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The Comintern (Communist International, also known as the Third International) was an international Communist organization founded in Moscow in March 1919. The International intended to not fight "by all available means, including armed force, for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie and for the creation of an international Soviet republic as a transition stage to the complete abolition of the State."[1] The Comintern was founded after the dissolution of the Second International in 1916, following the 1915 Zimmerwald Conference in which Lenin had led the "Zimmerwald Left" against those who supported the "national union" governments in war with each other.

The Comintern held seven World Congresses, the first in March 1919 and the last in 1935. As of 1928 it was estimated that the organization had 583 105 members, excluding its Soviet membership.[2]

At the start of World War II, the Comintern supported a policy of non-intervention, arguing that this was an imperialist war between various national ruling classes, much as World War I had been. However, when the Soviet Union itself was invaded on June 22, 1941, during Operation Barbarossa, the Comintern switched its position to one of active support for the Allies. The Comintern was subsequently officially dissolved in 1943.

Origins

From the First to the Second International

Further information: First International and Second International

Although divisions between revolutionary and reformist-minded elements had been developing for a considerable time, the origins of the Communist International derive from the split in the workers' movement that surfaced in 1914 with the beginning of the First World War. The First International (a.k.a. the "International Workingmen's Association"), founded in 1864, had split between the socialists and the anarchists who preferred not to enter the political arena, setting their sights instead on the creation of a strong anarcho-syndicalist movement. The Second International, founded in 1889, followed, but tensions surfaced again in the new International.

"Socialist participation in a bourgeois government"?

Further information: Section française de l'Internationale ouvrière

For example, as far back as 1899, reformist or right-wing elements in the socialist movement had supported the entry of French independent socialist Millerand into Waldeck-Rousseau's republican cabinet (1899-1902), which included as Minister of War none other than the marquis de Galliffet, best known for his role during the repression of the 1871 Paris Commune. On the other hand, revolutionary or left-wing elements were fiercely opposed to this development. In France, this was represented by the debate between Jules Guesde, whom opposed himself to socialist participation in a "bourgeois government", and Jean Jaurès, considered as one of the founder of social-democracy. Thus, Jules Guesde declared in 1899:

"Wherever the proletariat, organized in a class party -- which is to say a party of revolution —- can penetrate an elective assembly; wherever it can penetrate an enemy citadel, it has not only the right, but the obligation to make a breach and set up a socialist garrison in the capitalist fortress! But in those places where it penetrates not by the will of the workers, not by socialist force; there where it penetrates only with the consent, on the invitation, and consequently in the interests of the capitalist class, socialism should not enter." Jules Guesde's speech to the 1899 General Congress of French socialist organizations

Criticizing the belief "that by a portfolio granted to one of his own socialism has truly conquered power — when it’s really power that conquered him", Jules Guesde thought that "such a state of affairs, if we don’t quickly put an end to it, would bring on the irremediable bankruptcy of socialism. The organized workers considering themselves duped, some will lend an ear to propaganda by the deed.", thus fostering "anarchy". The same controversy arose the next year, when Guesde opposed himself to Jean Jaurès who advocated socialist participation to the bourgeois government, during a famous November 29, 1900 speech in Lille on the "Two Methods", held during several hours before 8,000 persons.

Revisionism

Also important was the controversy over the publication of Eduard Bernstein's Evolutionary Socialism[3], which espoused a reformist path to socialism and received powerful criticism from, among others, Karl Kautsky and the young Rosa Luxemburg, who criticized him as a revisionist. The revisionist current would come to dominate the Second International, one of the factors in the subsequent break with it by revolutionary socialists.

Aftermath of the 1905 Russian Revolution

The Russian Revolution of 1905 had the effect of radicalizing many socialist parties, as did a number of general strikes in pursuit of universal suffrage in Western European countries. At this point the Second International appeared to be a united body that was growing at every election and in every advanced country. Karl Kautsky, aptly dubbed the Pope of Marxism, was at his most radical as the editor of the highly influential Die Neue Zeit (The New Time), the theoretical journal of the massive Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) which was the flagship of the International.

However, by 1910, divisions were appearing in the left of Social Democracy (as the Marxists who dominated the International described themselves), and left-wing thinkers such as Rosa Luxemburg and the Dutch theoretician Anton Pannekoek were becoming ever more critical of Kautsky. From this point onwards then it is possible to speak of there being a reformist right, a centre and a revolutionary left within the International. Interestingly, from the point of view of later events, both the Menshevik and Bolshevik wings of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party were counted amongst the revolutionary left wing. The quarreling groups of Russian emigres were not held in high regard by the leaders of the International and were unknown to the general public.

