Opposition to the Iraq War

This article is about parties opposing to the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the Iraq War from outside Iraq. For opposition within Iraq, see Iraqi insurgency. For opposition rationales, see Criticism of the Iraq War. For more information see Views on the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

There has been significant opposition to the Iraq War across the world.

Early opposition

The opposition to the war manifested itself most visibly in a series of global protests against the Iraq War during February 2003, just prior the Iraq invasion beginning on March 20, 2003.

"Poll results available from Gallup International, as well as local sources for most of Europe, West and East, showed that support for a war carried out "unilaterally by America and its allies" did not rise above 11 percent in any country. Support for a war if mandated by the UN ranged from 13 percent (Spain) to 51 percent (Netherlands).",[2]

Reasons for opposition

Main article: Criticism of the Iraq War

Critics of the invasion claimed that it would lead to the deaths of thousands of Coalition soldiers and Iraqi soldiers and civilians, and that it would moreover damage peace and stability throughout the region and the World.

Another oft-stated reason for opposition is the Westphalian concept that foreign governments should never possess a right to intervene in another sovereign nation's internal affairs (including terrorism or any other non-international affair). Giorgio Agamben, the Italian philosopher, has also offered a critique of the logic of preemptive war.

Others did accept a limited right for military intervention in foreign countries, but nevertheless opposed the invasion on the basis that it was conducted without United Nations' approval and was hence a violation of international law [3]. According to this position, adherence by the U.S. and the other great powers to the UN Charter and to other international treaties to which they are legally bound is not a choice but a legal obligation; exercising military power in violation of the UN Charter undermines the rule of law and is illegal vigilantism on an international scale. Benjamin B. Ferencz, who served as the U.S.'s Chief Prosecutor of Nazi war crimes at the Nuremberg Trials following World War II, has denounced the Iraq War as an aggressive war (named at Nuremberg as "the supreme international crime") and stated his belief that George W. Bush, as the war's initiator, should be tried for war crimes.[4]

There was also skepticism of U.S. claims that Iraq's aggressively secular government had any links to Al-Qaeda, the Islamic fundamentalist terrorist group considered responsible for the September 11, 2001 attacks on the U.S.

Some expressed puzzlement that the U.S. would consider military action against Iraq and not against North Korea, which claimed it already had nuclear weapons and had announced that it was willing to contemplate war with the U.S. This criticism intensified when North Korea conducted a nuclear weapons test on October 9 2006.

There was also criticism of Coalition policy by those who did not believe that military actions would help to fight terror, with some believing that it would actually help Al-Qaeda's recruitment efforts; others believed that the war and immediate post-war period would lead to a greatly increased risk that weapons of mass destruction would fall into the wrong hands (including Al-Qaeda).

Both inside and outside of the U.S., some argued that the Bush Administration's rationale for war was to gain control over Iraqi natural resources (primarily petroleum). These critics felt that the war would not help to reduce the threat of WMD proliferation, and that the real reason for the war was to secure control over the Iraqi oil fields at a time when US links with Saudi Arabia were seen to be at risk. "No blood for oil" was a popular protest cry prior to the invasion in March 2003.

Some opponents of the war also believed that there would be no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, and thus there was little reason for an invasion. Prominent among these was Scott Ritter, a former U.S. military intelligence officer and then a United Nations weapons inspector in Iraq, and who in 1998 had been hawkish enough toward Iraq as to be admonished by U.S. Senator Joseph Biden, "The decision of whether or not the country should go to war is slightly above your pay grade." Investigations after the invasion failed to produce evidence of WMDs in Iraq (apart from a very small number of degraded chemical weapons shells buried and forgotten after the Iran-Iraq War ended in 1988).

Opposition in the United States

See also: Withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq

Popular opposition

See also: American popular opinion on invasion of Iraq

The Iraq War has met with considerable popular opposition in the United States, beginning during the planning stages and continuing through the invasion subsequent occupation of Iraq. The months leading up to the war saw protests across the United States, the largest of which, held on February 15, 2003 involved between 300,000 - 400,000 protesters in New York City, with smaller numbers protesting in Seattle, San Francisco, Chicago, and other cities.

