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Naxalite–Maoist insurgency

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Naxalite–Maoist insurgency

Red Corridor–Naxalite active zones in 2018
Date18 May 1967 (1967-05-18) – present
(57 years, 6 months and 2 weeks)
Location
India
Status

Ongoing as a low level insurgency

  • India successfully manages to reduce insurgent activity[20]
Belligerents

 India[1]

Militias: (until 2011)[2]

Naxalites:

Supported by:
Commanders and leaders

India Droupadi Murmu
(President)
India Narendra Modi
(Prime Minister)
India Amit Shah
(Minister of Home Affairs)
Rajeev Rai Bhatnagar
(Director General)
Pranay Sahay
(Former Director General)[21]

Mahendra Karma †
(Leader of Salwa Judum)
Brahmeshwar Singh  X
(Leader of Ranvir Sena)		 Ganapathy
Basavraj
Azad †
Anand #
Kosa †
Kishenji †
Charu Majumdar (POW)
Kanu Sanyal (POW)
Jangal Santhal (POW)
Sabyasachi Panda (POW)
Prashant Bose (POW)
Ashutosh Tudu (POW)
Yalavarthi Naveen Babu †
Narmada Akka †
Arun Kumar Bhattacharjee (POW)
Deo Kumar Singh #
Milind Teltumbde †
Jagdish Mahto †
Ravindra Singh Kushwaha (POW)
Subrata Dutta †
Mahendar Singh †
Anil Baruah †
Shankar Rao †
Strength

CRPF: 313,634

State Armed Forces :1,289,900		 10,000–20,000 members (2009–2010 estimate)[22][23]
6,500–9,500 insurgents (2013 estimate)[24]
Casualties and losses
2000–2024:
2,688 killed[25]		 2000–2024:
4,515 killed
16,901 Surrendered
16,394 Arrested[26]
1996–2018: 12,877–14,369 killed overall[27][28]
2000–2024: 4,032 civilians killed[29]

The Naxalite–Maoist insurgency is part of an ongoing conflict between left-wing extremist groups and the Indian government.[30] The Naxalites are a group of communist supportive groups, who often follow Maoist political sentiment and ideology.

The insurgency started after the 1967 Naxalbari uprising and the subsequent split of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) leading to the creation of a Marxist–Leninist faction.[31] The faction splintered into various groups supportive of Maoist ideology, claiming to fight a rural rebellion and people's war against the government.[32]

The armed wing of the Maoists is called the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army, mostly equipped with small arms. They have conducted multiple attacks on the security forces and government workers, which has resulted in the deaths of more than 4000 civilians and 2500 security force personnel since the 2000s. The influence zone of the Naxalites is called the red corridor, which consists of about 25 districts in Central and East India in 2021.

The insurgency reached its peak in the late 2000s with almost 180 affected districts and has been on the decline since then due to the counter-insurgency actions and development plans formulated by the Indian government. Naxalite organisations and groups have been declared as terrorist organisations under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act of India (1967).[33][34]

Etymology

The term Naxalite originated from the name of the village Naxalbari in West Bengal where an uprising of peasents occurred in 1967. The movement itself is referred to as "Naxalism" and the people engaged are termed as "Naxals" or "Naxalites". The term "Naxalism" is broadly applied to refer to all the communist insurgent movements.[35]

History

See also: Timeline of the Naxalite–Maoist insurgency

Naxalites are a group of far-left radical communists, supportive of Maoist political sentiment and ideology. Their origin can be traced to the splitting in 1967 of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), leading to the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist). Initially the movement had its centre in West Bengal. In recent years, it has spread into less developed areas of rural central and eastern India, such as Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh through the activities of underground groups like the Communist Party of India (Maoist). Dalits and other lower-caste members have also joined the militant movement.[36]

In 2007, it was estimated that Naxalites were active across "half of India's 28 states" which accounted for about 40 per cent of India's geographical area. The area under their control was known as the "Red Corridor", where according to estimates they had influence over 92,000 square kilometres. In 2009, Naxalites were active across approximately 180 districts in ten states of India[37] In August 2010, Karnataka was removed from the list of Naxal-affected states[38] In July 2011, the number of Naxal-affected areas was reduced to (including proposed addition of 20 districts) 83 districts across nine states.[39][40]

Summary

The LWE is characterised in following 3 distinct phases, "Phase 1 (1967–1973)" – the formative phase, "Phase 2 (1967–late 1990s)" – the era of all-outthspread of LWE, and "Phase 3 (2004–now)" – relative decline after brief fightback.

