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Abadi Pinu
Abadi Pinu is located in Papua New Guinea
Abadi Pinu
Abadi Pinu
Location within Papua New Guinea
Coordinates: 9°03′04″S 146°50′03″E / 9.0510°S 146.8342°E / -9.0510; 146.8342
CountryPapua New Guinea
ProvinceCentral Province
DistrictKairuku-Hiri District
LLGKairuku Rural LLG
Population
 (2000[1])
 • Total
1,250
Languages
 • Main languagesEnglish, Tok Pisin, Abadi
 • Traditional languageAbadi
Time zoneUTC+10 (AEST)
Location
ClimateAw

Pinu is a village located on the coast line of western Central Province, Papua New Guinea. The village is accessible by road on Hiritano highway and would take about an hour and half to travel by motor vehicle. Prior to the roads being built, they used dugout canoes with sales to travel to Port Moresby. The village is the biggest and oldest settlement in the Kabadi area. The villagers passionately call themselves "Abadi Pinu". The word "abadi" refers to power, ownership and prestige by the paramount chief, while "Kabadi" refers to communal ownership or origin. The word abadi literally means I own and it is synonymous with paramount chief.

As the original settlers and owner of all the land in Kabadi, the Pinu people are referred to as Kabadi or Abadi Pinu. It must be also highlighted that the nearby villages such as Ukaukana, Kave ona, Kou ' puana and Magabaira have very close ties to Pinu having broken away from Pinu, therefore, they are also referred to as Kabadi.

The local dialect spoken by the Kabadi people is called Abadi. Writer and Linguist, W. Mersh Strong; Note on the Language of Kabadi, British New Guinea Bd. 7, H. 1. (1912), pp. 155–160, wrote briefly that "Kabadi language is spoken in the villages of Vanuapaka, Ukaukana, Kapuana, Keviona, and Matapaile". It is still spoken by these villages today with minor changes in adoption of pidgin and English words. It is also crucial to maintain the original language as it linked to the people and their origin. The Summer Institute of Linguist (SIL) has embarked on a project with the people of Kabadi to translate the Bible into Kabadi language and this will immensely preserve the originality of the language.

The word 'Kabadi' was recorded by early European Patrols. Literature also recorded it as 'Kabatsi' closely associating it to the Roro-speaking people. Consequently, over time the pronunciation of the word had transformed gradually to Gabadi, and was reinforced and used by motuan interpreters who accompanied the colonial administrators in the 1600s. It is true that some of the words used today were acquired words and terms from the Motu language, from Motuan interpreters and Motuan-trained missionaries. An anthropologist Dr. W Mesh Strong made an account of Kabadi speaking group in his book page 155–160, called 'Notes on the Language of Kabadi' 1912.

The historical name of Pinu is 'Kabadi' or 'Kabatsi'. Also, the village 'Vanuabaka' or Ma'i vanua was the largest tribe then and it belonged to the paramount chiefs Aro Ure and Ure Vado.

Abadi Pinu

The people are fair skin and generally have a mix of soft and hard afro hair. The women are beautiful, hardworking and cheerful, while their men are solidly built with warrior-like aggression which is attributed to their lifestyle of hunting, fishing and gardening, but more so, to the previous life of migration and post migration era when they were fully fledged warriors. The Abadi men were known for their fearlessness, and loyalty to their chief, but today they are peace-loving and go to great lengths to maintain peaceful co-existence with their neighbouring villages.

The people are subsistence farmers, hunters and fishermen. The surrounding land is flat, and fertile all year around for gardening. Men organise hunting and fishing trips whenever the need arises to supplement their diet. The Pinu people own the majority of land, beachfront and waterways in the surrounding vicinity of the land extending to Galley Reach rivers and tributaries, much of the land along the Aroa river after the Agevairua bridge, and even potions of land extending towards Nara.

The influences of the missionaries and colonial rulers are evident today with order and structure within the village. The village has two lines of houses, with a wide front yard shared by everyone for playing and gathering and many activities. Backyards are planted with coconuts, betelnuts, bread fruits, red bell trees, mangoes and many other trees. The village itself stretches about 5 kilometers in length and about 100 meters wide.

History: The journey of the seven tribes

A number of migrations took place during the period the Kabadi's descended from Mt Yule. The seven tribes had walked in different directions at different times, but, were heading in the same direction. This is confirmed by their previous settlements along the way including land that they own today. Along the plains of what is called 'Kabadi' today, and even retracing their paths to Meke'o and the Roro land, the Kabadi's still have old sagoes growing in the places that they had settled briefly. The people in those areas still speak of land previously owned by the Kabadis.