Consistent with the anti-war rhetoric of the protests, in the months leading up to the Iraq War, American public opinion heavily favored a diplomatic solution over immediate military intervention. A January 2003 CBS News/New York Times poll found that 63% of Americans wanted President Bush to find a diplomatic solution to the Iraq situation, compared with 31% who favored immediate military intervention. That poll also found, however, that if diplomacy failed, support for military action to remove Saddam Hussein was above 60 percent.

Days before the March 20 invasion, a USA TODAY/CNN/Gallup Poll found support for the war was related to UN approval. Nearly six in 10 said they were ready for such an invasion "in the next week or two." But that support dropped off if the U.N. backing was not first obtained. If the U.N. Security Council were to reject a resolution paving the way for military action, only 54% of Americans favored a U.S. invasion. And if the Bush administration didn't not seek a final Security Council vote, support for a war dropped to 47%. [5]

Immediately after the 2003 invasion most polls within the United States showed a substantial majority of Americans supporting war, but that trend began to shift less than a year after the war began. Beginning in December 2004, polls have consistently shown that a majority thinks the invasion was a mistake. As of 2006, opinion on what the U.S. should do in Iraq is split, with a slight majority generally favoring setting a timetable for withdrawal, but against withdrawing immediately. However, in this area responses vary widely with the exact wording of the question.[6]

Since the invasion of Iraq, one of the most visible leaders of popular opposition in the U.S. has been Cindy Sheehan, the mother of Casey Sheehan, a soldier killed in Iraq. Sheehan's role as an anti-war leader began with her camping out near President Bush's ranch in Crawford, Texas, and has continued since then with a nationwide tour and trips to Europe and South America.

Opposition from national security and military personnel

Several prominent members of the military and national security communities, particularly those who favor a more realist approach to international relations, have been critical of both the decision to invade Iraq and the prosecution of the War.

On July 28, 2002, eight months before the invasion of Iraq, the Washington Post reported that “many senior U.S. military officers” including members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff opposed an invasion on the grounds that the policy of containment was working.

A few days later, Gen. Joseph P. Hoar (Ret.) warned the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the invasion was risky and perhaps unnecessary. Morton Halperin, a foreign policy expert with the Council on Foreign Relations and Center for American Progress warned that an invasion would increase the terrorist threat.

In a 2002 book, Scott Ritter, a Nuclear Weapons Inspector in Iraq from 1991-98, argued against an invasion and expressed doubts about the Bush Administration’s claims that Saddam Hussein had a WMD capability.

Brent Scowcroft, who served as National Security Adviser to President George H.W. Bush was an early critic. He wrote an August 15, 2002 editorial in The Wall Street Journal entitled "Don't attack Saddam," arguing that the war would distract from the broader fight against terrorism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which should be the U.S.'s highest priority in the Middle East. The next month, Gen. Hugh Shelton, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, agreed that war in Iraq would distract from the war on terrorism.

Retired Marine Gen. Anthony Zinni, former head of Central Command for U.S. forces in the Middle East and State Department's envoy to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, echoed many of Scowcroft's concerns in on October 2002 speech at the Middle East Institute. In a follow-up interview with Salon, Zinni said he was "not convinced we need to do this now," arguing that deposing Saddam Hussein was only the sixth or seventh top priority in the Middle East, behind the Middle East peace process, reforming Iran, our commitments in Afghanistan, and several others.

By January 19, 2003, TIME Magazine reported that “as many as 1 in 3 senior officers questions the wisdom of a preemptive war with Iraq.”

On February 13, 2003 Ambassador Joseph Wilson, former charge d'affaires in Baghdad, resigned from the Foreign Service and publicly questioned the need for another War in Iraq. After the War started, he wrote an editorial in the New York Times titled What I Didn't Find in Africa that discredited a Bush Administration claim that Iraq had attempted to procure uranium from Niger.

John Brady Kiesling, another career diplomat with similar reservations, resigned in a public letter in the New York Times on February 27. He was followed on March 10 by John H. Brown, a career diplomat with 22 years of service, and on March 19 by Mary Ann Wright, a diplomat with 15 years of service in the State Department following a military career of 29 years. The war started the next day.

