Left-wing politics

"Left wing" redirects here. For the term used in sports, see winger (sport).

"Leftism" redirects here. For the album of the band Leftfield, see Leftism (album).

In politics, the left-wing, the political left, and the left are terms used in the spectrum of Left-Right politics, defined as against the political right and associated, to varying degrees, with social (as opposed to classical) liberalism, social democracy, socialism, communism, anarchism and green politics.

The left is generally secular, as in India, the Middle East, and Turkey. However, in some Roman Catholic countries there is a tradition of Liberation theology which focuses upon "social justice", and in most Protestant countries there is a tradition of Christian Socialism. In the US, religion and left-wing politics have sometimes been allies, for example in the U.S. civil rights movement, and sometimes opponents, for example opposition by conservative Christians to legalizing abortion.

Those on the left view themselves as "progressive", on the side of social progress and openness to change.

Old Left refers to the tendency within left politics in the first half of the twentieth century to focus upon class conflict, sometimes in an economic determinism way, while New Left refers to the left politics that emerged in the 1950s and especially 1960s, which emphasized the cultural. Examples of the new left include Students for a Democratic Society and New Left Review.

Center-left, left of center and left liberal refer to the left side of mainstream politics in liberal democracies. These support liberal democracy, representative democracy, private property rights and some degree of free market, as well as high social spending, universal provision of social welfare and some state regulation of the economy. Examples are the British Labour Party, the American Democratic Party and the Social Democratic Party of Germany. Soft left refers to reformist, democratic or parliamentary forms of socialism. Hard left refers to socialists who advocate more radical change in society - e.g. the Militant Tendency. Ultra-left refers to those deemed to be on the extreme left of the political spectrum e.g. Italian autonomism.

See political spectrum and left-right politics for further discussion of this kind of classification.

Origins and history of the term

See the Left-Right politics article for more detailed discussion of the history and development of the term

The term originates from the French Revolution, when liberal deputies from the Third Estate generally sat to the left of the president's chair, a habit which began in the Estates General of 1789. The nobility, members of the Second Estate, generally sat to the right. It is still the tradition in the French Assemblée Nationale for the representatives to be seated left-to-right (relative to the Assemblée president) according to their political alignment.

As this original reference became obsolete, the meaning of the term has changed, and is now used to denote a broad variety of political philosophies and principles. In contemporary Western political discourse, the term is most often used to describe forms of socialism, social democracy, or, in the sense in which the term is understood in the United States, liberalism.

In the United States, no avowedly Socialist or Communist party ever became a major player in national politics, although the Social Democratic Party of Eugene V. Debs and its successor Socialist Party of America (in the late 19th and early 20th centuries) and the Communist Party of the United States of America (in the 1930s) made some inroads. While many American "liberals" might be "social democrats" in European terms, few openly embrace the term "left"; in the United States, the term is mainly embraced by New Left activists, certain portions of the labor movement, and people who see their intellectual or political heritage as descending from 19th century socialist movements.

Many Greens deny that green politics is "on the left" as several green proponent of free markets have proposed what they considered more efficient means to achieve their objectives; nonetheless, most green economic policies can generally be considered left-wing, and when they have formed political coalitions (most notably in Germany, but also in local governments elsewhere), it has almost always been with groups that would generally be classified as being on the left.

Left-wing issues

The left has traditionally been concerned with the lower classes and with combatting oppression. Thus the al revolution saw left-wing politics become associated with the conditions and rights of workers in the new industries. This led to movements around social democracy, socialism and trade unionism. More recently, the left has criticized what it perceives as the exploitative nature of current forms of globalization, e.g. the rise of sweatshops and the "race to the bottom", and either has sought to promote more just forms of globalization, such as fair trade, or has sought to allow nation-states to "delink" or break free of the global economy.

Although specific means of achieving these ends are not agreed upon by different left-wing groups, almost all those on the left agree that some form of government or social intervention in economics is necessary, ranging from Keynesian economics and the welfare state through industrial democracy or the social market to nationalization of the economy and central planning.

As civil and human rights gained more attention during the twentieth century, the left has allied itself with advocates of racial and gender equality and cultural tolerance. Most of the left has been opposed to imperialism, colonialism and war. The left has historically supported movements for national self-determination.

Advocacy of government or social intervention in the market puts those on the left at odds with advocates of the free market as well as corporations (who oppose government control of the markets but not necessarily all control) if they see their interests threatened, but more generally, as they believe that the effect of government interventions are more often than not hurting most the objectives that the policies are promoting.

The above strands of left-wing thought come in many forms, and individuals who support some of the objectives of one of the above strands will not necessarily support all of the others. At the level of practical political policy, there are endless variations in the means that left-wing thinkers advocate to achieve their basic aims, and they sometimes argue with each other as much as with the right.