There was no inhabitants or civilization when the Kabadi's arrived. They settled in different locations on this land; as they progressively advanced at different times and locations strategically for purposes of defense or claiming of land not previously owned. It was not until a couple hundred years later approximately in the late 1700s and early 1800s, that interaction with the Koitabus and Motus, when differences emerged. Even, the Keremas tracked an offender right to the doorstep of the paramount chief and war erupted between Kabadis and Keremas as a result. Consequently, warfare and chaos ensured with horrific battles and murders perpetrated by all parties.

Oral history suggests that the Kabadi tribes migrated from the mountains and hinterlands of Maipa and Guari in the misty mountains of Central Province. There were several primary tribes that tracked down through the coast line, while others along the Dilava river. Those on the coast initially settled near the mount of the Aroa River on the other side of Toutu. This place is now called 'U' pore and is claimed by the Ivei baga clan. Today, each of the tribes will lay claim to some portion of land or waterway, depending on their standing with the paramount chief. The waterways were given to the tribe that practices the earthly magical powers of crocodiles, fish calling for harvest, or anything of the rivers and ocean. The grassland was given to those that possess the powers of calling the wallabies, the pigs and birds for purposes of food. However, it is still fact that those close to the paramount chief were given land close to himself. The paramount chief's warriors and close protection spearmen were given more rights and privileges such as land, woman of their choice, and best part of the pig during feast.

There is literature confirming this; Dr. W. Mersh Strong has written books depicting events and lives of the Roro- and Mekeo-speaking people, which have much resemblance to the Kabadi people. The writings further confirm these group of people came through Mt. Yule or Kovio. There were waves of migration of different groups of people including the Roros, the Mekeos, the Nara, the Kabadis and finally the Touras who have progressed further east towards present-day city of Port Moresby. This can also be proven through language, lifestyle and traditions of these different groups of people. For example, traditional headdresses, grass skirts, paintings are quite similar except each group differs in slight variation in face paint colors or grass skirt colors. Moreover, languages spoken demonstrate similar traits of sounds vowels and accent between the groups and can be easily understood. This basically demonstrate a coordinated movement of the same group; but at different points in time between one or perhaps two centuries. Evidence of these events are held in oral history and songs composed and passed on from generation to generations and are tightly guarded by the custodians.

The Kabadis eventually settled on the plains between the Aroa River stretching towards the beaches along Hisiu to Manumanu, back up the mighty Galley Reach rivers into the mountains. The Kabadi's eventually settled and made these plain home to their individual tribes. The pattern of settlement and ownership of land demonstrated their migration to the eventual village which is now Abadi Pinu.

The Kabadis settled and lived in small but robust settlements strategically positioned to protect each other from invaders. The Abadis were constantly at war between the Koitabus, and Motuans and even with their former archrivals, the 'Revos' (Kerema) during the post-migration period. In some of the notes pages 122–123, 'The Melanesians of British New Guinea' ...many years ago, when the sago western sago trading expedition had gone, the Kabadi, to revenge the murder of one or two of their youths, attacked Lealea, a village in caution bay.. and great massacre took place, upon return of their traders, they wept in great sorrow, and planned to take revence. 'The Koitabuans assembled in great force. They came from Badili, Barune, Lealea, and all the villages of Lokurukuna and were led by the real Lealeans resolved on signal and terrible revenge'...Lealeans who knew only of one village in Kabadi country, Matapaila. They surrounded it very early one morning when the inhabitants were fast asleep, and killed men, women and children, plundering the village and setting fire to it. A few escaped and they make good use of their time...' There are several other villages in the district, to these the refugees hurried with the tale of woe...soon fresh, strong men, full of wrath and revenge, surrounded the rejoicing victors and the work of death began. A terrible morning it was as only two escaped to tell the tale. This event was also reported by Dr. James Charlmers; of Douras teaming up with a Matapaira, raided a Koitabu tribe; however t,he latter regrouped with the assistance of Manumanus and massacred all the Douras and Matapaira warriors who took part in the attack.