Lt. Col. Karen Kwiatkowski (Ret.) was political/military desk officer at the Defense Department’s office for Near East South Asia (NESA) in the months before the war. In December 2003 she began to write an anonymous column that described the disrupting influence of the Office of Special Plans on the analysis that led to the decision to go to war.

On June 16, 2004 twenty seven former senior U.S. diplomats and military commanders called Diplomats and Military Commanders for Change issued a statement against the war. The group included:

• William J. Crowe, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff under President Ronald Reagan
• Joseph Hoar, former Commander of U.S. forces in the Middle East
• H. Allen Holmes, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations
• Donald McHenry, former Ambassador to the United Nations
• Merrill McPeak, former Air Force Chief of Staff
• Jack F. Matlock, Jr., a member of the National Security Council under Reagan and former Ambassador to the Soviet Union
• John Reinhardt, former Director of the United States Information Agency
• Ronald I. Spiers, Under Secretary General of the United Nations for Political Affairs and a former Ambassador
• Stansfield Turner, former Director of the Central Intelligence Agency

Richard Clarke, former chief counter-terrorism adviser on the U.S. National Security Council for both the latter part of the Clinton Administration and early part of the George W. Bush Administration, criticized the Iraq war along similar lines in his 2004 book Against All Enemies and during his testimony before the 9/11 Commission. In addition to diverting funds from the fight against al-Qaeda, Clarke argued that the invasion of Iraq would actually bolster the efforts of Osama bin Laden and other Islamic radicals, who had long predicted that the U.S. planned to invade an oil-rich Middle Eastern country.

In April 2006, six prominent retired generals publicly criticized Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's handling of the war, and called for his resignation. The group included two generals who commanded troops in Iraq: Maj. Gen. Charles H. Swannack, Jr. (Ret.) and Maj. Gen. John Batiste (Ret.). One of the generals, Lieut. Gen. Greg Newbold (Ret.), who served as the Pentagon's top operations officer during the months leading up to the invasion, also published an article that month in Time Magazine entitled "Why Iraq Was a Mistake."

On September 12, 2007 two retired U.S. Army generals, Lt. Gen. Robert Gard and Brig. Gen. John Johns, joined Sen. Gary Hart in publishing a statement calling for withdrawal from Iraq.

In October of 2007, Lieutenant General Ricardo Sanchez, former commander of coalition forces in Iraq, called the 2007 "surge" a "flawed strategy", and suggested that the political leadership in the US would have been court martialed for their actions, had they been military personell.

Congressional opposition

Opinion in the U.S. Congress leading up to the Iraq War generally favored a diplomatic solution, while supporting military intervention should diplomacy fail. The October 11, 2002 resolution that authorized President Bush to use force in Iraq passed the Senate by a vote of 77 to 23, and the House by 296 to 133. Leading opponents of the resolution included Senators Russ Feingold and Edward Kennedy.

As the war progressed and the insurgency began to develop into what many believe is a civil war in Iraq, Congressional support for the Iraq campaign began to wane. A flashpoint came on November 17, 2005, when Representative John Murtha, a Vietnam combat veteran who voted to authorize the war and is widely regarded as an ardent supporter of the military, introduced a resolution calling for U.S. forces in Iraq to be "redeployed at the earliest practicable date" to stand as a quick-reaction force in U.S. bases in neighboring countries such as Kuwait.

Since the introduction of the Murtha resolution, many members of Congress, particularly in the Democratic Party, have rallied around the strategy of a phased troop withdrawal. In the 2007 Congressional session, critics of the war have sought to tie additional war appropriations to a specific timetable for withdrawal. On March 23, 2007, the House of Representatives passed an Iraq spending bill that requires that troops begin withdrawing in March 2008 and that most US forces be out of Iraq by August 31, 2008. This bill is still under debate in the U.S. Senate.

Congressional critics of the war have also opposed President Bush's plan to send an additional 20,000 U.S. soldiers to Iraq. On January 10, 2007, Senator Dick Durbin gave the Democratic response to this plan by saying: "We have given the Iraqis so much... Now, in the fourth year of this war, it is time for the Iraqis to stand and defend their own nation."

