Polygyny in Islam

Under Islamic marital jurisprudence, muslim men are allowed to practice polygyny under Islam, that is, they can have more than one wife at the same time, up to a total of four. Polyandry, the practice of a woman having more than one husband, by contrast, is not permitted.

The New Oxford American Dictionary defines polygyny as “polygamy in which a man has more than one wife.” Since Islamic law does not allow women to have more than one husband at the same time, we will not use the word polygamy (the practice or custom of having more than one wife or husband at the same time) in this article unless it is within a quote of an original source. We have found that numerous sources use the terms interchangeably, which we find confusing and incorrect.

Polygyny for Muslims, in practice and in law, differs greatly throughout the Islamic world, where polygamous marriages constitute only 1–3% of all marriages. In some Muslim countries, polygamy is relatively common, while in others, it is rare or non-existent. Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Tunisia and Turkey, for example, are predominantly Muslim countries that have not adopted Islamic law for marital regulations, where polygyny is not legal.

Qur'an

The passage in the Qur'an dealing directly with the topic of polygamy is in Surah 4 Verse 3:but remember it is about the orphan women only.(read in context 4:1,2 and 3, together)

And if you fear that you cannot act equitably towards orphans, then marry such women as seem good to you, two and three and four (amongst the orphans, obviously); but if you fear that you will not do justice (between them), then (marry) only one or what your right hands possess; this is more proper, that you may not deviate from the right course.

Another verse pertaining to the practice of polygyny regarding orphan women only is in these verses:

4:127 (O Messenger!) They ask you to pronounce laws concerning women. Answer them: "God pronounces to you the laws concerning them, and it is recited to you in this Book concerning female orphans, to whom you do not give what has been ordained for them (as bridal-due or for their maintenance), and yet desire to marry them (out of greed to get their charms or wealth for yourself, or by refusing to let them marry to continue benefiting from their wealth); and also concerning the weak, helpless children (whose rights should be protected), and that you must be assiduous in observing the rights of orphans." Whatever good you do – surely God has full knowledge of it.

4:128 If a woman fears from her husband ill-treatment or (such breach of marital obligations as) his turning away in aversion, then there will be no blame on them to set things right peacefully between them; peaceful settlement is better. (Bear in mind that) human souls are prone to selfish avarice, so (O husbands) if you do good in consciousness of God and act in reverence for Him and piety (in observing the rights of women), then surely God is fully aware of what you do. 4:129 You will never be able to deal between your wives with absolute equality (in respect of love and emotional attachment), however much you may desire to do so. But do not turn away altogether (from any one of them), so as to leave her in a dangling state (uncertain if she has or does not have a husband). If you act righteously (between them) and act in piety (fearful of doing any deliberate wrong to any of them), then surely God is All-Forgiving, All-Compassionate.

4:130 If (despite every effort to reconcile them, it is no longer possible to sustain marriage, and) the couple do separate, (let neither fear to become poor and helpless, for) God suffices all by His abundance. God is All-Embracing (in His bounty), All-Wise.

In general Quran recommends marrying women who are unmarried, or remaining unmarried, but chaste, if a man doesn't have adequate means to get married.

(24:32 and 33) And marry those among you who are single (i.e. a man who has no wife and the woman who has no husband) and (also marry) the Sâlihûn (pious, fit and capable ones) of your (male) slaves and maid-servants (female slaves). If they be poor, Allâh will enrich them out of His Bounty. And Allâh is All-Sufficent for His creatures' needs, All-Knowing (about the state of the people). (32)

And let those who find not the financial means for marriage keep themselves chaste, until Allâh enriches them of His Bounty. And such of your slaves as seek a writing (of emancipation), give them such writing, if you find that there is good and honesty in them. And give them something (yourselves) out of the wealth of Allâh which He has bestowed upon you. And force not your maids to prostitution, if they desire chastity, in order that you may make a gain in the (perishable) goods of this worldly life. But if anyone compels them (to prostitution), then after such compulsion, Allâh is Oft-Forgiving, Most Merciful (to those women, i.e. He will forgive them because they have been forced to do this evil act unwillingly). (33)

(Quran Explorer...Translation of Dr. Mohsin)

Islamic Law

Islamic law is difficult at best to interpret when it comes to polygyny and how that relates to the rights of women. As difficult as it is, there are numerous interpretations of Islamic law by scholars that specifically break down the Qur’anic texts and hadiths to give a clearer, more concise interpretation.

