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2005 anti-Japanese demonstrations

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The Anti-Japanese demonstrations of 2005 were a series of demonstrations, some peaceful, some violent, which were held across China and Korea in the spring of 2005. They were sparked off by a number of issues, including the approval of a Japanese history textbook and the proposal that Japan be granted a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council.

Across China businesses with connections to Japan were vandalized by protesters, as were billboards advertising Japanese goods and stores stocking Japanese made products. Ironically, most of the damage was caused to businesses which were Chinese-owned and operated. Several Japanese nationals residing in China reported being injured, though there were no fatalities.

Demonstrations

People's Republic of China

In March 2005, demonstrations were organized in several cities in the People's Republic of China, including Chongqing, Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Zhengzhou, Shenyang, Ningbo, Harbin, Chengdu, Luoyang, Qingdao, Changsha, Hefei, Beijing, Wuhan, Fuzhou and Shanghai. In some cases, demonstrators attacked and damaged Japanese embassies, consulates, supermarkets, restaurants (mostly franchise businesses owned by Chinese) as well as people, prompting the Japanese government to demand an apology and compensation for damages. There were some peaceful demonstrations in Hong Kong.

The official PRC attitude towards the demonstrations is considered by foreign observers as enigmatic. On the one hand, the government allowed the demonstrations to occur in the first place. While the PRC policed the protests, some observers believe that measures to rein in the violence and property damage were deliberately ineffective. However, the PRC has only indirectly reported the current protests in state-owned media, withholding coverage from a national audience. State-owned media in the PRC nevertheless carried extensive coverage of anti-Japanese demonstrations in South Korea, as well as distant but related events, such as the European commemoration of the liberation of the Buchenwald concentration camp. Internet censorship has been extended to subjects related to the protests. Many universities prohibited students from coming onto or leaving the campus. Mass transit systems in close proximity to protest rally points were shut down. However, this policy was contradicted in several cities, including Beijing, where city buses were used by the municipal authorities to ferry students into the protests. Students at Tsinghua and Peking Universities also reported receiving phone calls from university authorities encouraging them to demonstrate. In the second half of April 2005, the People's Daily published several articles to calm down the protesters, and the Ministry of Public Security declared that "unauthorized marches were illegal". [1]

Interestingly enough, the PRC had never previously protested so violently against Japan in 60 years since World War II, and hundreds of textbook revisions through the years.

PRC police tactics are perceived to be similar to those utilized when demonstrations were held outside the American embassy in Beijing after NATO forces bombed the PRC embassy in Belgrade, Yugoslavia in May 1999.

The slogan "patriotism is not a sin" (爱国无罪 àiguó wúzuì: literally translated, "it is not a crime to be patriotic") is popular, albeit in a sarcastic sense, among the PRC protesters. This slogan is used to describe a justification of violence against Japanese individuals, on the basis of reciprocating Japanese atrocities in China during the Second World War.

Political observers on the U.S. National Public Radio have argued that the controversy is being allowed by the PRC government partly in order to further a multitude of political goals. [2] American news outlets CNN and Time Magazine have also pointed out that historical inaccuracies are not limited to Japanese textbooks, but that Chinese government-made textbooks are equally rife with omissions and non-neutral point of view. [3] Cases of questioned text include the Great Leap Forward which caused 30 million Chinese deaths ("the People suffered major losses"), China's 1979 invasion of Vietnam, the Cultural Revolution ("lots of appalling events happened") and the Tiananmen Square "Incident" of 1989, in which hundreds of protesters may have been killed. Tibet is a subject given scant mention except by foreign press, [4] and Xinjiang remains detached from the ongoing controversy.

Japanese response to Chinese protests

In Japan, no large-scale anti-PRC rallies or demonstrations took place, although a small number of protesters demonstrated outside PRC consulates, and in one case a spent cartridge case was mailed to Chinese officials. Nevertheless, more and more people canceled their travel plans to China, and some doubt was raised about the 2008 Summer Olympics, scheduled to be held in Beijing.