Phase 1 (1967–1973) – formative phase

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The insurgency started in 1967 in the Naxalbari village of West Bengal by a radical faction of the CPI-M led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal, and Jangal Santhal dubbed the Naxalbari uprising. Charu Majumdar wanted a protracted people's war in India similar to the Chinese Communist Revolution. He wrote the Historic Eight Documents which became the foundation of the naxalite movement in 1967.[41][51]

The uprising inspired similar movements in Orissa, Andhra Pradesh (Srikakulam peasant uprising) and Kerala.[52]

Naxalbari uprising

Main article: Naxalbari uprising

On 18 May 1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha, of which Jangal Santhal was the president, declared their support for the movement initiated by Kanu Sanyal, and their readiness to adopt armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless.[53] At the time, the leaders of this revolt were members of the CPI (M), which joined a coalition government in West Bengal just a few months back. However, this led to dispute within the party as Charu Majumdar believed the CPM was to support a doctrine based on revolution similar to that of the People's Republic of China.[54][55] Leaders like land minister Hare Krishna Konar had been until recently "trumpeting revolutionary rhetoric, suggesting that militant confiscation of land was integral to the party's programme."[56] However, now that they were in power, CPI (M) did not approve of the armed uprising, and all the leaders and a number of Calcutta sympathizers were expelled from the party. This disagreement within the party soon culminated with the Naxalbari Uprising on 25 May of the same year, and Majumdar led a group of dissidents to start a revolt.[54]

On 25 May 1967 in Naxalbari, Darjeeling district, a sharecropper of tribal background (Adivasi) who had been given land by the courts under the tenancy laws was attacked by the landlord's men. In retaliation, tribals started forcefully capturing back their lands. When a police team arrived, they were ambushed by a group of tribals led by Jangal Santhal, and a police inspector was killed in a hail of arrows. This event encouraged many Santhal tribals and other poor people to join the movement and to start attacking local landlords.[57] After seventy-two days of revolt, the CPI (M) coalition government suppressed this incident.[54] Subsequently, In November 1967, this group, led by Sushital Ray Chowdhury, organised the All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR).[58] Violent uprisings were organised in several parts of the country like the Srikakulam peasant uprising.

Mao Zedong provided ideological inspiration for the Naxalbari movement, advocating that Indian peasants and lower class tribals overthrow the government of the upper classes by force.[59][55] A large number of urban elites were also attracted to the ideology, which spread through Charu Majumdar's writings, particularly the Historic Eight Documents.[60] These documents were essays formed from the opinions of communist leaders and theorists such as Mao Zedong, Karl Marx, and Vladimir Lenin.[54] Using People's courts, similar to those established by Mao, Naxalites try opponents and execute with axes or knives, beat, or permanently exile them.[61]

Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)

Main article: Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist)

On 22 April 1969 (Lenin's birthday), the AICCCR gave birth to the CPI (ML). The party was formed by the radicals of the CPI-M like Majumdar and Saroj Dutta. Practically all Naxalite groups trace their origin to the CPI (ML). The first party congress was held in Calcutta 1970. A Central Committee was elected. In 1971 Satyanarayan Singh revolted against the leadership, "individual killing of people branded as class enemy" and sectarianism of Majumdar. The result became that the party was split into two, one CPI (ML) led by Satyanarayan Singh and one CPI (ML) led by Majumdar.