Opposition from presidential candidates

The Iraq War was the defining issue of the 2004 U.S. presidential campaign. All of the Republican candidates and most of the Democratic candidates supported the war, although many of the Democrats also criticized the war's prosecution.

Howard Dean, former governor of Vermont, was notable for his opposition to the war, in particular because his early lead in the polls was largely attributed to his anti-war position. Dennis Kucinich, another candidate for the Democratic nomination, favored replacement of the U.S. occupation force with one sponsored by the UN, as did Ralph Nader's independent presidential candidacy.

John Kerry, the Democratic nominee for President in 2004, voted to authorize the invasion, and said during his campaign that he stood by his vote. He also argued during the campaign that "the way he (President Bush) went to war was a mistake." The debate about Iraq war is already a major theme in the 2008 U.S. presidential election campaign.

In the 2008 U.S. presidential campaign, congressman Ron Paul is one of the most outspoken critics of the Iraq War. Paul voted voted against the original Iraq War Resolution in 2002. Ron Paul has said that "The war in Iraq was sold to us with false information. The area is more dangerous now than when we entered it. We destroyed a regime hated by our direct enemies, the jihadists, and created thousands of new recruits for them. This war has cost more than 3,000 American lives, thousands of seriously wounded, and hundreds of billions of dollars. We must have new leadership in the White House to ensure this never happens again."

Opposition from soldiers

There have been several individual refusals to ship (e.g., Pablo Paredes, and 1st Lt. Ehren Watada) or to carry out missions (e.g. 343rd Quartermasters).[7] Soon after the war began, 67% of surveyed US soldiers in Iraq told Stars and Stripes that the invasion was worthwhile, though half described their units' morale as "low."[8] A Zogby poll in March 2006 found that 72% of US soldiers in Iraq say the war should be ended within a year, and a quarter say that all troops should be withdrawn immediately.[9] To help antiwar soldiers network and seek solidarity from each other, the organization Iraq Veterans Against the War was formed.

Opposition in European countries

Around the 2003 Invasion of Iraq and subsequent occupation of Iraq, polling data indicated that opposition to military action against Iraq was widespread in Europe [10].

An anti-war Tank Stencil

'Anti-Bush' and anti-war sentiments were reflected in many western European countries, generally with the populace less sympathetic to the U.S. stance even when the government in a given country (e.g. the United Kingdom, or Italy) aligned themselves with the U.S. position. Opinion polls showed the population was against the war, with opposition as high as 90% in Spain and Italy, and also widespread in Eastern Europe.[11] The electorates of France and Germany were strongly opposed to the war and it would have been difficult for their governments to fail to reflect these views. Some suggest that the reason for the EU's negative view of the war are Europe's economic interests in the region .

After the first UN resolution, the US and the UK pushed for a second resolution authorising an invasion. The French and German governments, amongst others, took the position that the UN inspection process should be allowed to be completed. France's then-Foreign Minister, Dominique de Villepin received loud applause for his speech against the Iraq War at the United Nations on February 14, 2003. Neither of these countries have sent troops to Iraq. However, despite popular opinion in their countries, the governments of Italy and Spain supported the war politically and militarily, although Spain ceased to do so after the election of a Socialist government in 2004 partly due to anger about the war in Iraq.

In the United Kingdom, both the governing Labour Party and the official opposition Conservative Party were in favour of the invasion. The Liberal Democrats insisted on a U.N. resolution; they opposed the war as a result. Outside parliament, anti-war sentiment was more widespread: the 15 February 2003 protest in London attracted between 750,000 and 2,000,000 supporters from various walks of life (in contrast to more typical anti-war movements which have in the past been dominated by the far-left). Prominent politicians and other individuals expressing anti-war views included: Charles Kennedy, Sir Menzies Campbell, Robin Cook, Tony Benn, George Galloway, Chris Martin, Ms. Dynamite, and Bianca Jagger.

