Íngrid Betancourt

Íngrid Betancourt
File:Ingridbproofoflife.JPG Photograph of Íngrid Betancourt at an unknown location in the Colombian jungle released to the press on November 30, 2007.
Senator of Colombia
In office July 20, 1998 – February 23, 2002
Personal details
Born	(1961-12-25) December 25, 1961 Bogotá, Colombia
Political party	Green Oxygen Party
Height	300px
Residence	Bogotá
Occupation	Political scientist, politician
Website	http://www.betancourt.info

Íngrid Betancourt Pulecio (born December 25, 1961, Bogotá) is a Colombian politician, former senator and anti-corruption activist. Betancourt was kidnapped by the FARC on February 23, 2002 (22 years, 320 days ago) while campaigning for the presidency, after she decided to campaign in an area of high guerrilla presence and ignored warnings from the government, police and military not to do so. She is still being held by the FARC guerrilla group as a key hostage for a possible humanitarian exchange of prisoners for hostages with the government of Colombia.

Besides Colombia, her kidnapping has received wide coverage in France due to her French nationality. The government of France is also participating as a facilitator for the release of Betancourt and all prisoners held by the FARC guerrilla.

Early life

Betancourt was born in Bogotá. Her mother, Yolanda Pulecio, was a former Miss Colombia who later served in Congress representing the poor southern neighborhoods of Bogotá. Her father, Gabriel Betancourt, was minister for the General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla dictatorship (1953-1957) and later a diplomat, posted to the embassy in Paris, where Ingrid grew up. Their house was frequently visited by leading Colombian personalities and intellectuals. She attended the Institut d'Études Politiques de Paris (known as Sciences Po), an elite higher education institute. After graduating, she married a fellow student and they had two children, Melanie and Lorenzo. During the 1980s, she briefly lived in Quito, Ecuador, where she worked as an aerobics instructor. Her husband was in the French diplomatic service, and they lived in various places, including New Zealand.

Political career

After the murder of Luis Carlos Galán, a candidate for the Colombian presidency running on an anti-drug-trafficking platform, Ingrid decided to return to Colombia (1989) and do something to help the country. From 1990 onwards, she worked at the Ministry of Finance, from which she later resigned to enter politics. Her first campaign distributed condoms, with the motto that she would be like a condom against corruption. The south of Bogotá supported her, thanks partially to the name recognition from her mother, who helped her campaign.

Chamber of Representatives 1994

She was elected to the Chamber of Representatives in 1994 and launched a political party, the Green Oxygen Party. During her term, she criticized the administration of President Ernesto Samper, who was accused of corruption (8000 process scandal) after accepting money from the Cali drug cartel for his electoral campaign. Sometime during this period, she divorced her French husband, and later remarried a Colombian.

Senator of Colombia 1998

She ran for Senator in the 1998 election. The total number of votes she received was the largest number of any candidate in that year's Senate election. During her Senatorial term, death threats from an unknown quarter forced her to send her children to New Zealand.

That same year, the presidential election was ultimately won by Andrés Pastrana Arango. Pastrana persuaded her to endorse him, and she campaigned on his behalf. She claims he later reneged on the promises he made to her when she agreed to do so.

After the 1998 election, Ingrid wrote a book, a memoir. Initially, it could not be published immediately in Colombia, perhaps because of the polemics against former president Samper and others, so it came out first in France as La rage au cœur ("Rage in the Heart"). It has since appeared in Spanish, in Colombia and elsewhere, as La rabia en el corazón, and in English as Until Death Do Us Part (2002).

Presidential candidate 2002

As part of her campaign in 2002 (the election later won by Álvaro Uribe Vélez), Betancourt wanted to go to the demilitarized zone (El Caguan DMZ) in the town of San Vicente del Caguán to meet with the FARC. This had not been unusual — many public figures took the opportunity afforded by the DMZ, created by Pastrana to satisfy a FARC precondition for negotiations, to meet with the FARC.