In 1972, frail and broken Majumdar died of multiple diseases in police custody presumably as a result of torture; his death accelerated the fragmentation of the movement. After his death a series of splits took place during the major part of the 1970s. The Naxalite movement suffered a period of extremely harsh repression that rivalled the Dirty Wars of South America at the same time that the movement got all more fragmented.[42] After Majumdar's death the CPI (ML) central committee split into pro- and anti-Majumdar factions. In December 1972 the Central Committee of the pro-Charu Majumdar CPI (ML) led by Sharma and Mahadev Mukherjee adopted resolution to follow the line of Charu Majumdar unconditionally which others did not agree to. The pro-Charu Majumdar CPI (ML) later split into pro- and anti-Lin Biao factions. The pro-Lin Biao faction became known as Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) (Mahadev Mukherjee)[62] and the anti-Lin Biao-group later became known as Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Liberation[63] and was led by Jauhar, Vinod Mishra, Swadesh Bhattacharya.[42] As a result of both external repression and a failure to maintain internal unity, the movement degenerated into extreme sectarianism.

Violence in West Bengal

Around 1971 the Naxalites gained a strong presence among the radical sections of the student movement in Calcutta.[64] Students left school to join the Naxalites. Majumdar declared that revolutionary warfare was to take place not only in the rural areas as before, but now everywhere and spontaneously. Thus Majumdar declared an "annihilation line", a dictum that Naxalites should assassinate individual "class enemies" (such as landlords, businessmen, university teachers, police officers, politicians of the right and left) and others.[43][65]

The chief minister, Siddhartha Shankar Ray of the Congress Party, instituted strong counter-measures against the Naxalites. The West Bengal police fought back to stop the Naxalites. The house of Somen Mitra, the Congress MLA of Sealdah, was allegedly turned into a torture chamber where Naxals were incarcerated illegally by police and the Congress cadres. CPI(M) cadres were also involved in clashes with the Naxals. After suffering losses and facing the public rejection of Majumdar's "annihilation line", the Naxalites alleged human rights violations by the West Bengal police, who responded that the state was effectively fighting a civil war and that democratic pleasantries had no place in a war, especially when the opponent did not fight within the norms of democracy and civility.[57]

Operation Steeplechase

See also: Operation Green Hunt

killing hundreds of Naxalites and imprisoning more than 20,000 suspects and cadres, including senior leaders.[44] The paramilitary forces and a brigade of para commandos also participated in Operation Steeplechase. The operation was choreographed in October 1969, and Lt. General J.F.R. Jacob was enjoined by Govind Narain, the Home Secretary of India, that "there should be no publicity and no records" and Jacob's request to receive the orders in writing was also denied by Sam Manekshaw.[66]

By the 1970s the government led many crackdowns on the movement and by 1973 the main cadres of the Naxalites had been eliminated and were dead or behind bars.[67] The movement fractured into more than 40 separate small groups.[68] As a result, instead of popular armed struggle in the countryside, individual terrorism in Calcutta became a principal method of struggle.

Phase 2 (1970s to late 1990s)

See also: 1970 Bhojpur uprising

The early 1970s saw the spread of Naxalism to almost every state in India, barring Western India.[45] During the 1970s, the movement was fragmented into disputing factions. By 1980, it was estimated that around 30 Naxalite groups were active, with a combined membership of 30,000.[69] Though India's first wave of insurgent violence ended badly for this domestic left-wing extremist movement but did not eliminate the conditions inspiring the movement or all of those willing to hold to the Naxalite cause. This time, the insurgency was done in South India particularly in the (undivided) state of Andhra Pradesh.[70]

On 22 April 1980, the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War, commonly called as People's War Group (PWG) was founded by Kondapalli Seetharamaiah. He sought a more efficient structure in attacks and followed the principles of Charu Majumdar. By 1978 Naxalite peasant revolts had spread to the Karimnagar District and Adilabad District. These new waves of insurgents kidnapped landlords and forced them to confess to crimes, apologize to villagers, and repay forced bribes. By the early 1980s insurgents had established a stronghold and sanctuary in the interlinked North Telangana village and Dandakaranya forests areas along the Andhra Pradesh and Orissa border.