The Kabadi people through oral history recorded and passed on by a folk song talks about the Koitabu warlord surrounding Matabaila with his warriors, and attacking the village. Kere, while visiting his concubine sensed the danger and raced all the way to Vanuapaka; gathered reinforcement, return, and the Kabadis surrounded them and murdered all of them, presented the 'price kill' to the paramount chief. The location upon which the battle took place was called Eke'ekena, a splinter tribe of Ivei. Today, the Eke'ekena people lay claim to this location which was renamed after the battle, and today it is called 'Amadi'. The Abadis withstood on-going wars for over two centuries and today stand proud to stake claim to the land they invaded, conquered and live to tell the tale. Oral citations of warriors like 'Boi Pipi' and numerous others are testament to this claim. "Tamate" also stated in his writings about the Kabadis constant war thus, saw the urgent need for peace.

Oral history states seven tribes migrated together and eventually settled on the Kabadi land. The seven tribes had their respective chiefs who were tasked with specific roles. These are head warriors, magicians or sorcerers and messengers and interpreters. To this day, there are still seven tribes with seven clan chiefs. During the arrival of the colonisers, government officials who visited the Abadi plains encouraged people to move and settled together in villages. This was to ensure the Crown accounted for everyone, and to ensure much needed services can be provided to them. The early patrol officers that visited the villages on the Gabadi plain named the villages 'Vanuapaka' which literally means 'big village', due to it been the political and administrative center, while there were satellite villages such as Ukaukana, keveona, Matepaila villages - according to Anthropologist and Author; Ch.G. Seligman who wrote in his book The Melanesians of British New Guinea 'the three best known villages of Kabadi Vanuapaka, kopuana and Ukaukana'. p. 27 subnotes. Even so, other settlements continued to exist around the Abadi plains which grew with families and clans moving to strategic locations for easy access to food, and also protect the lands acquired by the Chief. The main tribe called the Vanuapaka was led by the Paramount Chief Aro Ure Aba moura (I), all the other tribes functioned around the sovereignty of the chief, he issued instructions and was the ultimate law. He personally named and put in place clan leaders, and his word was law.

The seven tribes still exist today, but are grouped into three major clans under Pinu village. Today, while there is strong resistance by some of the tribe to these realities, the literature affirms some of these facts, such ownership of land. The 'Queenslander' article dated the 27th October 1883 and archived in National Library of Australia highlights an event led by Lawes and Chalmers and Government officials to investigate a land sale dubbed the Pretended Land Sale in New Guinea, page 693(3) states clearly Ure Vado as the rightful owner of land, reiterating that Paramount chiefs ownership of all the land.

It is important to note that apart from the seven tribes of Kabadi, the "Toura" people had moved in the same direction but had settled briefly before moving due to a dispute concerning a woman. Oral history captured in traditional songs had depicted an event where a woman exchange beetle nut with a Toura man at a water well, while the latter ask for drink. The word 'Toura' had its origin at the location where they had briefly settled and their home was burnt to the ground. In the local dialect, the word Toura means to burn. This word had over time changed to 'Doura', and today they are called Doura people. Another wave of migration followed soon after, and this group were the Matapailas. They migrated past the mouth of Galley Reach then resettled inland on Oroi Amoamo, then finally to Auru'u.

The neighbouring villages maintain a close relationship with Pinu due to family relations, and are represented by sub clan chiefs or elders who are linked to the Paramount Chief of Abadi Pinu. However, this system is somewhat vague today in terms of authority due to the influence of churches and establishment of government systems. These villages run their own affairs, and the perception of the paramount chief's jurisdiction is rather ceremonial today.Today

Chief System

The Chief system of Kabadi is part of its own identity. The Kabadis exist together with this authority since their origin. Both oral history and documents indicate line of Chiefs dating back beyond the arrival of the white man and churches. Estimations indicate generations dating back three centuries or more and can be justified by the achievement of the Chiefs and how they conduct themselves. This in itself demonstrates a system of power, primitive but effective system of governance which has now borne fruits of success generations later. One example is the use of this system by the colonial government to coerce the Kabadis into accepting the government and the early churches by using the chief system. The early penetration by British and Australian government officer's were made possible by the chief through interpreters and the chief's 'remo'.