Joseph Schacht in his book, An Introduction to Islamic Law, credits the Prophet Muhammad with the first Law stating:

His aim as a Prophet was not to create a new system of law; it was to teach men how to act, what to do, and what to avoid in order to pass the reckoning on the Day of Judgement and to enter Paradise....Had religious and ethical standards been comprehensively applied to all aspects of human behavior, and had they been consistently followed in practice, there would have been no room and no need for a legal system in the narrow meaning of the term. This was in fact the original ideal of Muhammad.

It was because of research such as Schacht’s that the early feminist scholars such as Amina Wadud, Fatima Mernissi and Leila Ahmed began the conversations on the roles of women in early Islamic history with tireless work in the original Arabic texts and often looking for the meaning of specific suras in their original language. They found that women’s voices were silenced or absent from much of the research on Islam, and in the translations of many early Islamic texts, were indeed there. They began unpacking the original texts in order to discover that voice.

In “Believing Women” in Islam scholar and writer, Asma Barlas rereads the Qur’an using a different approach and reveals the historical inconsistencies in patriarchal redeposition of past research of Qur’anic text. This has opened a new area of Qur’anical research and remains a catalyst for many more scholars and students who study Islamic Law to ask the deeper questions about the role of women and gender within it.

Pre-Islamic Practices

The Qur’an in Sura 4:3 states:

“And if you be apprehensive that you will not be able to do justice to the orphans, you may marry two or three or four women whom you choose. But if you apprehend that you might not be able to do justice to them, then marry only one wife, or marry those who have fallen in your possession.”

First, in pre-Islamic days, guardian men married the orphan girls under their care, so the Qur’an says that they should direct their attention to women other than the orphans.

Second, in pre-Islamic days, men used to marry a limitless number of women and grab the property of their orphan nephews and nieces to support their wives.

Third, in pre-Islamic days, men could marry as many women as they wanted and "treat them cruelly and unjustly" with impunity. So the Qur’an limits the number to four, and only if the man could keep care of them all: "But if you apprehend that you might not be able to do justice to them."

Modern Interpretations

Polygyny is permitted in Islam under special circumstances, with certain terms and conditions. The reasons behind the sanctions of Polygyny in Islam were historical and circumstantial. In abnormal circumstances like war, when large numbers of men were decimated and balance between the sexes was seriously shaken, on such an instance polygyny was permitted to overcome this social problem. Furthermore, polygyny was one of the various measures to prevent illegal relationships or delinquent sexual behavior.

Modern Islamic nations permit polygyny, but do not make it obligatory. Therefore, polygyny is in no sense an essential or special feature of the Islamic marital system and, in fact, recommends monogamy as the ideal form of marriage. Moreover, in Islam, polygyny is forbidden if it involved unlawful things or leads to unlawful consequences, such as injustice.

In Iran, for example, modernizing legislation in 1967 attempted to create legal obstacles to men’s unilateral exercise of the privileges of multiple marriage and of terminating marriages at will. The more conservative 1975 Family Protection Act provided that a man who wished to take a second wife must seek the permission of the court; furthermore, his first wife must either consent or be proven unwilling or unable to fulfill her marital responsibilities. However, with the success of the Islamic Revolution, the 1975 act was repealed and the rules of the Shari’ah were reinstated.