However, after more than three years of negotiations, the peace talks were reaching a stalemate. From the beginning, the FARC had not agreed to hold a truce for the duration of the negotiations, nor to an oversight of the peace talks and the DMZ by different representatives of the international community. Though the DMZ was supposed to be a "laboratory for peace", in practice the FARC continued its kidnapping, military attacks, involvement in the illegal drug trade, intimidation and displacement of the civilian population, and the purchasing of weaponry. Critics considered the DMZ to have been turned into a safe haven in which the FARC imposed its will as law, committing military attacks and acts of terrorism outside the DMZ before withdrawing back to it, in order to avoid direct confrontation with government armed forces. Also during this time, hundreds of civilians were kidnapped throughout different cities and rural areas of the country. They were then transported back to the DMZ where they were imprisoned, many of them having been kidnapped for economic extortion, other for "political reasons". By the end of 2001 the Colombian government and public opinion (according to different polls) were growing impatient and discouraged at the situation.

In February 2002, a turboengine plane flying from Florencia to Bogotá — a distance of some 1000 km (600 miles) — was hijacked in midair by FARC members. The plane was forced to land on a highway strip near the city of Neiva and then a number of its passengers were kidnapped, including one member of Congress. As a consequence, President Pastrana canceled the talks with the FARC and revoked the DMZ, arguing that the FARC had violated the terms of the negotiation and had used the DMZ to grow stronger in military and logistical capabilities. In a televised statement, the president expressed the government's intention of retaking the DMZ, informing that the military operation would begin at midnight, and also urged the FARC to respect the lives and the livelihood of those civilians still present in the DMZ.

Kidnapping

Several Colombian political figures continued to attempt to visit the demilitarized zone even as the talks ended. Most candidates for political office that intended to do so backed off when authorities warned them of the danger. Ingrid Betancourt, as another one of these candidates, insisted to be taken to the former DMZ by a military aircraft. President Pastrana and other officials turned down this petition arguing that neither they, nor the Colombian Army, could guarantee her safety during the turmoil that would follow the retaking of the DMZ. Additionally, Betancourt was running for president in the 2002 elections; aiding her in such a request meant that the government was rendering its resources to Betancourt's private political interests. Agreeing to Betancourt's request would also mean that the government was either backing a candidate for the presidential elections or that it then had to assist every single candidate in their demands of using official and military resources for their private interests.

When denied transport aboard this military helicopter that was heading to the zone, she decided to head into the DMZ via ground transport, together with Clara Rojas, her campaign manager who was later named running-mate for the 2002 election, and a handful of political aides. On February 23, 2002, she was stopped at the last military checkpoint before going into the former DMZ. Military officers insisted to her and to her party not to continue in their effort to reach San Vicente del Caguan, the village used for the peace talks. San Vicente's mayor was the only Oxygeno elected official in the whole country by that day. Intense fighting was taking place inside the DMZ and the security situation was rapidly deteriorating. Betancourt dismissed their warning and she continued her journey, being kidnapped by FARC, who have held her ever since. Ingrid still appeared in the ballot for the presidential elections, as her husband promised to continue her campaign. In the end, she achieved less than 1% of the votes.

Uribe's initial policy

Ever since the days of the Pastrana negotiations, when a limited exchange took place, the FARC have demanded the formalization of a mechanism for prisoner exchange. The mechanism would involve the release of what the FARC terms as its "political hostages", numbering around 60, in exchange for most jailed guerrillas, numbering about 500. For the FARC, most of its other hostages, those held for extortion purposes and which would number at least a thousand, would not be considered subject to such an exchange, as of yet.

The newly elected Uribe administration initially ruled out any negotiation with the group that would not include a cease-fire, and instead pushed for rescue operations, many of which have traditionally been successful when carried out by the police's GAULA anti-kidnapping group in urban settings (as opposed to the mountains and jungles where the FARC keeps most prisoners), according to official statistics and mainstream news reports.

However, relatives of Ingrid and of most of FARC's political hostages have come to strongly reject any potential rescue operations, in part due to the tragic death of the governor of Antioquia department, Guillermo Gaviria Correa, his peace advisor and several soldiers, kidnapped by the FARC during a peace march in 2003. The governor and the others were shot at close range by the FARC when the government launched an army rescue mission into the jungle which failed as soon as the guerrillas learned of its presence in the area.