In 1985 Naxalite insurgents began ambushing police. After they killed a police sub-inspector in Warangal, IPS officer K. S. Vyas raised a special task force called the Greyhounds;[46] an elite anti-Naxalite commando unit that still exists today to establish control in the seven worst affected districts.

The governments of Andhra Pradesh and Orissa managed to quell down the rebels with a variety of counterinsurgency measures. Including the help of the Greyhounds, the states established special laws that enabled police to capture and detain Naxalite cadres, fighters and presumed supporters.[71] They also invited additional central paramilitary forces. The states also set up rival mass organisations to attract youth away from the Naxalites, started rehabilitation programs (like the Surrender and Rehabilitation package[72]), and established new informant networks. By 1994, nearly 9000 Naxalites surrendered.

The armed wing of the Maoists is called the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army was founded on 2 December 2000 and are mostly equipped with small arms.[73][74][75]

In 2003 following an attack on the then Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu,[76] the state embarked on a rapid modernisation of its police force while ramping up its technical and operational capabilities.[72][77] By the early 2000s, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana have seen very minimal Naxal presence.

Phase 3 (2004–present) – relative decline after brief fightback

The Communist Party of India (Maoist) was founded on 21 September 2004, through the merger of the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War (People's War Group), and the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI). The merger was announced on 14 October the same year. In the merger, a provisional central committee was constituted, with the erstwhile People's War Group leader Muppala Lakshmana Rao, alias "Ganapathi", as general secretary.[47] Further, on May Day 2014, the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Naxalbari merged into the CPI (Maoist).[78] The CPI (Maoist) is active in the forest belt of Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Odisha and some remote regions of Jharkhand and Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.

It has carried out several attacks (see Timeline of the Naxalite–Maoist insurgency) notably on 15 February 2010, several of the guerrilla commanders of CPI (Maoist), killed 24 personnel of the Eastern Frontier Rifles.[48] On 6 April 2010, the Maoists ambushed and killed 76 paramilitary personnel.[79] On 25 May 2013, the CPI (Maoist) ambushed a convoy of the Indian National Congress at Bastar, and killed 27 people including Mahendra Karma, Nand Kumar Patel and Vidya Charan Shukla.[80] On 3 April 2021, twenty-two soldiers were killed in a Maoist ambush on the border of Bijapur and Sukma districts in southern Chhattisgarh.[81]

In September 2009, an all-out offensive was launched by the Government of India's paramilitary forces and the state's police forces against the CPI (Maoist) termed by the Indian media as "Operation Green Hunt".[49] Since the start of the operation: 2,266 Maoist militants have been killed, 10,181 have been arrested and 9,714 have surrendered.[82]

In 2020, Naxal activity began to increase once again in Telangana and other areas.[83]

In 2022, the West Bengal state government and police admitted that there had been a Maoist resurgence in the state, particularly in Jhargram, Purulia, Bankura, West Midnapur and Nadia. In May 2022, a new force was created by the Special Task Force of West Bengal Police named the "Maoist Suppression Branch".[84]

Also indicative of a Maoist resurgence, Naxal forces expanded into new territory in the 2020s, most notably Madhya Pradesh. In 2022, most of the Kanha Tiger Reserve in Madhya Pradesh fell under Maoist control.[85][86]

As of May 2024, the Maoist activity have relatively suppressed due to the increase in Anti-terror operations conducted by the security forces. The security forces also carried out many operations like the 2024 Kanker clash which resulted in great loss of personnel and material for the Maoists.[87]

Geography

Main article: Red corridor
Areas with Naxalite activity in 2007 (left), in 2013 (centre), and in 2018 (right)

The influence zone of the Naxalites is called the red corridor consisting of about 25 most affected and 70 total affected districts in Central and East India in 2021.[88] The most affected districts accounted for 85% of the Left wing extremist incidents in India.[89][90] The insurgency was its peak in the late 2000s with nearly 180 affected districts across an area of 92,000 km2 (36,000 sq mi) and has been on the decline since then.[91] In April 2018, 35 districts were classified as most affected amongst the 126 affected districts.[92][93]