Muslim Feminism and Polygyny

Emergence of Feminism

Muslim feminism is a fairly new movement, even though women’s rights issues have been at the forefront of social reform for a while. They did not join the movement late because they were not aware of the inhibitions that patriarchal practices created; rather, feminism in Islamic society has been associated with the oppressive idea of the white colonist and imposing Western empire. When Europeans first came into contact with the Muslim world in the nineteenth century, they declared the Islamic faith and the society it controlled backwards and uncivilized. Many colonists assumed that practices like the hijab and polygyny were explicitly for the purpose of oppressing Muslim women. Muslim women were depicted being treated like property and having fewer rights than men, even though European women were just as disempowered and overlooked. Besides creating a rift between Islamic and Western societies, this inferior treatment led to the creation of a major obstacle for the women’s rights movement. Muslim women were cautious to join the ranks of feminists worldwide, because they would be considered supporters of anti-Muslim ideals that went against their faith; all activities associated with the colonial influence are regarded as an attempt to bring down Islam.

This began to change when Muslim women realized they could alter their roles in society by rereading the main religious texts that dictated Muslim society and ethics. This return to reinterpretation was not a new practice – male Islamic scholars had been doing it ever since Muhammad’s death – but for women, it was unprecedented: this was the first time that women were learning how to read and study the Qur’an and the hadiths in an analytical way. Their new religious knowledge led them to a better understanding of their faith, as well as the ability to make educated interpretations of the texts. Many of these Islamic feminist scholars began to realize that there was no inherent tie between Islam and the patriarchal practices of Islamic society. For example, these feminists studied Muhammad’s life and argued that he treated women very progressively for that era. Muhammad included all of his wives in his religious practices and respected them enough to take their advice and grievances seriously. They also even accompanied him to battle. According to Muslim feminists, Islamic polygyny was meant to curtail the practice that was already widespread in pre-Islamic times. Conquering rulers would collect massive harems of women and treat them without any respect; whereas Islam reduced the allowable amount of wives each husband could have and required that he treat them all equally. These feminists place emphasis on the idea that only those men who are capable of loving and financially providing for each wife equally are permitted to have more than one. They also point out the practice of polygyny in Islam was created for the purpose of taking care of fatherless children, or orphans. Thus, polygyny was allowable for charitable and honorable purposes. Islamic feminists point out that “a recognition that gender inequality in the old world was assumed and that perceptions of women in Christian and Jewish texts are not that different from those of Islamic texts” is lacking from common understandings of Islam.

Two leading feminist Muslim scholars who are seeking to increase women’s rights through the reinterpretation of religious texts are Amina Wadud and Asma Barlas. Both women embrace Islam as a religion that preaches gender equality. They see societal practices, not Islam, as the main problem. Wadud points out the three reasons that the Qur’an views as acceptable forms of polygyny: if the husband is not sexually satisfied he may take another wife rather than turn to prostitutes or an affair, if the first wife is unable to reproduce or another woman with child needs to be taken care of, and/or if the husband is financially stable enough to care for another woman in the Muslim community. According to Wadud, the form of polygyny that the Qur’an supports focuses on “justice: dealing justly, managing funds justly, justice to the orphans, and justice to the wives.” Barlas, who published her theological research several years later, argues a very similar point. Both feminist scholars point out the origin of the Islamic theory of polygyny in Ayah 4:3. This verse of the Qur’an was not meant to utilize polygyny as a way to oppress women, but to ensure that they were taken care of.

The other form of feminism in the Islamic world is independent or state feminism. The premise behind this movement is that “no reform is possible in an Islamic legal and political system where ‘the very structure of power is male dominated to an absolute degree, back by the Constitution, an all male clerical system ruling the country.’” They also point out that Islam supports and perpetuates a clear female role that designates women to the margins of society. These Muslim feminists argue that there is only so much that reinterpreting the texts can do and believe that the best – and perhaps only – way to increasing women’s rights is outside of the parameters of Islam. Therefore, changing polygynist practices would involve reforming the political and legal systems instead of just trying to reinterpret the Qur’an and the hadiths to determine if they really support the misogynist practice and to what extent.