The Chief system of Kabadi people has strong resemblance to the Mekeo, Roro and Nara people.[2] This form of government system is tyrannical in nature, yet had a unique form of administration, with barao or roe for meetings to convene, a policing network that maintained order and peace. Oral history links the Vanuapaka tribe to Kivori and Waima tribes, with family ties still in existence. While this system was basic, it had maintained a well balance power base that kept the tribe together from its migration period between the 1400s and 1600s. During the period of settlement in the 1700s and 1800s, the system somewhat integrated the feudal style power also, with the chief granting lease of land to individuals or families who have made significant contributions to the tribe particular in bravery in warfare, and in participation in conquer of land, or through marriages to the chief family. The ownership of land is centred with the paramount chief, as evident in all documents relating to lease of land in the mid and late 1800s in the Abadi plains, notably the Galley Reach, Camp 48, Rogers Airstrip.

Aro Ure and Ure Vado

The chiefs held two names which represents power, wealth, and prestige; namely 'Aro Ure I' and 'Ure Ure I'. Two chiefs who were brothers featured prominently in the history of Abadis; The elder Aro Ure was the Paramount Chief, while his younger sibling was a fierce warrior. The chief line is connected to the Waima/ Kivori lineage of Aro Kivori. This lineage still exits with relationships maintained to this day. Today oral history has captured mainly Aro Ure and Ure Vado.

It is believed that during the migration period, both Chiefs led the Kabadi's and their men and women to the present locations. Fierce encounters with the Motuan and the Koitabuans resulted in a period of hostility that would have last over two century or so; before the period of the London Missionary Society(LMS) in the late 1800s. There was sporadic attacks in revenge by the Kabadis to the east against the Lealeas and Boeras, even Manumanu who had previous settled on the other side of the mouth of galley reach river then. Their raids on the Motuans and the Koitabus further beyond the Abadi plains to capture hunting, fishing and gardening grounds in the Galley Reach areas and beyond. Legends and folk songs still depict scenes and battle fields of this encounters even in locations as far as Lealea village. This particular detail is important as it states facts about a place and event that occurred then and was named 'kabadi gabugabu'.

The Kabadi history bears the hallmark of Ure Ure (Vado Kepo)who had wielded his authority during mid to late 1800s. This was the period of the commencement of peace, and this chief was credited for receiving the white man and churches into the Abadi area. Ure Vado was the younger brother of Aro Ure and had assumed his brother's leadership upon the latter's death. Aro Ure I had a son but was much younger to rule, and as such; Ure Vado assume the title of the chief and commenced his rule. Charmers wrote with interest of the willingness of Paramount chief Ure Vado to end all enmities and open up new trade with the people of the east and west also. Because of his honorable deeds; it is believed that Ure Vado was ordained as a deacon of the early LMS church. Similarly, his successor - Chief Aro Ure (Aba Mokuro), son of his elder brother continued this roll as soon as he assumed chieftainship after the death of Ure Vado.

The Kabadi chieftaincy system is patrimonial and only the blood male heir can assume the position of paramount chief. This system is particularly similar is most villages in West of central province. There is only one instance recorded in literature and spoken of a female chief 'Queen Koloka' inherited the title from her father Naime. But, all Roro and Mekeo villages have male chiefs and this law is particularly upheld. In Kabadi, it is no exception, with much emphasis given to preparation and grooming of the chiefs at a very young age. In oral history chieftaincy is passed between two brothers in Aro Ure and Ure vado, and cannot be passed onto female siblings, or even bring someone from another tribe in fear of distorting the blood line.

Early Church

Ure Vado II with the aid of the early colonial government, and the LMS; saw the urgency to develop a policy of peaceful engagement, which was then encourage by the LMS. James Charlmers saw this as an opportunity to bring peace in the area and end the barbaric culture of ethnic killing. Chief Ure Vado's notable contribution was organising the peace between the Kabadi's and the Motuan's and Koitabu's in 1880s. Rev. James Chalmers noted in one of his many biographies ;.. Ure Vado came in about 8 o'clock. It was interesting to watch the meeting between the Lealeans and him. They rubbed noses and threw their arms around one another, and each expressed great pleasure at this meeting. Ure Vado said, "You have never been here before because of our fathers. Enough, let their enmity now die, and here is Kabadi before you to buy yams, bananas, and sugar-cane, whenever you like to come." The others replied "Tis because of these, God's men, we are enabling thus to meet: and we shall certainly come here in future for food. Often have we seen the laden canoes of the Boeras and Motuans pass our doors from here and wished we, too, could only secure some, but now we shall be as they are." This event was of such significance as it ushered in a new era of civilized co-existence with neighboring motuans and Koitabuans who would then become trade partners, bringing knowledge and extended network of relationship. Another documented event during this period was to do with a land grab by a Scottish called Andrew Goldie, who had acted on behalf of a Sydney-based syndicate to acquire land in Kabadi under very suspicious circumstance; an Australian newspaper printed this event involving Messrs Goldie and John Cameron prepared a document drawn in legal phraseology— a land transfer— which they had brought up to the Mission House for translation, and "Armed with this deed, and taking with them a certain amount of ' trade'— as articles such as hardware, cloth, and tobacco are called in the South Seas — they departed. They found a man in occupation of the land they coveted, and generously offered him articles to the value of about £65, which amount would represent about one penny per acre of 15,000. This arrangement suited the wily Papuan in the highest degree, as it subsequently turned out that he was only a tenant under the chief, Ure Vado. On learning this Messrs. Cameron and Goldie returned to Kabadi, taking with them more trade, interviewed the chief, and made terms with him, eventually paying him also an additional penny per acre in articles to the total amount, and taking a further 5,000 acres as a kind of reward." South Australian Register (Adelaide, SA : 1839 - 1900)issue Saturday 19 January 1884.