Opposition throughout the world

Protests against the war, in front of the British Parliament

Anti-war protests in France

Opinion polls showed that the population of nearly all countries opposed a war without UN mandate, and that the view of the United States as a danger to world peace had significantly increased. [12] [13] [14]

Religious opposition

On September 13, 2002, US Catholic bishops signed a letter to President Bush stating that any "preemptive, unilateral use of military force to overthrow the government of Iraq" could not be justified at the time. They came to this position by evaluating whether an attack against Iraq would satisfy the criteria for a just war as defined by Catholic theology. [15]

The Vatican also came out against war in Iraq. Archbishop Renato Raffaele Martino, a former U.N. envoy and current prefect of the Council for Justice and Peace, told reporters that war against Iraq was a preventive war and constituted a "war of aggression", and thus did not constitute a just war. The foreign minister, Archbishop Jean-Louis Tauran, expressed concerns that a war in Iraq would inflame anti-Christian feelings in the Islamic world. On February 8, 2003, Pope John Paul II said "we should never resign ourselves, almost as if war is inevitable." [16]

Both the outgoing Archbishop of Canterbury, George Carey, and his successor, Rowan Williams, spoke out against war with Iraq.

The executive committee of the World Council of Churches, an organization representing churches with a combined membership of between 350 million and 450 million Christians from over 100 countries,[17] issued a statement in opposition to war with Iraq, stating that "War against Iraq would be immoral, unwise, and in breach of the principles of the United Nations Charter." [18]

Jim Wallis of Sojourners Magazine has argued that, among both evangelical Christians and Catholics, "most major church bodies around the world" opposed the war.

Protests against war on Iraq

Main article: Protests against the Iraq war

Across the world popular opposition to the Iraq war has led to thousands of protests since 2002, against the invasion of Iraq. They were held in many cities worldwide, often co-ordinated to occur simultaneously worldwide. After the simultaneous demonstrations, on February 15, 2003, the largest in total turnout, New York Times writer Patrick Tyler claimed that they showed that there were two superpowers on the planet: the United States and world public opinion. As the war drew nearer, other groups held candlelight vigils and students walked out of school.

The February 15, 2003, worldwide protests drew millions of people across the world. It is generally estimated that over 3 million people marched in Rome, between one and two million in London, more than 600,000 in Madrid, 300,000 in Berlin, as well as in Damascus, Paris, New York, Oslo, Stockholm, Brussels, Johannesburg, Montreal - more than 600 cities in all, worldwide. This demonstration was listed by the 2004 Guinness Book of Records as the largest mass protest movement in history.

Support for Iraqi resistance and insurgency

There has been a debate among those opposed to the U.S. invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq in developed countries about how to relate to forces within Iraq.

Prior to the invasion, while it was common to accuse opponents of providing objective, if not intentional, support to Saddam,[19][20] none of the major antiwar organizations declared any support for him, however limited.[21] After the invasion and the toppling of Saddam's regime, many who had opposed it now supported continuing U.S. occupation, arguing that the U.S.' intervention had given it an obligation to stabilize the country. However, those who remained opposed to the U.S. presence had to determine their approach to the developing armed insurgency and peaceful opposition to the occupation carried out by groups like the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq (WCPI).

The most virulent divide has been about whether to support the insurgency. Of the major Western antiwar organizations, United for Peace and Justice has never supported the insurgency, but Act Now to Stop War and End Racism and the Stop the War Coalition have a more ambivalent stance on this subject. Of the smaller groups which participate in these coalitions, none support suicide bombings of Iraqi civilians, but some support violence against coalition soldiers.

At a 2004 conference in Japan, Eric Ruder, of the U.S.-based International Socialist Organization, presented a case for supporting the guerrillas. Citing the primarily decentralized and domestic nature of the insurgency,[22] the fact that a clear majority of attacks are directed against U.S. and British forces,[23] and widespread Iraqi support for violent resistance,[24] Ruder argues that the insurgents' cause and methods are, on the whole, just and deserves support. He claims that the Iraqi right to self-determination precludes Western opponents of the occupation placing conditions on their support of the Iraqi resistance, and argues that, "If the Iraqi resistance drives the U.S. out of Iraq, it would be a major setback for Bush's agenda and the agenda of the U.S. imperialism. This would be a tremendous victory for our side -- making it much more difficult for the U.S. to choose a new target in the Middle East or elsewhere in trying to impose its will."[25]