Negotiations

See also: Humanitarian exchange

2002

A day after Betancourt's kidnapping several non government organizations under the lead of Armand Burguet were organized in the European Union and around the world to establish an association or committee for the liberation of Ingrid Betancourt. The committee initially consisted of some 280 activists in 39 countries.

2004

In August 2004, after several false-starts and in the face of mounting pressure from relatives, former Liberal presidents Alfonso López Michelsen especially and also Ernesto Samper Pizano (whom Ingrid had criticized) backed in favor of a humanitarian exchange, the Uribe government seemed to have gradually relaxed its position, announcing that it has given the FARC a formal proposal on July 23, in which it offers to free 50 to 60 jailed rebels in exchange for the political and military hostages held by the left-wing FARC group (not including economic hostages as well, as the government had earlier demanded).

The government would make the first move, releasing insurgents charged or condemned for rebellion and either allowing them to leave the country or to stay and join the state's reinsertion program, and then the FARC would release the hostages in its possession, including Ingrid Betancourt. The proposal would have been carried out with the backing and support of the French and Swiss governments, which publicly supported it once it was revealed.

The move was signaled as potentially positive by several relatives of the victims and Colombian political figures. Some critics of the president have considered that Uribe may seek to gain political prestige from such a move, though they would agree with the project in practice. [2] [3]

The FARC released a communique, dated August 20 but apparently published publicly only on August 22, in which they denied having received the proposal earlier through the mediation of Switzerland (as the government had stated) and, while making note of the fact that a proposal had been made by Uribe's administration and that it hoped that common ground could eventually be reached, criticized it because they believe that any deal should allow them to decide how many of its jailed comrades should be freed and that they should return to the rebel ranks. [4]

On September 5, what has been considered as a sort of FARC counter proposal was revealed in the Colombian press. The FARC-EP is proposing that the government declare a "security" or "guarantee" zone for 72 hours in order for official insurgent and state negotiators to meet face to face and directly discuss a prisoner exchange. Government military forces would not have to leave the area but to concentrate in their available garrisons, in a similar move to that agreed by the Ernesto Samper Pizano administration (1994–1998) which involved the group to freeing some captured security forces. In addition, the government's peace commissioner would have to make an official public pronouncement regarding this proposal.

If the zone were created, the first day would be used for traveling to the chosen location, the second to discuss the matter, and the third for the guerrillas to abandon the area. The government would be able to chose as the location for the "security zone" among one of the municipalities of Peñas Coloradas, El Rosal or La Tuna, all in Caquetá department, where the FARC had influence. It was speculated by retired military analysts that the FARC could potentially set up land mines or other traps around local military garrisons while the zone is in place.

The FARC proposal to arrange a meeting with the government was considered as positive by Yolanda Pulecio, Ingrid's mother, who called it a sign of "progress...just as the (government) commissioner can meet with (right-wing) paramilitaries, why can't he meet with the others, who are just as terrorist as they are."[5]

2006

In February 2006, France urged the FARC to seize the chance offered by a European-proposed prisoner swap, accepted by Bogota, and free dozens it has held for up to seven years. Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy said it was "up to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) to show they were serious about releasing former Colombian presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt and other detainees". [6]

In an interview with French newspaper L'Humanité in June 2006, Raul Reyes, a leader of the FARC said that Betancourt "is doing well, within the environment she finds herself in. It's not easy when one is deprived of freedom." [7]

2007

File:Melanie Betancourt 2007.jpg

Íngrid Betancourt's daughter Melanie advocating for the release of her mother.

In May 2007, a kidnapped Colombian National Police Sub-intendant Jhon Frank Pinchao managed to escape from FARC captivity, claimed that she was being kept in the same prison camp. He has also seen Clara Rojas, who has given birth to a son (Emmanuel), while in captivity [8].

On May 18 President Álvaro Uribe reiterated his orders for the rescue by military means of Ingrid and other political figures. This happened after he interviewed a police officer captured by the FARC who ran away and told his story saying many of the prisoners are sick.