The Left and War

Main article: The Left and War

Historically, various groups on the left have been high-profile opponents of war, except of course when these wars have been fought by leftist regimes e.g. Revolutionary France.

While anti-war movements have never been exclusively left-wing, they have generally been led, inspired, and organised by those on the left. While some on the left are inspired by pacifism, most left-wing opposition to war arises from anti-imperialism which leads them to generally reject wars because they see them as being in capitalist interests rather than being morally against all violence. Left-wing opposition to war is also often characterised by the internationalist belief that the world's workers share common interests with one another, rather than with the powers governing their respective countries.

First and Second World Wars

The First World War triggered fierce debate among socialist groups as to the right response to take, with the leaderships of most socialist parties of the Second International supporting their governments, and a minority of socialists, such as Rosa Luxemburg and Lenin opposing the war as imperialist. Left-wing opponents to the war came together at the Zimmerwald Conference. Part of the driving force of the Russian Revolution was revolt by soldiers against the First World War, epitomised in the slogan taken up by the Bolsheviks: "bread, land and peace".

The Second World War was generally seen as a war between fascism and democracy and thus many on the left supported the Allied cause. However, some groups saw it as simply another imperialist war and thus opposed it.

Spanish Civil War

The Spanish Civil War was seen by many on the left as an important fight between fascism and democracy. In response to the outbreak of war, many people joined the International Brigades or other left-wing militias organized by trade unions or political parties. Others campaigned for the democratic countries to impose arms embargoes and to work through the League of Nations to stop the war.

Vietnam and the Post-September 11 Anti-war Movements

The next large anti-war movement that involved the western left was that against the Vietnam War; it triggered much opposition beyond the ranks of the left and is generally thought of as part of a growing counter-culture movement which took up many different left-wing issues.

The American-led wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, which came in the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks, led to new anti-war movements forming. Various social democratic political parties (such as Tony Blair's Labour Party) supported and sent their countries' troops to participate in these wars, seeing them as appropriate responses to the terrorist threat. Indeed, there have been defences of these wars from the basis of left-wing internationalist values.. However, most of the left has opposed these wars, especially the war in Iraq. The war in Iraq was largely seen as unrelated to the attack on the US, and some have claimed that the war in Iraq is imperialist, that oil and control of the Middle East were the goals rather than weapons of mass destruction.

Some criticism has been levelled at various left-wing groups for forming anti-war coalitions with conservative organisations (such as the paleoconservative Antiwar.com) or with groups seen as as led by fundamentalist Islamists (such as the Muslim Association of Britain). One response has been to claim that the characterisation of Muslim groups as extremist is racist, and that broad united fronts are positive. There has also been some controversy over the left's use of the Palestine issue in an anti-war context.

The anti-war movement was generally seen as re-invigorating left-wing movements, though there was a large current on the French left (especially within ATTAC) that saw them as detracting from the economic issues of the anti-globalisation movement. In the U.S., much of the left-wing radicalisation was channelled into Anybody but Bush campaigns, which effectively meant supporting the pro-war centrist Democratic Party. In the U.K, anti-war feeling may have been a factor in a drop in support for the pro-war Labour Party and the cause of gains for the Liberal Democrats.

The left and political violence

The political term left arose during the French Revolution; the left in that revolution overtly articulated a politics of "Terror" as a revolutionary tactic, although, in the event, they were to be as much its victims as its perpetrators.

Many left-wing groups unequivocally reject terrorism either on moral grounds or for being counter-productive in advancing the progressive cause. Some groups on the Far left however are enthusiastic supporters of political violence, so long as it serves the end of obtaining political power.

Among the heirs to the tradition of violent revolution were the Narodniks in Russia in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. They aimed to overthrow the oppressive authoritarianism of the Tsarist state by systematic attacks on the Tsar and his ministers. Even as a response to such a regime, aimed at the leaders of the regime, their strategy was hotly debated within the Russian left; for example, in a discussion of the Narodniks, Leon Trotsky wrote:

'In our eyes, individual terror is inadmissible precisely because it belittles the role of the masses in their own consciousness, reconciles them to their own powerlessness, and turns their eyes and hopes toward a great avenger and liberator who someday will come and accomplish his mission.'