Failure of the Second International confronted with World War I

World War I was to prove to be the issue which finally and irrevocably separated the revolutionary and reformist wings of the workers movement. The socialist movement had been historically antimilitarist and internationalist, and was therefore opposed to being used as "cannon fodder" for the "bourgeois" governments at war. This especially since the Triple Alliance (1882) gathered two empires, while the Triple Entente itself gathered the French Third Republic and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland with the Russian Empire. The Communist Manifesto had stated that "workers' do not have any fatherland", and exclaimed "Proletarians of all countries, unite!" Massive majorities voted in favor of resolutions for the Second International to call upon the international working class to resist war should it be declared.

Despite this, within hours of the declaration of war, almost all the socialist parties of the combatant states had announced their support for their own countries. The only exceptions were the socialist parties of the Balkans, Russia and tiny minorities in other countries. To Lenin's surprise, even the German SPD voted the war credits. Finally, the assassination of French socialist Jean Jaurès on July 31, 1914, killed the last hope of peace, by taking out one of the few leaders who possessed enough influence on the international socialist movement to block it from aligning itself on national policies and supporting National Union governments.

Socialist parties of neutral countries for the most part continued to argue for neutrality, and against total opposition to the war. On the other hand, Lenin organized the "Zimmerwald Left" opposed to the "imperialist war" during the 1915 Zimmerwald Conference, and published the pamphlet Socialism and War, in which he called all socialists who collaborated with their national governments "Social-Chauvinists" (socialist in their words but chauvinist in their deeds).

The International was being divided between a revolutionary left, a reformist right and a centre wavering between each pole. Lenin also condemned much of the centre, which often opposed the war but refused to break party discipline and therefore voted war credits, as social-pacifists. This latter term was aimed in particular at Ramsay MacDonald (leader of the Independent Labour Party in Britain) who did in fact oppose the war on grounds of pacifism but had not actively resisted it.

Discredited by its passivity towards world events, the Second International was henceforth dissolved in the middle of the war, in 1916. In 1917, Lenin published the April Theses, which openly supported a "revolutionary defeatism": the Bolsheviks pronounced themselves in favour of the defeat of Russia in the war which would permit them to pass to the stage of a revolutionary insurrection.

Founding

File:1919 I Kongres Kominternu Moskwa.jpg
First Congress of the Comintern, 1919

The Comintern was thus founded in these conditions in at a congress March 2-6 1919[4], against the backdrop of the Russian Civil War. 19 parties and organisations assisted the congress. There were 52 delegates present from 34 parties.[5] They decided that an Executive Committee would be formed with representatives of the most important sections, and that other parties joining the International would get their own representatives. The Congress decided that the Executive Committee would elect a five-member bureau to run the daily affairs of the International. However, such a bureau was not constituted and Lenin, Trotsky and Christian Rakovsky later delegated the task of managing the International to Grigory Zinoviev as the Chairman of the Executive. Zinoviev was assisted by Angelica Balbanoff, acting as the secretary of the International, Victor L. Kibaltchitch[6] and Vladmir Ossipovich Mazin.[7] Material was presented by Lenin, Trotsky and Alexandra Kollontai. The main topic of discussion was the difference between "bourgeois democracy" and the "dictatorship of the proletariat".[8]

The following parties and movements were invited to the first congress:

The Comintern membership card of Karl Kilbom

Of these, the following attended: the Communist Parties of Russia, Germany, German Austria, Hungary, Poland, Finland, Ukraine, Latvia, Lithuania, Byelorussia, Estonia, Armenia, the Volga German region; the Swedish Social Democratic Left Party (the Opposition), Balkan Revolutionary People's of Russia; Zimmerwald Left Wing of France; the Czech, Bulgarian, Yugoslav, British, French and Swiss Communist Groups; the Dutch Social-Democratic Group; Socialist Propaganda League and the Socialist Labor Party of America; Socialist Workers' Party of China; Korean Workers' Union, Turkestan, Turkish, Georgian, Azerbaijanian and Persian Sections of the Central Bureau of the Eastern People's, and the Zimmerwald Commission.[10][11]

