User:Blueberry5678/Housing insecurity in the United States
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Main article: Housing quality and health outcomes in the United States
In a study that analyzed data from the 2011 Washington State Behavior Risk Factor Surveillance System, 29.4% of the 8,416 respondents reported being housing insecure.Housing insecure respondents were approximately "twice as likely to report poor or fair health status" compared to those who did not report being housing insecure.Approximately one third of the housing insecure respondents reported delaying doctor visits due to the costs. 26.9% of the housing insecure respondents were current smokers and "26.3% had poor or fair health".
Through an additional cross-sectional analysis from the 2002 National Survey of America's Families, "housing instability was independently associated with postponed medical care, postponed medications, and increased emergency department visits". Other health outcomes that have been associated with housing insecurity by past studies include: probable GAD, depression, and PTSD.
Article body (2)
Main article: Housing insecurity in the United States
Risk factors
Race/ethnicity
Those who experience housing insecurity are found to be majorly composed of minority groups such as African Americans and Hispanics, who are twice more likely than whites to experience housing insecurity. Due to their lack of jobs and opportunities, these populations were unable to afford housing even without agreements and restrictions. Around the 1800s, they experienced overcrowding "into tenement housing lacking sanitation, fire safety, and adequate light and ventilation" which using the multiple definitions defined, this is considered housing insecurity.
Gender
The risk of housing insecurity is associated with broader societal conditions such as gender.[1] Gender contributes to housing insecurity, with more women facing insecurity than men. One sociologist argues that "female-headed households are systematically disadvantaged by a vast network of intersecting sexist, racist, and classist inequalities and institutional practices and policies (e.g., unequal and low pay, unpaid caregiving, lack of affordable housing, discrimination, a weak safety net, punitive welfare and public housing policies) that contribute to homelessness".[2] This marked rise in the homelessness of women and children constitutes what is referred to as the "feminization of homelessness".[2] This term signifies how the balance has shifted unfavorably in recent years with respect to the disproportionate impact on women and children of systemic factors leading to homelessness. The U.S. Interagency Council on Homelessness reported the statistic that 75 percent of unhoused adults who were members of families with children were women––out of this 75 percent, people of color comprised the majority.[2] Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a large part of this divide. Effects of IPV include financial insecurity, eviction, and coerced substance misuse. Additionally, shortcomings in the service of legal and advocacy systems for IPV survivors play a part in reinforcing the status quo of power dynamics in relation to gender. This is a phenomenon that continues to occur due to "interpersonal acts" that often happen in the context of the patriarchal system at large.[2] This can lead to the inhibition of the ability of women to achieve financial stability and housing security, while failing to uphold a standard of accountability within the patriarchal system.[2] This framework in which female-headed households receive less favorable aid from the system has long been fodder for discussion in regards to sociological studies.[3] Dating back to 1989, another sociologist postulated that the U.S. social-welfare system could be considered as bifurcated into unequal subsystems wherein there is a masculine "social insurance subsystem tied to 'primary' labor force participation and geared to (white male) 'breadwinners'" that is more advantageous than the feminine "relief subsystem tied to household income and geared to homemaker-mothers and their 'defective' (i.e., female-headed) families".[3] This exhibits how the flawed nature of the structural system can create a cycle that does not allow for the rise of female homelessness to be curbed. More broadly, members of the LGBTQ community are also a group that faces unequal risk factors associated with housing insecurity.[4] Many unhoused LGBTQ folks are young adults who have been "asked to leave from their previous living arrangement" due to their identities not being viewed as acceptable.[4] One's gender identity carries a large impact on one's risk level for facing housing insecurity on many levels, spanning interpersonal to system-wide realms.
Coastal communities
Coastal communities have, on average, higher displacement risks from climate change impacts such as sea-level rise, hurricanes and other related weather events.
References
- ^ Chen, Katherine L.; Miake-Lye, Isomi M.; Begashaw, Meron M.; Zimmerman, Frederick J.; Larkin, Jody; McGrath, Emily L.; Shekelle, Paul G. (2022-11-02). "Association of Promoting Housing Affordability and Stability With Improved Health Outcomes: A Systematic Review". JAMA Network Open. 5 (11): e2239860. doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2022.39860. ISSN 2574-3805.
- ^ a b c d e Bullock, Heather E.; Reppond, Harmony A.; Truong, Shirley V.; Singh, Melina R. (2020-12). "An intersectional analysis of the feminization of homelessness and mothers' housing precarity". Journal of Social Issues. 76 (4): 835–858. doi:10.1111/josi.12406. ISSN 0022-4537.
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(help) - ^ a b Fraser, Nancy (1989-01). "Talking about Needs: Interpretive Contests as Political Conflicts in Welfare-State Societies". Ethics. 99 (2): 291–313. doi:10.1086/293067. ISSN 0014-1704.
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(help) - ^ a b Shelton, Jama; DeChants, Jonah; Bender, Kim; Hsu, Hsun-Ta; Maria, Diane Santa; Petering, Robin; Ferguson, Kristin; Narendorf, Sarah; Barman-Adhikari, Anamika (2018). "Homelessness and Housing Experiences among LGBTQ Young Adults in Seven U.S. Cities". Cityscape. 20 (3): 9–34. ISSN 1936-007X.