In the 1970s, various left-wing groups sprang up from the social movements of the time, such as Weathermen and the Symbionese Liberation Army in the U.S., the Angry Brigade in Britain, the Baader-Meinhof group in Germany, the Red Brigades in Italy and so on. These groups were impatient with the pace of progress the social movements had achieved. They turned to acts of terrorism in order to either hasten what they deemed progress or in order to shock the populace into dissatisfaction with the status quo. The actual result of their activities was to divide the left and they failed to inflict serious damage on their ruling classes.[1]

Examples of Militant Left-Wing Groups

• Red Brigades
• National Liberation Army (Colombia)
• Red Army Faction, also known as the Baader-Meinhof Gang
• Movement 2 June
• Japanese Red Army
• Action Directe
• ETA
• Shining Path
• Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)
• Revolutionary Organization 17 November
• Revolutionary People's Liberation Party-Front
• Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP)
• Abu Nidal Organization, also known as Fatah Revolutionary Council
• Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA)
• Animal Liberation Front
• Black September
• Earth Liberation Front
• Provisional Irish Republican Army
• Palestine Liberation Front
• Weather Underground
• Front de libération du Québec (FLQ)
• Global Intifada
• Invisible Party

The Left and Global Justice/Anti-corporate Globalization

The Global Justice Movement movement, also known as the anti-globalisation or alter-globalization movement, is a collection of social movements which are prominent in protests against global trade agreements and the negative consequences they perceive them to have for the poor, for the environment and for peace. It is generally characterised as left-wing, though some activists within it reject association with the traditional left. Likewise, some within the left reject it being 'left'. While some within the movement are motivated by concerns that are generally thought of as left-wing issues, the presence of libertarians at demonstrations, and the anti-corporate-globalization positions of noted right-wingers such as Pat Buchanan are notable exceptions. The ongoing anti-corporate work of anarchists which do not identify as "left" or "right" additionally make it difficult to label the movement "left" as such.

The left and feminism

Main article: the left and feminism

Early feminism in the nineteenth century was closely connected to radical politics. However, there was also a right-wing current which rejected alliances with other radical movements such as for the abolition of slavery and workers’ rights. Contemporary feminism emerged alongside the New Left and other new social movements as partly within and partly a challenge to the left. Today, socialist feminists, Marxist feminists and liberal feminists are, to a greater or lesser extent, on the left of the political spectrum, while radical feminists reject this axis.

The left and the Third World

Left wing politics drove many of the anti-colonial movements in Africa, Asia and South America. However after the collapse of the Soviet Union most Third World governments accepted the rule of the World Bank. A contemporary exception is Venezuela. There are large left wing social movements in many Third World countries such as Abahlali baseMjondolo in South Africa and the Zapatistas in Mexico. Many third world intellectuals and activists argue that the European and North American left often takes a racialised and paternalistic position towards third world movements. There is particular criticism of the role of Northern NGOs.

The left and postmodernism

As Barbara Epstein notes, "Many people, inside and outside the world of postmodernism (and for that matter inside and outside the left), have come to equate postmodernism with the left". While some postmodernists, such as Francis Fukuyama, are widely identified with the right, most postmodernists would describe themselves as on the left. Postmodernism is far from being widely accepted within left-wing political movements; it has been most widely accepted amongst left-wing academics.

Left-wing Postmodernist theories tend to reject attempts at universal explanatory theories such as Marxism, deriding them as grand narratives. They argue for an embrace of culture and ideology as the battle grounds for change, rejecting traditional ways of organising such as political parties and trade unions, instead focusing on critiquing or deconstructing existing society.

Critiques from within the left

Left-wing critics of postmodernism see it as a reaction to the economic failure of Socialism (both in Europe and Latin America and the USA) and disillusionment with totalitarian Communist regimes. They assert that cultural studies courses inflate the importance of culture through denying the existence of an independent reality.

The Sokal affair

Probably the most famous critique of postmodernism from within the left came in the form of a 1996 prank by physicist and self-described leftist Alan Sokal. Concerned about what he saw as the increasing prevalence on the left of "a particular kind of nonsense and sloppy thinking… that denies the existence of objective realities, or…downplays their practical relevance…", Sokal composed a nonsensical article entitled "Transgressing the Boundaries: Toward a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity" , in which a mix of mis-stated and mis-used terms from physics, postmodernism, literary analysis, and political theory are used to claim that physical reality, and especially gravitation, do not objectively exist, but are psychologically and politically constructed.

The journal Social Text published the paper in its Spring/Summer 1996 issue, whereupon Sokal publicly revealed his hoax. While some saw Sokal as attacking leftism in general, he was very clear that this was intended as a critique from within:

Politically, I'm angered because most (though not all) of this silliness is emanating from the self-proclaimed Left. We're witnessing here a profound historical volte-face. For most of the past two centuries, the Left has been identified with science and against obscurantism… epistemic relativism betrays this worthy heritage and undermines the already fragile prospects for progressive social critique. Theorizing about “the social construction of reality” won't help us find an effective treatment for AIDS or devise strategies for preventing global warming. Nor can we combat false ideas in history, sociology, economics and politics if we reject the notions of truth and falsity.… The results of my little experiment demonstrate, at the very least, that some fashionable sectors of the American academic Left have been getting intellectually lazy.