The Japanese government demanded an apology from the PRC government for the protests and compensations for the damage made to the properties of their diplomatic missions, claiming that the protests are primarily motivated by hostile or racist Sinocentric anti-Japanese sentiment, and that the PRC government aided and abetted violence against Japanese civilians including providing exclusive busses, trains and meals for the protesters organized by the government.

The Japanese foreign minister visited Beijing to meet his counterpart on April 17. The Xinhua News Agency reported that in the meeting held in Beijing between PRC and Japanese foreign ministers, the Japanese minister offered an apology for Japan's wrongdoings during World War II. However, Xinhua omitted in its report that in this meeting the Japanese negotiators demanded an apology and compensation for damage against Japanese property and people. That demand was rejected by Li Zhaoxing, the Chinese foreign minister. Meanwhile, the Japanese foreign ministry officially denied the news reports from the state-controlled Xinhua News Agency, which reports little about the on-going patriotic demonstrations in major Chinese cities.

The Tokyo Stock Exchange recorded a sharp plunge on Monday, April 18, and correlations between the demonstrations and Sino-Japanese economic ties are raised in the financial industry.

Japanese Premier Junichiro Koizumi expressed his "deep remorse and heartfelt apology" for the suffering that Japan caused other Asian nations during World War II at the Asia-Africa Conference in Jakarta, Indonesia on April 22. However, 81 Diet members visited Yasukuni Shrine hours before, causing more controversy inside and outside Japan about the true attitude of Tokyo on this subject. [5] [6]. Koizumi met with Hu Jintao on April 23. [7]

Japanese companies have responded economically by repositioning investment to southeast Asia and India and away from China. Politically, right wing voices have become more popular (or tolerable), and even previously unpopular PM Koizumi's re-election was a reaction to the Chinese embassy incident. Japan also has reacted by considering joint military deterrence with Russia, as Russia itself is increasingly uneasy with China's military buildup.

In May, pictures of Japanese actress, singer, seiyū, and gravure idol Saaya Irie taken by Japanese photographer Garo Aida captioned (loosely translated) "Please listen carefully to what I say my lovely Chinese brothers, please stop the riot!"[1] were posted on a Chinese forum by a third party, along with a message pleading for better bilateral relations between China and Japan.[2] Tabloid stories soon followed with raunchy headlines like "Busty 11-Year-Old Girl with F Cup Eases Cross-Strait Relations".[2] The claim that her pictures and words of peace led to a reduction in anti-Japanese attitude among the Chinese people is reputable, due to it first appearing in the pages of Shunkan Bunshun (週刊文春), a serious news weekly.[2]

Taiwan

Although in the past the government of the Republic of China or Taiwan has been severely critical of the content of Japanese history textbooks, in the wave of 2005 revisions of the textbooks, the ROC has, for the most part, been much quieter than the PRC. This is indicative of the relatively high level of tension in the relationship between the PRC and the ROC and the comparatively good relations between the ROC and Japan. Earlier in 2005, Japan and the United States had issued a joint declaration calling for a "peaceful solution" to the Taiwan issue, a declaration which angered the PRC, which protested that this declaration constituted interference in "internal affairs".

North Korea

In 2005, North Korea condemned the official approval of the revision of Japanese textbooks. One official was quoted as calling the textbooks "philistinism peculiar to Japan, a vulgar and shameless political dwarf" [8].

South Korea

South Korea vigorously protested the official approval of the 2005 Japanese history textbooks. South Korean Minister of Trade Kim Hyun-Chong canceled a planned visit to an Asian trade summit in Japan [9].