As of the early 2020s, the Naxal activity is largely concentrated in two clusters, the first in and round the forested remote hilly areas of Dandakaranya spread across Chhattisgarh and Odisha and the second in the border region of Jharkhand-Bihar-West Bengal.[94][95] The affected districts include:[96][97]

Naxal affected districts (2021)[88][98]
State No. of districts in State No. of districts affected Districts affected
Jharkhand 24 16 Bokaro, Chatra, Dhanbad, Dumka, East Singhbhum, Garhwa, Giridih, Gumla, Hazaribagh, Khunti, Latehar, Lohardaga, Palamu, Ranchi, Saraikela Kharsawan, West Singhbhum
Chhattisgarh 28 13 Balrampur, Bastar, Bijapur, Dantewada, Dhamtari, Gariyaband, Kanker, Kondagaon,  Mahasamund, Narayanpur, Rajnandgaon, Sukma, Kabirdham
Bihar 38 10 Aurangabad, Banka, Gaya, Jamui, Kaimur, Lakhisarai, Munger, Nawada, Rohtas,  West Champaran
Odisha 30 10 Bargarh, Bolangir, Kalahandi, Kandhamal, Koraput, Malkangiri, Nabrangpur,  Nuapada, Rayagada, Sundargarh
Telangana 33 6 Adilabad, Bhadradri Kothagudem, Jayashankar Bhupalpally, Komaram Bheem Asifabad, Mancherial, Mulugu
Andhra Pradesh 13 5 Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, Srikakulam, Vizianagaram, West Godavari
Kerala 14 3 Malappuram, Palakkad, Wayanad
Madhya Pradesh 55 3 Balaghat, Mandla, Dindori
Maharashtra 36 2 Gadchiroli, Gondia
West Bengal 23 1 Jhargram
Total 369 70

Causes

Access to land and resources

The Maoist movement began in the late 1960s as a conflict between the tribal peasants and the land owners. This was attributed to a failure of the Indian government to implement constitutional reforms to provide for tribal autonomy with respect to natural resources on their lands, implement the land ceiling laws to limit the land possessed by the landlords and distribute the excess land to landless farmers and labourers.[99] According to Maoist sympathisers, the Indian constitution "ratified colonial policy and made the state custodian of tribal homelands" and turned tribal populations into squatters on their own land, denying them their traditional rights to forest produce.[100] Tribal communities participated in Naxalism probably as a means of push back against structural violence by the state, including the usage of land for the purposes of mineral extraction.[101]

Rural development and protection

Impoverished areas with no electricity, running water, or poor healthcare provided by the state probably accepted social services from Naxalite groups, and gave their support to the Naxal cause in return.[102] The state's absence allowed the Naxalites to become the legitimate authority in these areas by performing state-like functions, including enacting policies of redistribution and building infrastructure for irrigation.[103] Testimonies from people and surveys by government officials and journalists have highlighted the protective and developmental work in the villages as a result of Naxalism.[104] Healthcare initiatives such as malaria vaccination drives and medical units in areas without doctors or hospitals have also been documented.[105][106]

As per an Indian government report, it was indicated that the Maoists “prevent the common villager’s powerlessness over the neglect or violation of protective laws…[from] a trader who might be paying an exploitative rate for forest produce, or a contractor who is violating the minimum wage.” It also mentions that the developmental work done by the Maoists including “mobilizing community labour for farm ponds, rainwater harvesting, and land conservation works in the Dandakaranya region, which villagers testified had improved their crops and improved their food security situation.”[107] A 2010 case study in the Economic and Political Weekly taken from 200 Maoist-affected districts in Odisha, Chhattisgarh, and Jharkhand, intended to investigate the government's initiative to increase employment in these Maoist-affected areas. It found that the claims of the government that the Maoists blocked developmental schemes were not valid and the Maoists were responsible for the enforcement of minimum wages in the areas.[108] Although Naxalite groups engaged in coercion to increase membership, the experience of poverty when contrasted with the state's economic growth, could have created an appeal for the Naxal ideology and incentivised the tribal communities to join the Naxal movements out of "moral solidarity".[102]