Critiques from the Right

Right-wing critics have seen post-modernism as nihilistic. Gary Jason claims that "The failure of socialism, both empirically and theoretically, ... brought about a crisis of faith among socialists, and postmodernism is their response."

Many opponents of the left, David Horowitz for example, claim that researchers who align themselves with the left select facts favorable to their cause, and demonize the values of those who oppose their cause.

The Left and Darwinism

The left's relationship with Darwinism has been congenial (with the exception of Stalin's support of Trofim Lysenko's Lamarckian views) but it has sought to substitute class struggle for the biological determinism.

In 1875 Friedrich Engels wrote a letter to Pyotr Lavrov saying

"I accept the theory of evolution, but Darwin’s method of proof (struggle for life, natural selection) I consider only a first, provisional, imperfect expression of a newly discovered fact. ... The interaction of bodies in nature — inanimate as well as animate — includes both harmony and collision, struggle and cooperation. When therefore a self-styled natural scientist takes the liberty of reducing the whole of historical development with all its wealth and variety to the one-sided and meager phrase "struggle for existence," a phrase which even in the sphere of nature can be accepted only cum grano salis, such a procedure really contains its own condemnation."

In 1902 the anarchist philosopher and scientist Peter Kropotkin published the book Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution, which provided an additional means for the natural selection and evolution of species, beyond claims of 'Survival of the Fittest.' Written partly as a response to Social Darwinism and in particular to Thomas H. Huxley's essay, "The Struggle for Existence", published in the magazine Nineteenth Century, Kropotkin drew on his experiences in scientific expeditions during his time in Siberia to illustrate the phenomenon of cooperation in animal and human communities. After examining the evidence of cooperation among the animals, the "savages", the "barbarians", in the medieval city, and in modern times, he concludes that cooperation and mutual aid are as important in the evolution of the species as competition and mutual strife, if not more important.

Political parties on the Left

Depending on the political viewpoint of the person defining the categories, different groups might be categorized as on the left. One might generally characterize parties as on the political left in their respective countries, though even then they might have relatively little in common with other left-wing groups beyond their opposition to the right. However even this can cause issues. For example, the Democratic Leadership Council, an organization of centrists affiliated with the Democratic Party in which former President Bill Clinton was active, is generally considered to be the right wing of the U.S. Democratic Party.

Pejorative use of the word "leftist"

In American politics, the word "leftist" can be used as a pejorative, without any of the meanings actually associated with the political left. For example, in Bill O'Reilly's syndicated column, under the headline "Leftist media members define American culture", O'Reilly identifies the film "An Inconvenient Truth" and the musical group "Dixie Chicks" as "leftist". He goes on to say, "Almost every major pop culture magazine tilts left. The network news broadcasts tilt left. Hollywood is a bastion of far-left thought. The teacher's unions are far left." O'Reilly contrasts these "leftist" organizations with "...the pool of well-informed, clear-thinking Americans...", which he says is shrinking.

Bibliography

• Encyclopedia of the American Left, ed. by Mari Jo Buhle, Paul Buhle, Dan Georgakas, Second Edition, Oxford University Press 1998, ISBN 0-19-512088-4
• Lin Chun, The British New Left, Edinburgh : Edinburgh Univ. Press, 1993
• Geoff Eley, Forging Democracy: The History of the Left in Europe, 1850-2000, Oxford University Press 2002, ISBN 0-19-504479-7
• Marxism on Terrorism by John Molyneux
• Terrorism and Communism by Karl Kautsky

See also

Left-wing Ideologies

• Communism
• Socialism
• Anarchism
• Marxism
• Marxist feminism
• Eco-socialism
• Green politics
• Democratic socialism
• Left communism
• Libertarian socialism

• Progressivism
• Social democracy
• Social Liberalism
• Syndicalism

Left-wing issues

• Egalitarianism
• Environmentalism
• Labour movement
• Democracy
• Trade unionism
• Secularism
• New Left
• Liberal elite
• The Left and war

Related political topics

• New social movements
• Political spectrum -- discusses various writers' views of the usefulness (or not) of the Left/Right dichotomy and of alternative spectra.
• Left-right politics -- discusses the range of various writers' meanings when they use the terms "left" and "right" in a political context.
• Right-wing politics
• Post-left anarchy -- discusses anarchist critiques critical of leftism, which attempts to escape the confines of traditional leftist ideology.

External links

Reference sites

• The Marxists Internet Archive (a free online Marxist library)
• The Political Compass an alternate view of the political spectrum
• Leftist Parties of the World List of present-day leftist parties and organizations of the world, with links to their websites.