Women's Movements and Family Law Reforms in Africa

Feminism’s effect on polygyny in Islam is different in every Muslim society, depending on the different cultures that are interacting with Islam in each location. For example, in Iran, changes to women’s rights occurred in the wake of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. During this revolution the Family Protection Law, which had given some power to women and imposed minimal restrictions on polygyny, was overturned. Muslim women were encouraged to return to their traditional roles. This loss of rights led to the movement realizing that they could not necessarily rely on the government alone to protect their rights. This spurred the creation of the personal status laws, which covered many issues relating to marriage and divorce including polygyny. Passed in 1986, the law “effectively reinstates the provision of the 1975 Family Protection Law granting a wife the right to obtain a divorce if her husband marries a second woman without the wife’s permission of if…a man does not treat his wives fairly and equally.” This offers Iranian Muslim women some legal protection against polygyny, but the enforcement of the law is still up to the interpretation of the courts. Muslim women’s movement organizations have begun to gain more power in Iran due to the increasing number of Muslim women who are studying the Qur’an analytically. These new scholars are able to argue for interpretations of Islam that empower rather than oppress women. They also lead organizations like the Association of Muslim Women and Zeynab. Many Muslim women also go jalasehs where they can openly discuss religious texts in a safe environment. So even though the revolution attempted to reinstate many patriarchal values, like unlimited polygyny, it ended up inspiring women to push for more rights and become more credible by studying religious texts.

Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco also began restricting polygynous practices in Islam. Egypt’s personal status laws underwent many changes between 1979 and 1985, but in the end they were very restrictive for women and reduced the limits on polygyny. This incentivized Egyptian feminists to create a new marriage contract (approved in 2000) that would give women some rights concerning divorce and what was allowable in marriage. Jordan was able to have more success in 2001 when it amended its Civil Status Law, which requires the consent of the wife before the husband marries again. This change was accompanied by a handful of other progressive decisions on women’s rights in the country, greatly improving the status of women. Morocco was also pushed along by its Muslim feminist groups to make entering into a polygynous marriage more difficult.

Muslim Feminism in Asia

Islamic communities in Asia, such as Indonesia and Malaysia, have also experienced feminist movements which work to restrict polygynous practices. Indonesian feminists have challenged misogynist practices through the study and reinterpretation of religious texts. Fatayat NU, a voluntary Muslim women’s organization, was created in 1950 for middle-aged women who were a part of Nahdlatul Ulama, a Sunni Islam group, and wanted to have a voice. Initially experiencing membership issues due to large percentage of women who were married or uneducated, Fatayat NU began to gain power as institutions outside of Indonesia took notice of it and supported the organizations work. The women in Fatayat NU use Islam and the religious texts to justify their actions and guide their decisions, so women who have extensively studied the religion are crucial. Out of the many controversial issues that Fatayat NU takes a stand on, polygyny is one that has recently come into contention. Although polygyny in Indonesia was never very popular, some Muslim women are worried that it is starting to gain more support. Nahdlatul Ulama is one of the organizations that approves of polygyny as an Islamic practice, but Fatayat NU is taking a contradicting stance; the members believe that polygyny can only be possible if men and women are unequal, which goes against their interpretation of the Qur’an’s message on gender status. Fatayat NU cites several hadiths in which Muhammad opposed the polygynous practices of his followers as evidence for why it is not a truly Islamic practice. One hadith states:

[…] when the husband of Fatima, ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, wanted to marry again, the Prophet was angry. He summoned ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib. He said: For your information, Fatima is my child. If Fatima is troubled, I’m also troubled. If Fatima suffers, I also suffer. Don’t you ever marry anyone but Fatima. And ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib did not do so.

The leaders of Fatayat NU reason that if polygyny was an acceptable practice, Muhammad would have allowed it. Ultimately, though, Fatayat NU still relies on the support from their parent organization, so they have not been able to reinterpret Islam as much as they would like and work at a grassroots level.