Clans and Leadership

The Chief system in the Kabadi area had a well established system of network; whereby; the paramount chief had his Remos (aids), and also clan chiefs who upheld and maintained the rule of law. The rule of law has its own judiciary, policing of the rules, within those communities. The Paramount Chief had the ultimate power of execution as the penalty for offenders; which is pursued through death by sorcery. While this remained a belief; the fear created in myths gave rise to a form of governance that was very effective in the absence of the modern law, policing and judiciary system.

The 'Remo' played an important role in the Kabadi Chief system; organising meetings, reported issues to the chief and also was the linked between the chiefs. He possessed special privileges that enabled him to sit face to face with the paramount chief and discussed issues of concern.

Today, while the system is somewhat vague with the introduction of Church and the modern government systems, such as the police, the Department of Justice, and the rule of law through other government agencies; the roles and leadership of the chiefs are upheld on a more ceremonial arrangement-but there are still instances where land matters are brought to the attention of the Chiefs to arbitrate. Moreover, it has been proven in the past that the Kabadi's are very passionate people and love and protect their Chief with their lives. The inbuilt warrior spirit remains a hallmark of the Kabadi people; thus if provoked, they will not hesitate to defend themselves.

Pinu village has three major clans who are very much made up of extended families. The three clans are governed by clan chiefs and elders recognised through their contributions to their clans. While, the political system is firm, other prominent individuals take leadership roles to assist in the betterment of the village. These clan chiefs and leaders are empowered to organise meetings, deal with social problems, and occasionally meet with the paramount chief. The Paramount Chief in most cases has a final say in important issues that need attention.

Historians; Dr. W. Mersh Strong and J. F Barton notes listed 'Vanuapaka, Kopuana and Ukaukana have clubhouses or roe's (p. 27); he further listed 'itsubus' in order of significance; 'Ovia Kupunu (Ovia Kubuna), Koiitunu (Kerekubuna), Ivena (Ivei Baga), Idibana, kopuana, Au kupunu (Ukaukana), Muri Kupunu (Ukaukana) and Poio Kupunu. Some of these tribes would have perished or tribe or family names would have naturally evolved over time, and this is possible when intermarriages and deaths occur over centuries. Therefore, Pinu village is consist of three major clans; Ovia Kubuna, Ivei and Eu Age, while other Kabadi clans include Ukaukana, Koupuana, Keveona; with families breaking away and forming satellite clans along the Aroa river.

Vanuapaka

Vanuapaka village is an important village in the history of Kabadi's. This village is significant given that this was the paramount chief's village, and lots of literature had given this name, somewhat an indication that this was the main village at the time in history. Vanuapaka was perfectly described by Author: H M Dauncey, in his book titled 'Papuan Pictures', * A Project Gutenberg Australia eBook; 'Vanuabaka is at the end of a long creek leading out of the main river. The houses are scattered about under the tall cocoanuts, which, as you will see in the picture, appear to be trying to get out of the ground in which they are growing. This peculiar appearance is probably the result of the continual sweeping up of the village, and sometimes the people find it necessary to place wattle fences around the roots and fill in with the sweepings of the village. Here, unlike Nara, the houses are all separate, and neighbours are given rather a wide berth. Timoteo's house stands near the centre of the village inside a neat fence. His wife, with true Samoan hospitality, has wreathed vines and flowers not only round the verandah posts, and along the front of the house, but even round the posts of the home-made bedstead and over the wall of the small room devoted to our use. Vanuapaka in Kabadi language literally means big village, in some of the old texts and writings in the 1880s by anthropologists, linguists and historians, Vanuapaka was writian and "Hanuabada". In the recent times, the village was arranged in clans and given the clan name 'Ovia Kubuna'.