Naxal organisation and financing

See also: List of Naxalite and Maoist groups in India

The Naxalites focused on the idea of a revolutionary personality while recruiting people to the organisation, which was termed as necessary for maintaining and establishing loyalty among the Naxalites by Charu Majumdar. During the early years of the movement, he believed that the essential characteristics of a recruit must be selflessness and the ability to self-sacrifice, and in order to produce such a specific personality, the organisation recruited students and youth. In addition to entrenching loyalty and a revolutionary personality within these new insurgents, the Naxalites chose the youth also because of other reasons. These were mostly students and it was necessary to include educated youth as these recruits would then be involved in spreading the communist teachings of Mao Zedong. In order to expand their base, the movement relied on these students to spread the communist philosophy to the uneducated rural and working-class communities. Majumdar also believed that it necessary to recruit youth who would be able to integrate themselves with the peasantry and working classes, and by living and working in similar conditions to these lower-class communities, these recruits could carry the communist teachings to the villages and urban centres.[109]

The Krantikari Adivasi Mahila Sangathan is a feminist organisation that was formed in 1986 as a result of the party's acknowledgment of extreme inequality against women, both within the party itself and among the tribal villages the party aimed to protect. They campaigned against the tribal tradition of forced marriage, bigamy and violence along with peasant rights.[110] However, Shobha Mandi, a former member who later quit the organisation, wrote in her book Ek Maowadi Ki Diary that she was repeatedly raped and assaulted by her fellow commanders for more than seven years since she wanted to quit. She also claimed that wife-swapping and adultery are the common amongst the Maoists.[111] The Naxalites claim that physical violence and sexual mutilation have been directed at their members by the police and the Salwa Judum, which had forced them to join the group.[110]

Financing

Naxalites conduct detailed socio-economic surveys before operating in a target area and depend on diverse resources.[112] Studies have indicated correlation between the core area of insurgency and the areas with extensive natural resources.[113] The mining industry is a major financial source, wherein they collect about 3% of the profits from each mining company that operates in the areas under Naxal control as a means to continue mining operations and for "protection" services which allows miners to work without having to worry about Naxalite attacks.[114] A 2006 report indicated that the Maoists extorted about ₹14 billion (US$170 million) annually.[115] The organisation also funds itself through the drug trade, where it cultivates psychoactive plants such as marijuana and opium, which are then distributed throughout the country by middlemen who work on behalf of the Naxalites. About 40% of Naxal funding comes through the cultivation and distribution of opium.[116] A surrendered Naxal claimed that they spent some of the money on public infrastructure while the rest is used for the sustenance of the group.[117] In 2011, the Indian police accused the Chinese government of providing sanctuary to the movement's leaders, and claimed that the Pakistani ISI was providing financial support.[118]

Government response

Infrastructure and development

Then Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh called the Naxalites the "single biggest internal security challenge ever faced by our country" and in June 2011, he said, "Development is the master remedy to win over people", adding that the government was "strengthening the development work in the 60 Maoist-affected districts.[119] In 2010, Home secretary Gopal Krishna Pillai acknowledged that there were legitimate grievances regarding the local people's access to the forest land and produce and the distribution of benefits from mining and hydro power developments. However, he claimed that the Naxalites' long-term goal was to establish an Indian communist state and the government wanted to tackle the Naxalites head-on to take back the lost areas.[120]

The Indian government launched three schemes–Special Central Assistance (SCA), Security Related Expenditure (SRE), and Special Infrastructure Scheme (SIS) for the economic development of the Naxal affected areas. As of July 2021, ₹375 million (US$4.5 million) had been sanctioned for more than 10,000 projects, of which 85% were complete. About ₹276 million (US$3.3 million) of the funds were earmarked for the most affected districts. Under these SCA and SIS schemes, construction of about 17,600 km (10,900 mi) roads and 234 Eklavya Model Residential Schools were planned. The plan also included the establishment of 5000 mobile telephone towers and 3114 post offices. As a means of financial inclusion of people, 1077 ATMs and 1236 bank branches were operationalised.[121]