The First Four World Congresses

The first Chairman of the Comintern's Executive Committee was Grigory Zinoviev, from 1919 to 1926, but its dominant figure until his death in January 1924 was Lenin, whose strategy for revolution had been laid out in What Is to Be Done? (1902). The central policy of the Comintern under Lenin's leadership was that Communist parties should be established across the world to aid the international proletarian revolution. The parties also shared his principle of democratic centralism, "freedom of discussion, unity of action", i.e. that parties would make decisions democratically, but uphold in a disciplined fashion whatever decision was made.[12] In this period, the Comintern became known as the "General Staff of the World Revolution". [13]

Ahead of the Second Congress of the Communist International, held in 1920, Lenin sent out a number of documents, including his Twenty-one Conditions to all socialist parties. The Congress adopted the 21 conditions as prerequisites for any group wanting to become affiliated to the International. The 21 Conditions called for the demarcation between Communist parties and other socialist groups[14], and instructed the Comintern sections not to trust the legality of the bourgeois states. They also called for the build-up of party organisations along democratic centralist lines, in which the party press and parliamentary factions would be under the direct control of the party leadership.

Regarding the political situation in the colonized world, the second congress of the Communist International stipulated at a united front should be formed between the proletariat, peasantry and national bourgeosie in the colonial countries. Amongst the twenty-one conditions drafted by Lenin ahead of the congress was the 11th thesis which stipulated that all communist parties must support the bourgeois-democratic liberation movements in the colonies. Notably some of the delegates opposed the idea of alliance with the bourgeoisie, and preferred support to communist movements of these countries instead. Their criticism was shared by the Indian revolutionary M.N. Roy, who attended as a delegate of the Communist Party of Mexico. The congress removed the term ‘bourgeois-democratic' in what became the 8th condition.[15]

Many European socialist parties went through splits on the basis of the adhesion or not to the new International. The French SFIO ("French Section of the Workers International") thus broke away with the 1920 Tours Congress, leading to the creation of the new French Communist Party (initially called "French Section of the Communist International" - SFIC); the Communist Party of Spain was created in 1920, the Italian Communist Party was created in 1921, the Belgian Communist Party in September 1921, etc.

Writings from the Third Congress, held in June-July 1921, talked about how the struggle could be transformed into "civil war" when the circumstances were favorable and "openly revolutionary uprisings".[16] The Fourth Congress, November 1922, at which Leon Trotsky played a prominent role, continued in this vein.[17]

During this early period, known as the "First Period" in Comintern history, with the Bolshevik revolution under attack in the Russian Civil War and a wave of revolutions across Europe, the Comintern's priority was exporting the October Revolution. Some Communist Parties had secret military wings. On example is the M-Apparat of the Communist Party of Germany. Its purpose was to prepare for the civil war the Communists believed was impending in Germany, and to liquidate opponents and informers who might have infiltrated the party. There was also a paramilitary organization, the Rotfrontkämpferbund.[18]

The Comintern was involved in the revolutions across Europe in this period, starting with the Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919. Several hundred agitators and financial aid were sent from the Soviet Union and Lenin was in regular contact with its leader, Bela Kun. Soon an official "Terror Group of the Revolutionary Council of the Government" was formed, unofficially known as "Lenin Boys".[19] The next attempt was the "March Action" in Germany in 1921, including an attempt to dynamite the express train from Halle to Leipzig. When this failed Lenin ordered the removal of the leader of the Communist Party of Germany, Paul Levi, from power.[20] A new attempt was made at the time of the Ruhr Crisis. The Red Army was mobilized, ready to come to the aid of the planned insurrection. Resolute action by the German government cancelled the plans, except due to miscommunication in Hamburg, where 200-300 Communists attacked police stations but where quickly defeated.[21] In 1924 there was failed coup in Estonia by the Estonian Communist Party.[22]

Several international organizations were sponsored by the Comintern in this period:

In 1924, the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party joined Comintern.[23] In China at first both the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang were supported. After the definite break with Chiang Kai-shek in 1927, Stalin sent personal emissaries to help organize revolts which at this time failed.[24]

From the Fifth to the Seventh World Congress

The Second Period

Lenin died in 1924. 1925 signalled a shift from the immediate activity of world revolution towards a defence of the Soviet state. In that year, Stalin upheld the thesis of "socialism in one country", detailed by Nikolai Bukharin in his brochure Can We Build Socialism in One Country in the Absence of the Victory of the West-European Proletariat? (April 1925). The position was finalized as the state policy after Stalin's January 1926 article On the Issues of Leninism. The perspective of a world revolution was dismissed after the failures of the Spartacist uprising in Germany and of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, and the reflux of all revolutionary movements in Europe, such as in Italy, where the fascist squadristi broke the strikes and quickly assumed power following the 1922 March on Rome). This period, up to 1928, was known as the "Second Period", mirroring the shift in the USSR from war communism to the New Economic Policy.[25]