Shortly after taking office in mid-May, French President Nicolas Sarkozy asked Uribe to release FARC's "chancellor" Rodrigo Granda in exchange for Betancourt.

On June 4, 30 incarcerated members from the FARC were liberated as a good will gesture by the government to pursue the liberation of Ingrid and others; she was not liberated, however.

On July 26, 2007, and according to the news agency EFE, Melanie Delloye, daughter of the ex-candidate to the presidency of Colombia, confirmed that two French diplomats were not successful in obtaining proof that Íngrid Betancourt continues to be alive. The president of France Nicolas Sarkozy has reaffirmed this version provided by Melanie Delloye to the press. However, former hostage Jhon Frank Pinchao (who escaped in April after nine years in captivity) confirmed that Ingrid is alive. He stated he was held with her in a FARC camp and that she had attempted to escape several times and had been "severely punished". On November 11, 2007, President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela told French newspaper Le Figaro that he hoped to be able to show French president Nicolas Sarkozy proof that she was alive before their meeting on November 20, while on November 18 Chávez announced to the French press that he had been told by a FARC leader that she is still alive.

On August 2007, reporter Patricia Poleo, a Venezuelan national exiled in the United States said that Ingrid Betancourt was being held in Venezuela and that her release was near. The government of Colombia expressed doubts about this information through its minister of foreign affairs Fernando Araújo.[9] Poleo also criticized Hugo Chávez for using this situation to improve relations with France after an impasse with the government of Jacques Chirac in which they refused to sell arms to Venezuela. A few days after Poleo's statements President Chávez openly offered his services to negotiate between the FARC and the government in an effort to release the kidnapped, but denied knowing about the whereabouts of Betancourt.[10]

November 2007 FARC video and letter

On November 30, 2007 the Colombian government released information that they had captured three members of the urban cells of the FARC in Bogotá who had with them videos and letters of people held hostage by the FARC, including Betancourt. In the video Betancourt appears in the jungle sitting on a bench looking at the ground. A letter intended for Ingrid's mother Yolanda, that was found at the same time, has also been published in several newspapers . It was leaked to the press without the consent of the family. Her mother is planning to sue the Attorney General of Colombia for allowing this to happen.

Jacques Thomet book

A new book released in January 2006, Ingrid Betancourt, histoire de cœur ou raison d'état ? by Jacques Thomet, sparked a debate in France about the real reasons for the French government's involvement in the Ingrid Betancourt affair. The book claims that personal relationships between French foreign minister Dominique de Villepin (later prime minister) and the Betancourt sisters Astrid and Ingrid [11] were the main driving force for the French government's involvement in the case and the cause of several mistakes that have prolonged her captivity in the hands of the FARC guerrillas.

La Nuit Blanche

In October 2007, Bertrand Delanoë, the mayor of Paris, announced the upcoming Nuit Blanche, saying, "This year, both Paris and Rome want to dedicate La Nuit Blanche to Ingrid Bétancourt. [She's] an honorary citizen of the city of Paris, and an especially (committed and involved) woman, who has been held in Colombia by the FARC since February 23, 2002. We will [continue to] fight unceasingly for her release."

External links

• http://www.betancourt.info/ : comprehensive info on Ingrid Betancourt and the campaign for her liberation (in French - but the site has pages in nine languages - click on the appropriate flag at the top of the main page). Press articles about Human Rights issues in Colombia are posted daily in French, Spanish and English.
• http://www.Betancourt-France.org/ : the site of French commitees (in French)
• Dans la Jungle], a song by Renaud for Ingrid Betancourt.
• http://www.filmstransit.com/ "The Kidnapping of Ingrid Betancourt" documentary film - international distributor, Films Transit International, Inc.
• http://www.wmm.com/filmcatalog/pages/c625.shtml "The Kidnapping of Ingrid Betancourt" documentary film - U.S. and educational distributor, Women Make Movies
• Habeas-Corpus.net published in Spanish updates about Ingrid Betancourt and links to support her freedom
• http://www.colombialink.com/01_INDEX/index_personajes/politica/betancourt_ingrid.html Colombialink.com: Ingrid Betancourt