'Ovia Kubuna' literary means 'Obia or Ovia - chief; and Kubunu or Kubuna - Offspring; line or generation of chief. Historian Dr. Strong noted that the Kabadi's main clan was called 'Vanuapaka' literally meaning the 'big village' and this tribe had 'club house' or baraos as it is commonly known. This is a significant statement as the paramount chief, must have a barao, with the smaller tribes also owning roe's, signifying authority and status. Ovia Kubunu clan is the central clan and it is made up of the Paramount chief, his nucleus family and the extended family, while three other sub-clans namely Kere Kubuna, Iramana and Roro'o Badina, also are associated with the main clan for traditional and cultural obligations. The clan is strategically placed to be in the middle as a symbol of authority, with modern government services such as schools, health services and church infrastructure all located here. The clan has about eighteen households with a small population of about two hundred and fifty men, women and children.

Both Ovia Kubuna and Kere Kubuna clans hold some of the biggest parcels of land on the Kabadi plains, the Toutu beach, Galley Reach, and certain portions of land on the Kabadi plain within the vicinity of the village. A noticeable trend is inter-marriages between the sub clans. However, sub-clans from Ovia kubuna have the mandatory role of providing the support to the chief and continue to uphold and protect this institution.

Keve 'ona (Ka ve'o)

Keveona village is also located in the Gabadi Area near the Aroa river. Keveona people have close relations with the Ovia kubuna people. The paramount Chief Aro Ure I had courted a woman of Nara royalty and had a son called Naime. When Naime reached his adulthood, he was instructed by Aro Ure I to come and settle on the empty land; which was 'Ka veo' or no man's land. His instructions were to oversee the vast land. Naime had married and bore children, and his family had grown with inter-marriages, and with others from elsewhere coming in to establish the village of Keveo. To this day, the family has very close relations to the Ovia kubuna clan and still maintains the relationship.

Naime was given permission to work the land but not own. He bore a woman and named her after his mother 'Koloka. When Koloka reached her adulthood, in early 1960, Ure Vado sent his man and woman to initiate Koloka as a leader of her tribe. It is not common for women to hold leadership roles such as chief, however, it was made an exception given she was the lineage of Aro Ure.

It was also reported in the 1890s that Naime collaborated with Baru Oko of Magabaira to sell land to a Sydney syndicate represented by GOldie and Cameron. Both man pushed the sale of land totaling 20,000 acres, through Naime and Baru. When the report of this sale reached the authorities, UreVado from Vanuapaka protested to the Common wealth and the sale was reversed. The sale which was dubbed "Controversial Land deal" by the Australian news reporters due to the immense publicity it attracted. Consequently, Governor Scratchely was summoned by the Common Wealth to investigate and report back, he visited Kabadi and met with UreVado and discussed in length the issue concerning the land deal. This event was captured in a book titled ‘Picturesque New Guinea’ dated 1887, Chapter V. Excursion up the Aroa River’, and authored by J. W. Lindt, that Sir Peter Scratchley's principal visit to Kabadi was to establish contact with local chiefs, on page 41, the writer stated that “After dinner, Ure Vado, the head chief of Kabadi, was introduced, attired in European fashion, in an old Crimean shirt with a string of beads round his neck. Naieme Eru (sub-chief of Kabadi from Ukaukana) sat beside him, and a palaver then commenced, Mr. Chalmers (James) translating for the High Commissioner’s benefit the chief’s opinion of Cameron’s land transaction”.

Ivei Clan

Ivei clan is consist of two main original clans; Ivei baga and Eke'ekena clans. Other important clans are Idibana and Maokona. Today,the Ivei clan is the biggest clan of the Kabadi, with over fifty households, with a population of over one thousand men, women and children. This figure is subject to confirmation, and has to be reviewed with latest population data.

This clan lay claim to some of the land around the Galley Reach, and the stretch of Toutu Beach along with the other two clans. The men and women of this clan are avid hunters and proud traditional dancers.