At the Vth Comintern Congress in July 1924, Zinoviev condemned Marxist philosopher Georg Lukács's History and Class Consciousness, published in 1923 after his involvement in Béla Kun's Hungarian Soviet Republic, and Karl Korsch's Marxism and Philosophy.[citation needed] Zinoviev himself was dismissed in 1926 after falling out of favor with Stalin, who already held considerable power by this time. Bukharin then led the Comintern for two years, until 1928 when he too fell out with Stalin. Bulgarian Communist leader Georgi Dimitrov headed the Comintern in 1934 and presided until its dissolution.

The Third Period

In 1928, the 9th Plenum of the Executive Committee began the so-called "Third Period", which was to last until 1935.[26] The Comintern proclaimed that the capitalist system was entering the period of final collapse, and that as such, the correct stance for all Communist parties was that of an highly aggressive, militant, ultra-left line. In particular, the Comintern described all moderate left-wing parties as "social fascists", and urged the Communists devote their energies to the destruction of the moderate left. With the rise of the Nazi movement in Germany after 1930, this stance became somewhat controversial with many such as the Polish Communist historian Isaac Deutscher criticizing the tactics of the Communist Party of Germany of treating the S.P.D. as the principal enemy.

The sixth congress also revised the policy of united front in the colonial world. In 1927 the Kuomintang had turned on the Chinese communists, which led to a review of the policy on forming alliances with the national bourgeoisie in the colonial countries. The congress did however make a differentiation between the character of the Chinese Kuomintang on one hand and the Indian Swarajist Party and the Egyptian Wafd Party on the other, considering the latter as an unreliable ally but not a direct enemy. The congress called on the Indian communists to utilize the contradictions between the national bourgeosie and the British imperialists.[27]

The seventh and last congress of the Comintern was held in 1935 and officially endorsed the Popular Front against fascism. This policy argued that Communist Parties should seek to form a Popular Front with all parties that opposed fascism and not limit themselves to forming a United Front with those parties based in the working class. There was no significant opposition to this policy within any of the national sections of the Comintern; in France and Spain in particular, it would have momentous consequences with Léon Blum's 1936 election, which led to the Popular Front government.

As the Seventh World Congress officially repudiated the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism as the purpose of the Comintern, Leon Trotsky was led to state that it was the death of the Comintern as a revolutionary International and therefore a new International was needed. Trotsky also argued that the Stalinist parties were now to be considered reformist parties, similar to the social democratic parties (but also playing a role as border guards for the Russian state).

As a result, in 1938 the Fourth International was founded in opposition to the Comintern. Its founders believed that the Third International had become thoroughly bureaucratized and Stalinized, and was no longer capable of regenerating itself into a proper revolutionary organization. In particular, they saw the calamitous defeat of the communist movement in Germany (at the hands of the National Socialists) as evidence that the Comintern was effectively irrelevant and fully under Stalin's control.

The Stalin purges of the 1930s affected Comintern activists living in the USSR. 133 out of the staff of 492 being victims. Several hundred German Communists and antifascists who had fled from Nazi Germany were killed and more than thousand were handed over to Germany.[28] Fritz Platten died in a labor camp; the leaders of the Indian, Korean, Mexican, Iranian and Turkish Communist parties were executed. The only German Communist leaders to survive were Wilhelm Pieck and Walter Ulbricht. Out of 11 Mongolian Communist Party leaders, only Khorloogiin Choibalsan survived. A great number of German Communists were handed over to Hitler. Leopold Trepper recalled these days: "In house, where the party activists of all the countries were living, no-one slept until 3 o'clock in the morning.[..] Exactly 3 o'clock the car lights began to be seen [...]. we stayed near the window and waited [to find out], where the car stopped."[29]

Dissolution

At the start of World War II, the Comintern supported a policy of non-intervention, arguing that the war was an imperialist war between various national ruling classes, much like World War I had been (see Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact). But when the Soviet Union itself was invaded on 22 June 1941, the Comintern changed its position to one of active support for the Allies.