On May 6, 2005 in a meeting between President Roh Moo-hyun and Liberal Democratic Party's Secretary General Tsutomu Takebe, President Roh demanded Japan takes step to properly educate its citizens. He told Takemura that the teaching of history should not be treated as the academic matter and freely discussed but as the political matter and with the responsibility falling on the government to control it. [10]

The Philippines

Similar to Taiwan, the Philippines has been much quieter than its neighbors. Though many atrocities were committed by Japanese insurgents during the war, such as the systematic rape of Filipinas who are referred to as comfort women. Despite this, "Filipinos are not as offended as the Chinese or the Koreans are, for example, about the fact that these atrocities are given only fleeting attention in Japanese classrooms, if at all". A result that some historians and sociologists feel is due to the Philippines recovery rate after the war[11]


Specific issues

Textbook controversy

A significant contributing factor to the demonstrations was Japanese state approval of the "Atarashii Rekishi Kyokasho" (新しい歴史教科書 - the New History Textbook) written by the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform

According to critics, the textboook whitewashes Japanese war crimes committed during First Sino-Japanese War, in Japan's annexation of Korea in 1910, in the Second Sino-Japanese War, and in World War II, while avoiding contemporary issues surrounding Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni shrine in honor of Japanese war dead, where the enshrined include the names of many convicted and executed war criminals.

Japan's official policy is that publishers have the right to freedom of speech. The central government does have the right to stop textbooks from being published (see Japanese history textbook controversies), provided that they contain factual errors or personal opinions. The particular concern of the 2005 demonstration was the textbook of Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform. Since its official authorization in 2001, this textbook has only hampered relations between Japan and its East Asian neighbors, primarily Korea and China. In the early 2005, news of the Japanese government's re-authorization of the "Atarashii Rekishi Kyokasho" led to multinational public protest demonstrations. The textbook has been publicly denounced by Japan Teachers Union and as the result, according to a CNN article in April of 2004, it is being used by only 18 of the nation's 11,102 junior high schools. [12]. According to a recent Asahi Shimbun article from September of 2005, in four years since its initial adoption, the textbook is only being used in 0.04% of Japan's junior high schools, which is far from the 10% penetration that the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform had aimed for [13].

The textbook controversy plays a role in spurring demands by Northeast Asian nations for more Japanese government apologies for wartime atrocities, despite repeated apologies by Japanese officials and the Emperor in the past (see List of war apology statements issued by Japan).

To date only Japanese history textbooks have been called into question. The treatment of historical issues in China and other countries that were subject to Japanese aggression is generally ignored (see "China's Textbooks Twist and Omit History," New York Times December 6, 2004]; "Beijing dispatch: A tale of two massacres," Guardian, June 24, 2005).

Nanking Massacre

Many historians recognize that widespread atrocities were committed by the Imperial Japanese Army in and around Nanking (now Nanjing), China, after the capital's fall to Japanese troops on 13 December 1937. This event and associated atrocities breeds considerable anger in many Chinese today. The Japanese textbook in question only briefly mentions the atrocities committed and refers to Nanking Massacre as follows:

many Chinese soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded by Japanese troops (the Nanking Incident). Documentary evidence has raised doubts about the actual number of victims claimed by the incident. The debate continues even today" (p. 49). [14]

While the use of the word "incident" is standard Japanese historiographical terminology for focal events, such as Tiananmen "Incident" (天安門事件) rather than massacre, it is objected to by Chinese as a deliberate playing down of the events in question.

Other textbooks, which are used in an overwhelming majority of Japanese schools, are more direct.

Japan's membership in the UN Security Council

Another fact that contributed to a resurgence of anti-Japanese sentiment in 2005 was Japan’s bid for permanent membership to the United Nations most influential organ, the United Nations Security Council. However, this is not a recent development. The Japanese government's first attempted to gain permanent member status in 1969 when Foreign Minister Aichi made a bid to the U.N., but failed to win support of the international community. On September 21, 2004, the G4 nations (Brazil, Germany, India and Japan) issued a mutual declaration supporting each other's claim to permanent membership status on the U.N. Security Council. Current P5 members France and the United Kingdom supported their bid.