Eu Age

The third clan is the second largest and is made of sub-clans; Vanua Irama, Agorena, Ure Ema & Goidu. This clan is the second largest clan after Ivei with about twenty-three households with a population of about three hundred and fifty. This clan lays claim to most of the waterways along the Agevairua/Aro river down to the Toutu beach. The people are skilled seafaring people and use this means to garden and fish for their upkeep, or exchange goods along the coast during peaceful periods. The second largest clan is headed by a chief and supported by sub-clan chief. The chief holds a seat in the paramount chiefs table.

Ukaukana

Ukaukana is a village situated North West of Pinu and has very close relations to Pinu village and its people. In the 1880s there existed a strong political system that linked the villages together. During this period, literature; showed that Ukaukana had a sub-chief called Naime Eru. In fact it was noted in a book titled ‘Picturesque New Guinea’ dated 1887, Chapter V. Excursion up the Aroa River’, and authored by J. W. Lindt, that Sir Peter Scratchley's principal visit to Kabadi was to establish contact with local chiefs, on page 41, the writer stated that “After dinner, Ure Vado, the head chief of Kabadi, was introduced, attired in European fashion, in an old Crimean shirt with a string of beads around his neck. Naieme Eru (sub-chief of Kabadi from Ukaukana) sat beside him, and a palaver then commenced, Mr. Chalmers (James) translating for the High Commissioner’s benefit the chief’s opinion of Cameron’s land transaction” pp 41. To this day, both villages enjoy a cordial relationship with inter-marriages and relations even dating back many decades. Naime Eru had a close relationship with Ure Vado, but had family ties to the Euage clan. Writer; HM Dauncy or Doncy as known to the local people wrote a lot about the Ukaukana people including their Chief Naime Eru.

Recent Settlements

Auru'u village

Magabaila village grew out of 'Auru'u village. Auru'u was the first settlement where the Oroi migrants had settled. They had previous settled at a location called Oroi Amo before moving on to Auru'u. The village today is called Magabaira and is located north of Pinu village about 2 hours walk through the bush land. The 'Magabaira' people had previous migrated from Oroi, near Manavuro.

This tribe is closely linked to ancient Mekeo tribes, and was call the 'Afai' tribe, when it broke away from them. Writer and anthropologist Seligman, wrote extensively about this tribe and their association with the 'Kookaburra' story, how, a fight erupted as a result of difference of opinion about the sound of laughter coming from the bird, 'was it from the mouth, or the rectum'. This incident has proven to be the most important event in the destiny of the Magabaira people today. They migrated through roro land near Kivori, before proceeding on to the coast near present-day Delena, and then progressing by canoe to the island off the present day Manumanu, when they were discovered by the Kabadi warriors. Upon the chief's instructions, they were settled on the mainland near Toutu beach, a location called 'Oroiamoamo'; called such due to the brief settlement of the Oroi migrants.

Hisiu Village

During the late 1800s, and early 1900s, the paramount chief of Pinu, welcomed Roro speaking settlers from the west to settle and established a village now called Hisiu. The Pinu and Hisiu people enjoy a cordial relationship. There are inter marriages, and social activities between the two villages which continue to exist today. A coconut plantation was established during the colonial era were copra was produced for export; with most of the labour recruited from Hisiu and Pinu villages. The plantations ceased operations in late 1970s, and remnants of the colonial built houses that housed the plantation managers and worker still stand today. Hisiu beach has also become a popular weeknd destination for people from Port Moresby who travel up there just to enjoy the natural beauties that exist.

Manumanu Village (Morabi)

Manumanu village was established in the late 1850s at the mouth of Galley. The Motuan speaking people had briefly settled at Morabi, but was driven out by the Kabadi's through battles. The motuans were constantly scattered by the sporadic raids from the Kabadi's until, the crown officials had to step in and put an end to this madness. Governor WM Macgregor did a brief report to the crown dated 11 December 1890, page 25–26 in the report he stated details and accounts of the paramount chief Ulivado(Ure Vado) of Hanuabada, or Vanuapaka, would prove to be a difficult person to deal with. This report highlight four deaths, a Koitabuan, a motuan and two Kabadi's. The Crown authority had gone to investigate with the intent to arrest the culprits. It was recorded that Ulivado was locked behind some iron bars as a punishment.

The Manumanus had an alliance with the Koitabu's and there were battles between these tribes over a long period of time. However, the Crown authorities and missionaries such as James Charlmers pioneered peace between the people, and the Kabadi chief made a pledge to end wars in the area. This peace accord has since lasted till today. The villages continued to enjoy a strong relationship due to the use of road network, also through marriages, and exchange of food and various other goods and services.