Sato Kazuyoshi, President of the Japanese Movement for Democratic Socialism, argues otherwise. Reporting on the discussion at the 2004 conference, he writes that, "We cannot support, nor extend our solidarity to, them on the grounds that their strategy excludes many Iraqi citizens -- above all, women -- and do great harm on the civilians, and will bring the Iraqi future society under an Islamic dictatorship." He cites in turn Mahmood Ketabchi of the WCPI, who criticizes Iraqi guerrilla groups for Baathist and Islamist connections, and attacks Ruder's view as a "Left Nationalism" which ignores divisions within Iraq. Countering the response that the best way to ensure that progressive forces, not reactionary ones, dominate post-occupation Iraq would be for progressives to take the lead in fighting the occupation, Ketabchi argues that this is not possible due to the present situation in Iraq. Nevertheless, he claims, "We do not have to choose between the US and Iraqi reactionary forces. Opposition to the US is not a progressive stand per se. What matters is the kind of future that this opposition represents and objectives it pursues." A third alternative is represented by what Kazuyoshi calls the "Civil Resistance."[26]

In Britain, positions have ranged from groups including the Socialist Workers Party (Britain) and Workers Power that take a similar line to the ISO as mentioned above, to groups such as the Alliance for Workers Liberty (who identify with the third camp tradition within Trotskyism) which opposes the insurgency, while supporting the democratic, working-class anti-occupation movement in Iraq.

Official condemnation

The following countries have protested formally and officially to the conduct of this war. They do not support the Iraq War in principle, citing in some cases that they believe it is illegal, and in others that it required an affirmative United Nations mandate.

• African Union
• Arab League (except Kuwait)
• Argentina
• Austria
• Bangladesh
• Belarus
• Belgium
• Brazil
• Canada
• Chile
• China
• Croatia
• Cuba
• Dominica
• Ecuador
• France
• Germany
• Greece

• India
• Iran
• Indonesia
• Liechtenstein
• Malaysia
• Mexico
• New Zealand
• North Korea
• Norway
• Pakistan
• Russia
• Serbia
• Slovenia
• Sweden
• Switzerland
• Vatican City
• Venezuela
• Vietnam

Quotations

• "I like to tell people when hit- the final history is written on Iran- Iraq it will look like just a comma…uh, because, um…there is- my point is there’s a strong will for democracy these people want a unity government the unity government’s functioning." – American President, George W. Bush (September 19, 2006) [27]

• "Once you got to Iraq and took it over, took down Saddam Hussein's government, then what are you going to put in its place? That's a very volatile part of the world, and if you take down the central government of Iraq, you could very easily end up seeing pieces of Iraq fly off: part of it, the Syrians would like to have to the west, part of it -- eastern Iraq -- the Iranians would like to claim, they fought over it for eight years. In the north you've got the Kurds, and if the Kurds spin loose and join with the Kurds in Turkey, then you threaten the territorial integrity of Turkey. It's a quagmire if you go that far and try to take over Iraq." – Former United States Secretary of Defense, Dick Cheney (April 15, 1994) [28]

• "If you look at those matters, you will come to the conclusion that the attitude of the United States of America is a threat to world peace. Because what America is saying is that if you are afraid of a veto in the Security Council, you can go outside and take action and violate the sovereignty of other countries. That is the message they are sending to the world. That must be condemned in the strongest terms." – Nelson Mandela (September 10, 2002)

• "The option of war can appear initially to be the most rapid. But let us not forget that after winning the war, peace must be built." – Dominique de Villepin, French Foreign Minister, at the United Nations Security Council on February 14 2003 [29])

• "It is not too late to stop this war. We must march until there is a declaration of peace and reconciliation." – Reverend Jesse Jackson, February 15, 2003 [30]

• "Our interests are best protected not by unilateral action but by multilateral agreement and a world order governed by rules. Yet tonight the international partnerships most important to us are weakened: the European Union is divided; the Security Council is in stalemate. Those are heavy casualties of a war in which a shot has yet to be fired." – Robin Cook, former British Foreign Secretary and Leader of the House of Commons, resigning from the cabinet on the eve of war, 18 March 2003 [31]