Security

In 2018, the central government sought to stem insurgency by earmarking development funds for revolt-hit areas and improving policing. The government planned a ₹250 billion (US$3.0 billion) scheme for the modernisation of central and state police forces in the next three years.[122] Under the SRE scheme, 400 fortified police stations were established at the cost of ₹140 million (US$1.7 million). In addition funds were utilised to hire helicopters, media services, and for other public relation and community activities.[123] Women self-help groups and industries were established by various state governments. Government of Madhya Pradesh aided 23,113 women self-help groups covering 274,000 families in the affected districts and established 18 industries which would provide employment for 4000 people. Additionally, loans to tribals were waived, and land right ownership documents were granted.[124]

Militia and vigilante groups

Since late 1990, several armed anti-insurgency vigilante groups were backed by the government to fight against the Maoists. In Chhattisgarh, Salwa Judum was formed as an anti-insurgency vigilante group aimed at countering the violence in the region in 2005. The militia consistied of local tribal youth, who received support and training from the Government of Chhattisgarh.[125] Various other paramilitary vigilante groups had emerged in other states such Andhra Pradesh. These groups were accused of extra judicial murders of civil liberties activists.[126][127]

The Chattisgarh government came under criticism from pro-Maoist activist groups for the same.[128][129] The groups were claimed to have involved in violence against women, employment of child soldiers, and looting and destruction of property.[130][131][132][133] According to the Institute of Peace and Conflict studies, while Naxal groups recruited children in different capacities and exposed them, the same accusation was levelled at Salwa Judum and the special police officers assisting the government security forces.[134] The allegations were rejected by a fact finding commission of the National Human Rights Commission of India in 2008. The commission, which had been appointed by the Supreme Court of India, determined that the Salwa Judum was a spontaneous reaction by tribals against Maoist atrocities perpetrated against them.[135]

On 5 July 2011, the Supreme Court declared these militia groups to be illegal and unconstitutional, and ordered its disbandment. The court directed the government to recover all the firearms, ammunition and accessories given to the groups. The court criticised the use of these groups, which had complaints of human rights violations and employment of poorly trained youth against them. The court also ordered the government to investigate all instances of alleged criminal activities of the groups.[136]

Casualties

The Naxalites have conducted multiple attacks on the security forces, government workers and civilians, with casualties on both sides.[137] To enforce their control over the population, the Maoists have often convened kangaroo courts to mete out summary justice, death, beatings, or exile.[138] As per the South Asia Terrorism portal, the conflict has resulted in the deaths of more than 11500 people including 4000 civilians, 2500 security force personneland 4500 Naxalites since the 2000s.[139] As per the BBC, more than 6,000 people were killed in the 20 years between 1990 and 2010.[140][141] Al Jazeera estimated the total death toll as 10,000 between 1980 and 2011.[142]

Casualties by year[139][143]
Year Incidents Deaths
Civilians Security Forces Maoists Not Specified Total
1996 — — — — — 156
1997 — 202 44 102 — 348
1998 — 118 42 110 — 270
1999 — 502 96 261 — 859
2000 — 452 98 254 — 804
2001 199 130 116 169 44 459
2002 182 123 115 163 30 431
2003 319 193 114 246 30 583
2004 127 89 82 87 22 280
2005 343 259 147 282 24 712
2006 248 249 128 343 14 734
2007 274 218 234 195 25 672
2008 246 184 215 228 19 646
2009 407 368 319 314 12 1013
2010 481 630 267 265 18 1180
2011 302 259 137 210 0 606
2012 235 156 96 125 1 378
2013 186 164 103 151 0 418
2014 185 127 98 121 4 350
2015 171 90 56 110 0 256
2016 263 122 62 250 0 434
2017 200 107 76 152 0 335
2018 218 108 73 231 0 412
2019 176 99 49 154 0 302
2020 138 61 44 134 0 239
2021 124 58 51 128 0 237
2022 107 53 15 66 0 134
2023 113 61 31 57 0 149
2024 120 55 21 209 0 285
Total 5364+ 5237+ 2929+ 5117+ 243+ 13682+

See also

References

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Further reading

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