69.86% 3,060,928
2004	33.39% 1,409,657	65.42% 2,761,973
2000	27.42% 1,054,391	68.64% 2,638,820
1996	25.53% 882,981	67.58% 2,337,100
1992	31.24% 1,187,369	57.97% 2,203,247
1988	43.57 1,575,860	55.51% 2,007,634
1984	49.04% 1,898,844	50.64% 1,960,779
1980	45.64% 1,566,759	45.88% 1,575,138
1976	41.47% 1,545,361	57.87% 2,156,338
1972	55.31% 2,387,702	44.44% 1,918,451
1968	40.84% 1,677,310	53.44% 2,194,772
1964	31.05% 1,370,302	68.80% 3,036,727
1960	42.86% 1,893,773	56.86% 2,512,247

See also:

• List of political figures of Upstate New York
• Politics of New York
• New York State Legislature
• Secession in New York