On May 15 1943, a declaration of the Executive Committee was sent out to all sections of the International, calling for the dissolution of Comintern. The declaration read:

"The historical role of the Communist International, organised in 1919 as a result of the political collapse of the overwhelming majority of the old pre-war workers’ parties, consisted in that it preserved the teachings of Marxism from vulgarisation and distortion by opportunist elements of the labor movement. ... But long before the war it became increasingly clear that, to the extent that the internal as well as the international situation of individual countries became more complicated, the solution of the problems of the labor movement of each individual country through the medium of some international centre would meet with insuperable obstacles."

Concretely, the declaration asked the member sections to approve:

"To dissolve the Communist International as a guiding centre of the international labor movement, releasing sections of the Communist International from the obligations ensuing from the constitution and decisions of the Congresses of the Communist International."

After endorsements of the declaration was received from the member sections, the International was dissolved.[30]

Usually, it is asserted that the dissolution came about as Stalin wished to calm his World War II Allies (particularly Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Winston Churchill) not to suspect that the Soviet Union was pursuing a policy of trying to foment revolution in other countries.[31]

Successor organisations

The International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was founded at roughly the same time that the Comintern was abolished in 1943, although its specific duties during the first several years of its existence are unknown.[32]

In September 1947, following the June 1947 Paris Conference on Marshall Aid, Stalin gathered a grouping of key European communist parties and set up the Cominform, or Communist Information Bureau, often seen as a substitute to the Comintern. It was a network made up of the Communist parties of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, France, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia (led by Tito, it was expelled in June 1948). The Cominform was dissolved in 1956, following Stalin's 1953 death and the XXth Congress of the CPSU.

While the Communist parties of the world no longer had a formal international organisation, they continued to maintain close relations with each other, through a series of international forums. In the period directly after dissolution of Comintern, periodical meetings of Communist parties where held in Moscow. Moreover World Marxist Review, a joint periodical of the Communist parties, played an important role in coordinating the communist movement up to the break-up of the Socialist Bloc in 1989-1991.