There here is strong sentiment, particularly in China and South/North Korea, against giving Japan a seat. Suggestions have been made that it would be dangerous to give Japan too much power on an international level, since it could give rise to new Japanese imperialism, and that Japan should not be given a seat due to its lack of repentance over wartime atrocities.

Another argument is that Japan, as a defeated nation of World War II, would contradict the UN Charter if it were to enter the Security Council as a permanent member (both Germany and Italy were prohibited from the Council for the very same reason.)

Comfort women

Comfort women are women who worked as prostitutes in military brothels in Japanese-occupied countries during World War II. The institution of comfort women was created by the Japanese military as a means to curb random Japanese soldiers raping civilians; however, it is being criticized as one of Japanese war crimes today for forcing Japanese, Korean, Chinese, Filipino and Vietnamese women to provide sex. The Japanese military had stated at the time that the women were all 'voluntary' prostitutes. However, forced prostitutions often took place.

Testing of chemical and biological weapons on civilians and POWs

In 1942, the Japanese military began testing of various chemical and biological agents as an alternative method to winning the war. Human experiments were conducted on Chinese and Korean civilians, and Allied POWs. After the war China (PRC) demanded data from these experiments in exchange for not raising the issue, while the US granted immunity from prosecution to many of the scientists involved (see Unit 731) in exchange for their weapons research.

Senkaku Islands (Diaoyu Islands)

The Senkaku Islands, known in Chinese as the Diaoyu Islands, are a group of islands in the East China Sea with an area of 7 km². Japan currently has control over the islands, but both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China government on Taiwan claim them. Tensions over the islands have surfaced in the late 1990s and were one issue in the 2005 protests in China.

Gas and oil in the East China Sea

Both China and Japan are interested in exploiting deposits of natural gas and oil in the Xihu Trough of the East China Sea. Both countries are net importers of energy, and the energy needs of China are mushrooming. The U.S. Department of Energy notes a moderate estimate of 100 billion barrels of oil in the South China Sea. notes

China has been drilling in the Xihu Trough since 2003. China's claims to these islands come from its claim of the entire continental shelf. Japan's claim is by the standard 200 nautical mile (370 km) EEZ international maritime treaty. Practically speaking, both nations have split the territory. Japan fears that Chinese drilling is likely to remove oil from territory claimed by Japan through suction from Japan's side. After two years of repeated requests to China to disclose information on the deposits in the hope of co-development, on April 13, 2005, Japan granted drilling rights to two Japanese companies, a move immediately protested by the Chinese as the drilling will take place in disputed territorial waters. The companies have not yet been formally granted permission to drill and this is expected to take several months. China National Offshore Oil Corporation, a Chinese, state-owned company, plans to drill near the disputed EEZ line between China and Japan beginning in August. [15]

References

  1. ^ zh: 1(If you stop the riot, I show my tits by uploading photos!!!1)" - "Monthly Bunshun" No.May 19,2005
  2. ^ a b c "Monthly Bunshun (Ja:週刊文春)" No.May 19,2005 (was published on May 11, 2005)
  • Ienaga, Saburō. Taiheiyō Sensō. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1968. Written as a counterweight to the controversial textbooks, it attempts to survey the reasons for and the conduct of the Pacific War from 1931 to 1945. Translated and entitled variously:
    • The Pacific War, 1931–1945: A Critical Perspective on Japan's role in World War II. New York: Pantheon Books, 1978. ISBN 0-394-73496-3.
    • The Pacific War: World War II and the Japanese, 1931–1945. New York: Pantheon Books, 1978. ISBN 0-394-49762-7.
    • Japan's Last War: World War II and the Japanese, 1931–1945. Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1979. ISBN 0-7081-0312-X.
  • Saaler, Sven; Politics, Memory and Public Opinion : The History Textbook Controversy and Japanese Society . Munich: Iudicium, 2005. ISBN 3-89129-849-8

See also