In Malaysia, polygyny has been considered a topic that is not fit to be brought up in public, but recently it has begun to enter public discourse. This change came about through the passage of a new Islamic family law, which supports polygynous practices by making them easier for men to take part in. This has created a “debate between Islamic fundamentalists who dominate the burgeoning Islamic Affairs Department that administers Shariah law and mostly Western-educated Muslim feminists who say the department, in its overzealous interpretation of the Qur’an, has gone overboard in making new laws that discriminate against women and children.” The campaign against this law was very popular, but the law was still passed. Muslim women’s organizations in Malaysia plan to continue protesting it until it is revoked.

Polygyny in Islamic Popular Culture

Theater

Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzade is a famous 19th century Iranian playwright who revealed his support for women’s rights in his theatrical pieces. Known for his questioning of traditional Islamic beliefs, Akhundzade’s plays were seen as a form of protest against ideas like arranged marriage, polygyny, and women obediently serving their husbands. Akhundzade’s distaste for polygyny can be traced back to his Islamic upbringing and his mother’s marriage to his father and her consequently unhappy relationship with the first wife. Thus, to Akhundzade, polygyny was “an evil and corrupting practice that not only oppressed women but also caused eternal animosity and hatred between the wives and their children.” Using satire as his weapon, Akhundzade attempted to impact Islamic society through plays like The Story of Monsieur Jourdan the Botanist and Dervish Mast Ali Shah (1851), The Story of the Vizier of the Khan of Sarab (1851), The Story of the Bear that Caught the Robber (1852), and The Story of the Attorneys at Law (1855). Each of these plays portrayed women in increasingly progressive ways, so that the main female character in The Attorneys at Law was complex, strong, and went against her powerful aunt and Islamic tradition to marry for love. Akhundzade’s belief that polygyny reflected an unjust treatment of the first wife influenced his ultimate dismissal of Islam as a just and egalitarian religion.

Literature

Polygyny has appeared in literature in many different Islamic societies. Indian Muslim literature has traditionally stood divided on its position on polygyny as a justifiable practice. Two Indian authors, Akbari Begum and Bashiruddin Ahmad, revealed in their novels a belief that polygyny is acceptable in certain circumstances; whereas Nazr Sajjad Hyder opposed this notion and completely rejected the practice in her work. Gudar ka Lal (The Ruby in Rags), written in 1907 by Akbari Begum, projected the author’s beliefs on a wide range of subjects involving the treatment of Muslim women and girls, including polygyny. The story’s plotline revolves around the relationships between Yusuf Raza and his two wives, Maqbool and Mehr Jabeen. Yusuf Raza remarries when he realizes that his first wife is so uneducated that she does not know how to properly take care of her children or the household. At first, Maqbool is resentful of Mehr Jabeen, but eventually she recognizes Mehr Jabeen’s kind and friendly nature, and the two become friends. This happy outcome reflects Begum’s belief that polygyny in Islam can be justified when marriages are seen as incompatible and could benefit from a second wife who could help around the house and thus ease tensions. Bashiruddin Ahmad’s novel, Iqbal Dulham (The Bride Iqbal), also promotes the ideal polygynous relationship where the wives become friends and find vital companionship instead of competition. Published in 1908, Iqbal Dulham follows a young man, Iqbal Mirza, who marries a second wife after his first wife fails to conceive children. The initial tension between the wives is relieved when the second wife gives birth. Once Iqbal Mirza has children, his relationship with his first wife improves, and the two wives are then able to become friends. Thus, Ahmad portrays how polygyny can be used to ease the pressure on the first wife to produce children. In both stories polygyny is a solution to domestic disharmony.

Nazr Sajjad Hyder, however, shows her disproval of the practice of polygyny in Ah-e Mazluman (Sighs of the Oppresed), written around 1912. The two households in Ah-e Mazluman, both engage in polygynous practices, but Hyder presents the relationships between husband and wives as very negatively affected; the stories “accentuate the cruelty of husbands towards their wives and aim to intensify the exclusion and alienation experienced by the first wife.” Hyder perceives polygyny as a practice that is harming Islam and giving it a bad reputation. She recommends its end and pleads that Muslim men act in a more just manner towards their women.