• "When war, as in these days in Iraq, threatens the fate of humanity, it is ever more urgent to proclaim, with a strong and decisive voice, that only peace is the road to follow to construct a more just and united society. Violence and arms can never resolve the problems of man." – Pope John Paul II, Address to television broadcaster Telepace March 22, 2003 [32] [33] [34]

• "Poll results available from Gallup International, as well as local sources for most of Europe, West and East, showed that support for a war carried out 'unilaterally by America and its allies' did not rise above 11 percent in any country. Support for a war if mandated by the UN ranged from 13 percent (Spain) to 51 percent (Netherlands)." – Noam Chomsky, October 31, 2003The Iraq War and Contempt for Democracy

• In an interview with the BBC Kofi Annan said, "[The U.S.-led invasion of Iraq] was not in conformity with the UN Charter." When the interviewer responded by asking "It was illegal?" Kofi Annan replied "Yes, if you wish." 16 September, 2004 [35]

• "To a certain extent Saddam Hussein's departure was a positive thing. But it also provoked reactions, such as the mobilization in a number of countries, of men and women of Islam, which has made the world more dangerous." – French President, Jacques Chirac November 17, 2004 [36]

• "Make no mistake about it, the ultimate aim that the Bush and Blair regimes have embarked upon is nothing less than "universal or world domination". Iraq is merely a stepping stone along the way." – David Comissiong (Barbadian Politician)

• "In my opinion, it disrespects the United Nations, it doesn't take into account what the rest of the world thinks. And I think this is serious." – Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva

See also

• 2003 invasion of Iraq
• Abu Ghraib torture and prisoner abuse
• American government position on invasion of Iraq
• American popular opinion on invasion of Iraq
• Cindy Sheehan
• Civil disobedience
• Command responsibility
• Criticisms of the War on Terrorism
• Governments' positions pre-2003 invasion of Iraq
• Guantanamo Bay detainment camp
• Human shield action to Iraq
• Kosovo war
• Living With War, album by Neil Young
• Nonviolence
• Opposition to the Vietnam War
• Pacifism
• Ron Paul
• Pentecostal Charismatic Peace Fellowship
• Post-September 11 anti-war movement
• Protests against the 2003 Iraq war
• Red Friday
• Strategic reset
• The UN Security Council and the Iraq war
• Views on the 2003 invasion of Iraq
• War of aggression
• War on Terrorism
• William R. Polk
• Withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq
• Worldwide government positions on war on Iraq

External links

Websites opposing the Iraq war

Canadian Peace Alliance

ACT for the Earth (Canada)

Anti war dot com

Anti-War Committee (U.S.)

Arms Against War

Opposing Labour Party support for the war and Anti-Terror Acts (UK)

One Million Blogs for PeaceHuman Shields

Common Dreams

Global research

friends & members of the Stop the War Initiative, Poland

Iraq Veterans Against the War (U.S.)

MarchofWar.com - Up-to-date Iraq war clock, war quotes and slogans, plus 'war end' voting form

ShockedandAwful.com (U.S.)

Stop the war coalition

Iraq Antiwar Homepage on Nonviolence.org

Not One More! - Take the Pledge for Peace

Women Against Military Madness (U.S.)

Articles and resources about opposition to the Iraq war

• Pentecostal-Charismatic Statement to President Bush Opposing Iraqi War
• JustWarTheory.com a non-profit resource for academic studies and commentary
• Should the U.S. have attacked Iraq? (Resources on the question of war, from a conservative viewpoint)
• Bush Could Not Be More Wrong (Op-ed by John Hinkman, Baltimore Chronicle)
• Polls find Europeans oppose Iraq war (BBC News)
• Articles in Foreign Affairs magazine analysing the war and its aftermath by James Rubin and Madeleine Albright: http://www.foreignaffairs.org/
• Anti-war train drivers refuse to move arms freight January 9, 2003, The Guardian (UK)
• About.com: Iraq War vote in 2002 - Complete Listing of 156 Congress Members Who Voted NAY
• The Iraq War: Legal or Illegal? - an online video by The Pinky Show exploring the legal basis for opposing the war in Iraq.