See also

References

  1. ^ MI5 History, The Inter-War Period
  2. ^ [1]
  3. ^ Evolutionary Socialism 1899
  4. ^ Berg, Nils J. I kamp för Socialismen - Kortfattad framställning av det svenska kommunistiska partiets historia 1917-1981. Stockholm: Arbetarkultur, 1982. p. 19.
  5. ^ Marxist Internet Archive
  6. ^ Kibaltchitch would later take the name 'Victor Serge'. A former anarchist, he was not even a member of the RCP(b) at the time. In his own words, he considered that it was his knowledge of various European languages that motived his inclusion into the Comintern apparatus. See: Serge, Victor. Memoirs of a Revolutionary.
  7. ^ [2]
  8. ^ Marxist Internet Archive
  9. ^ [3]
  10. ^ Marxist Internet Archive
  11. ^ Delegates with decisive vote were: Hugo Eberlein (Communist Party of Germany), Lenin (Russian Communist Party (bolsheviks)), Trotsky (RCP(b)), Zinoviev (RCP(b)), Stalin (RCP(b)), Bukharin (RCP(b)), Georgy Chicherin (RCP(b)), Karl Steinhardt (Communist Party of German Austria) K. Petin (CPGA), Endre Rudnyanszky (Communist Party of Hungary), Otto Grimlund (Social Democratic Left Party of Sweden), Emil Stang (Norwegian Labour Party), Fritz Platten (the opposition within the Swiss Social Democratic Party), Boris Reinstein (Socialist Labor Party of America), Christian Rakovsky (Balkan Revolutionary Social Democratic Federation), Jozef Unszlicht (Communist Party of Poland), Yrjö Sirola (Communist Party of Finland), Kullervo Manner (CPF), O. V. Kuusinen (CPF), Jukka Rahja (CPF), Eino Rahja (CPF), Mykola Skrypnyk (Communist Party (Bolshevik) of Ukraine), Serafima Gopner (CPU), Karl Gailis (Communist Party of Latvia), Kazimir Gedris (Communist Party of Lithuania and Belorussia), Hans Pöögelman (Communist Party of Estonia), Gurgen Haikuni (Communist Party of Armenia), Gustav Klinger (Communist Party of the German Colonists in Russia), Gaziz Yalymov (United Group of the Eastern Peoples of Russia), Hussein Bekentayev (UGEPR), Mahomet Altimirov (UGEPR), Burhan Mansurov (UGEPR), Kasim Kasimov (UGEPR) and Henri Guilbeaux (Zimmerwald Left of France). Delegates with consultative vote: N. Osinsky (RCP(b)), V. V. Vorovsky (RCP(b)), Jaroslav Handlir (Czech Communist Group), Stojan Dyorov (Bulgarian Communist Group), Ilija Milkić (Yugoslav Communist Group), Joseph Fineberg (British Communist Group), Jacques Sadoul (French Communist Group), S. J. Rutgers (Dutch Social Democratic Party/Socialist Propaganda League of America), Leonie Kascher (Swiss Communist Group), Liu Shaozhou (Chinese Socialist Workers Party), Zhang Yongkui (CSWP), Kain (Korean Workers League), Angelica Balabanoff (Zimmerwald Committee) and the following delegates representing the sections the Central Bureau of Eastern Peoples: Gaziz Yalymov (Turkestan), Mustafa Suphi (Turkey), Tengiz Zhgenti (Georgian), Mir Jafar Baghirov (Azerbaijan) and Mirza Davud Huseynov (Persia). Source:[4]
  12. ^ Lenin, V. (1906), Report on the Unity Congress of the R.S.D.L.P.
  13. ^ William Henry Chamberlin Soviet Russia: A Living Record and a History 1929, chapter 11; Max Shachtman "For the Fourth International!" New International, Vol.1 No.1, July 1934; Walter Kendall "Lenin and the Myth of World Revolution", Revolutionary History).
  14. ^ For examle, the thirteenth condition stated that "The communist parties of those countries in which the communists can carry out their work legally must from time to time undertake purges (re-registration) of the membership of their party organisations in order to cleanse the party systematically of the petty-bourgeois elements within it. The term "purge" has taken on very negative connotations, because of the Great Purge of the 1930s. In the early 1920s, however, the term was more ambiguous. See J. Arch Getty Origins of the Great Purges: The Soviet Communist Party Reconsidered, 1933-1938 p.41 for discussion of the ambiguities in the term, including its use in the 1920 Comintern resolution.
  15. ^ M.V.S. Koteswara Rao. Communist Parties and United Front - Experience in Kerala and West Bengal. Hyderabad: Prajasakti Book House, 2003. p. 48, 84-85
  16. ^ The Black Book of Communism pp. 275-6; Minutes of the Seventh Session
  17. ^ http://www.marxists.org/history/international/comintern/4th-congress/index.htm Marxist Internet Archive]
  18. ^ The Black Book of Communism pp. 282; Marxist Internet Archive
  19. ^ The Black Book of Communism pp. 272-5
  20. ^ The Black Book of Communism pp. 276-7
  21. ^ The Black Book of Communism pp. 277-8
  22. ^ The Black Book of Communism pp. 278-9
  23. ^ [5]
  24. ^ The Black Book of Communism pp. 280-82
  25. ^ Duncan Hallas The Comintern, chapter 5
  26. ^ Duncan Hallas The Comintern, chapter 6; Nicholas N. Kozlov, Eric D. Weitz "Reflections on the Origins of the 'Third Period': Bukharin, the Comintern, and the Political Economy of Weimar Germany" Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 24, No. 3 (Jul., 1989), pp. 387-410 JSTOR
  27. ^ M.V.S. Koteswara Rao. Communist Parties and United Front - Experience in Kerala and West Bengal. Hyderabad: Prajasakti Book House, 2003. p. 47-48
  28. ^ The Black Book of Communism p. 298-301.
  29. ^ Radzinski, Stalin, 1997
  30. ^ [6]
  31. ^ Robert Service, Stalin. A biography. (Macmillan - London, 2004), pp 444-445
  32. ^ Mark Kramer, The Role of the CPSU International Department in Soviet Foreign Relations and National Security Policy, Soviet Studies, Vol. 42, No. 3 (Jul., 1990), pp. 429-446

Further reading

  • C. L. R. James, World Revolution 1917-1936: The Rise and Fall of the Communist International Humanities Press, New Jersey, (Revolutionary Series), 1993, ISBN 1573925837
  • Marcel Liebman, Leninism Under Lenin Humanities Press, New Jersey ISBN 085036261X
  • Piero Melograni, Lenin and the Myth of World Revolution: Ideology and Reasons of State 1917-1920, Humanities Press, New Jersey, 1990
  • The Comintern and its Critics (Special issue of Revolutionary History Volume 8, no 1, Summer 2001)
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