The complexity of Islamic polygyny is also revealed in Assia Djebar’s Ombre sultane (Shadow sultana). Written in Algeria in 1987, it is told from the perspective of the first wife, Isma. She thus constructs through her descriptions how the reader perceives the second wife and the husband. The second wife, Hajila, is seen as a rival and is reduced through Isma’s portrayals to body parts that are disassociated from Hajila as a whole person. This reveals Isma’s lack of respect for Hajila and the process of “othering” that Isma uses to degrade Hajila. Hence, the idea that polygyny creates a sense of solidarity between wives is shown to be flawed. Isma also describes Hajila in unflattering terms that distance her from the attentions of the husband they share and of other men. This is in contrast to Isma’s depiction of herself as constantly being the object of male desire, creating a sense that sisterhood between the two women is out of the question. However, Isma’s diction also creates a relationship between herself and Hajila in which neither can exist without the other; “they are locked in a sorority created, in a way, in tandem with the patriarchal force that remains a threat to their very existence.” Therefore, Djebar’s portrayal of polygyny is multifaceted and conflicting: it has the ability to create both rivalry and solidarity.

Music

Polygyny in Islam has surfaced in music around the world and across the decades. For instance, in Malaysia in the 1950s and 60s, the famous entertainer P. Ramlee dealt with many sociopolitical issues in his art. Whereas the rest of the music industry was under the outside influence of Latin America, India, and the United States, Ramlee’s music was inspired by what was going on in Malaysian society. He critiqued the practice of polygyny to keep in line with his self-proclaimed role of exposing the weaknesses of his society. These socially critical songs did not necessarily fit into the categories of popular music at the time, but they were still embraced by his audiences.

Muslim hip hop has also become increasingly popular, especially as Islam has spread to, and begun to establish itself in, the United States. As young Muslims grow up in the American culture, they are being exposed to ideas and beliefs that earlier generations of Muslims never came into contact with. This has led to a new wave of Muslims trying to reconcile their faith with their country’s cultural practices. Out of this tension have risen new forms of Islamic creative expression, including hip hop. Two Muslim hip hop artists who bring up the concept of polygyny in their music are Miss Undastood and Sons of Hagar. “Miss Undastood, a young veiled, African-American lyricist, raps on her CD Dunya or Deen (Life or Faith) about war, love, the challenges of being a young Muslim woman in America, and the power of faith.” One of Miss Undastood’s songs, “Co-Wife,” criminalizes men who practice polygyny for the wrong reasons: out of lust or when they are financially unstable. Ultimately, though, Miss Undastood believes that Islamic polygyny is justifiable. Sons of Hagar is another hip hop group that seeks to positively portray Islam in their lyrics and support Islamic practices in their actions. Their song, “Sisterssss,” supports polygynous practices. The members of the group rationalize that even though polygyny is illegal in America, rapping about it is much less offensive than when other artists rap about prostitutes.

Film

Islamic polygyny has also appeared as a controversial issue in films. For example, Ayat-ayat Cinta (Verses of Love) was released in Indonesia in 2008. This movie follows the life of Fahri bin Abdillah, a student in Egypt, and his relationships with four other women. The film inspired more open, public discussion on polygyny in Indonesia by calling attention to the conditions of women who enter into polygynous relationships. Another Indonesian movie that tackles the subject of polygyny is Berbagi Suami (Love for Share), which came out in 2006. The director, Nia Dinata, was inspired by her experiences in Indonesia with women who were in polygynous relationships. She acknowledges that every woman reacted differently to their marriage but ultimately felt isolated and saddened by the addition of a new wife. Three stories are told within the movie and all three leading actresses learn to at least outwardly accept their situations, whether they are the first wife finding about the existence of other women or the new addition to the family who has to situate herself in the household hierarchy.

See also

• Polygamy
• Sex segregation and Islam
• Waithood
• Nikah Misyar
• Mormonism and Islam
• Widow inheritance
• Rights and obligations of spouses in Islam
• Obedient Wives Club

External links

• QuranicPath | Polygamy - To Mothers of Orphans Only