Politics of the belly

The Politics of the Belly is a translation of the French term, la politique du ventre, which is a Cameroonian expression used by Jean-François Bayart in his 1989 book L'État en Afrique: La Politique du Ventre to describe African politics and, in particular, the role of clientelism and corruption in building political power.

According to Lynn M. Thomas of the University of Washington:

"The politics of the belly points to the propensity of politicians to hoard and greedily consume resources in things and people. In addition to highlighting the significance of idioms of eating and the belly to African conceptions of power, Bayart's analysis insists on the importance of vertical relationships - those between social unequals such as...patrons or clients - to understand African political history."^[1]

Introduction

Similar in concept to neopatrimonialism, in which private sector support is bought by the state, the Politics of the Belly is a multi faceted metaphor for a form of governance that arose across Africa following independence. Characterised by a controlling government and the interdependence of the elite in control of the private and public spheres, actors on both sides use their status to strengthen their economic and political power.^[2]

A number of spin-off ideas, such as the "politics of the womb", have been proposed by academics on the back of the Bayart thesis.^[3]

Examples

Nigeria

Nigeria's postcolonial experience is perhaps the most apt example of the politics of the belly. Coup has followed coup and countless regimes have been in power. Ethnic tension is always present and periodically clashes of intensity ranging from localised rioting as witnessed recently in the central city of Jos between the countries Muslim and Christian populations, to violent clashes between government soldiers and the Ogoni in the state’s oil rich delta region, to the full scale civil war against the Biafran separatists. Throughout much of the strife there has been, behind the scenes, a cabal of high-ranking military personnel that demonstrate the networked nepotism characteristic of Bayart’s metaphor.

Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha in particular have gained notoriety. The latter in his four years managed to embezzle over $4 billion before suffering a heart attack during a session with four prostitutes, in what was dubbed by Nigerians at the time "a coup from heaven".^[4] Babangida in his eight year rule institutionalised corruption and amassed a fortune sufficient to make him one of Nigeria’s richest men, creating a system in which many petrol stations in the World’s sixth greatest oil producing nation were dry and petrol had to be imported. Babangida reserved many government jobs for his ethnic kinsmen, the Hausa-Fulani.

Zaire

File:Mobutu Nixon closeup.png

Mobutu Sese Seko pictured with US President Richard Nixon

Zaire under Mobutu Sese-Seko follows Bayart's model closely. After a period of instability following the end of Belgian rule in the Congo, Mobutu, an army officer, took power. Thanks to his anti-Communist stance he was able to acquire large amounts of foreign aid which he used to enrich himself, friends, family and tribe.^[5] Kleptocracy, patrimonialism and corruption tore the state apart and reduced it to a level of state failure, in which Mobutu's government lost its monopoly on violence and stopped providing any sort of basic state service. Zaire became a 'hollow' state.^[6]

Politics of the Belly was manifest throughout Zairean society. For example Mobutu ensured members of his ethnic group and family received prominient civilian and military positions. His "Praetorian guard", the DSP, was the best equipped and trained unit in the Zairean armed forces (FAZ). Units perceived as disloyal were neglected.^[7] From Mobutu down, members of the armed forces would sell military equipment for private gain. Soldiers on the front line during the First Congo War would sell their weapons to their erstwhile enemies. Meanwhile a general took weapons destined for the front line and sold them to the UNITA rebel group, pocketing the money.^[8] This action contributed to the Angolan invasion of Zaire some months later.^[9]

Politics of the belly also ran through civil society. "Système D" was the blackly humorous name for the informal Zairean economy, as it came from the French for 'help yourself'.^[10] The state did not control its borders, facilitating smuggling and preventing the collection of taxes. Bayart writes about the importance of gatekeepers, including border guards, who are in the position to extract wealth from a population, and there were many gatekeepers making a profit in Congo without any accountability to the people.^[11]

References

^ Thomas 2003, p. 3.
^ Francis 2008, p. ^{[page needed]}.
^ Thomas 2003, pp. 3–4.
^ Maier 2002, p. 5.
^ Stearns, Jason (2011). Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of thte Congo and the Great War of Africa. New York: PublicAffairs. p. 17. ISBN 9781586489304.
^ Bayart, Jean Francois (2009). Politics of the Belly: The State in Africa (2 ed.). Michigan: Wiley. p. 10. ISBN 9780745644370.
^ Abbott, Peter (2014). Modern African Wars (4). London: Osprey Publishing. p. 33. ISBN 9781782000761.
^ Prunier, Gerard (2011). Africa's World War: Congo, the Rwandan Genocide, and the Making of a Continental Catastrophe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 74. ISBN 9780199705832.
^ Prunier, Gerard (2011). Africa's World War: Congo, the Rwandan Genocide, and the Making of a Continental Catastrophe. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 131. ISBN 9780199705832.
^ Jackson, Stephen (2002). "Making a Killing: Criminality & Coping in the Kivu War Economy". Review of African Political Economy. 29: 519.
^ Jackson, Stephen (2002). "Making a Killing: Criminality & Coping in the Kivu War Economy". Review of African Political Economy. 29: 529.