Toutu Village

Other settlements that were established during this period include the Toutu village where families of former plantation workers with South East Asian origins came to work in the coconut plantations owned and operated by the Dutch New Guinea Company in the early 1800s. The Dutch ceased their business's thereafter and left with some workers while others continued to live amongst the Kabadi people. A particular individual will set his own destiny and live in Kabadi. This man called kassimani made a crucial decision in his lifetime by standing firm against a white plantation manager abusing a local worker. He met his fate and was terminated, told to pack up and leave; upon hearing his fate, the Kabadi's and the chief invited him to settle at Toutu. Kassimani's relationship would grow with the Chief, would play an important role in assisting the people of Kabadi in the years to come.

Arrival of the Churches

The church had played a significant role in transforming the lives of the people. In the late 1800s, the London Missionary Society, landed in the area, and established stations, where the church and schools were built. The roll and influence of the church then was made much easier with the approval of the Paramount chief, who then welcomed the early church to establish themselves in Pinu village. A church building was established with a school built to teach the people about God and basic English and maths. Everyone was forced to embrace this change, which subsequently led to people converting and accepting Christianity.

London Missionary Society (LMS)

Rev. James Chalmers.

Rev. Timoteo

Rev. Piri

Most traditional and customary beliefs have now given way to modern lifestyles with the establishments of government schools, with a wave of young people graduating and moving away to other provinces for education or work and bring back a change of thought pattern. Also more recently with the introduction of media, both print and airwaves, electronic gadgets, have now transform the lives of Pinu people. In spite of this the people continue to identify themselves well; with a deep passion of sense of belonging to their tribe and its historical past. They are also very committed in their Christian faith, and serve their God with passion. A permanent church building was subsequently built in the 1960s which still stands where the old church and school was built, and today the area is called the station.

There are two churches which are active, namely, the United, which is the foundation church, and more recently, the Christian Revival Church 'CRC', a mainstream church. Both churches have significantly contributed to the spiritual upkeep of the village people, and also maintain their respective church buildings which are used for Sunday worships and weekly gatherings. Both churches conduct activities and have established groups for Youths, women folk, and children to engage them in the activities. The churches ensure young men and women are taught in the principles and teachings of the Bible. There are also leaders elected to the church to ensure they manage important issues that concern the mandate the church.

Government Services

Colonial Era.

Present Era.

Pinu village falls under the political jurisdiction of Kairuku Hiri District with its district headquarters at Bereina. The political representation is under Kairuku Rural consisting of 17 Local Level Government (LLG)councils, represented by their respective elected councillors. The 17 LLGs elect a Council president who represents them in the Provincial Assembly. The provincial Assembly is responsible for ensuring services such as infrastructure in the form of roads, bridges, schools, health centres are established and maintained each year. The Provincial Assembly is chaired by the Provincial Governor, unless otherwise the incumbent holds a portfolio in the National Parliament, the chair position is voted for within the provincial assembly.

Pinu village has an elementary school and community school together covering Elementary Prep to Grade 8. The School is part of government school system that was originally a church school establish by London Missionary Society - LMS in early 1960s. The Government took full control of it after independence in 1975. By then it had already produce students that were attending Della Salle High School and Iarowari High School for the male students and Our ladies of Sacred Heart (OLSH) High School, and Marinville High School for the female students. There were also a few students that were attending Sogeri and Kerevat National High School, and many of them have gone on to tertiary institutions and other technical colleges.

These elite group of Pinu people today hold some very senior positions both in the Public Service, and the private sector. Most of them today enjoy the privileges of their own success, and live and work in the city of Port Moresby and elsewhere, and in turn, enlist their own children in private schools and government schools in the urban areas. Most of them have also contributed significantly to the development of this Country in their respective duties, and also given their share of resources to Pinu Village.

Other services include the health service which is run by a medical orderly, and treat patients from the village and the nearly villages. There is no proper water supply, and the villagers draw water from the wells, and catch rain water for drinking, cooking and laundry. A river tributary flows close to the village and it is used for bathing and laundry.

It is also well documented that the road system to the village is in atrocious condition, and is inaccessible during rainy seasons. Pinu people, including Manumanu and Toutu are disadvantaged during the wet periods, and have to walk long hours to get to the main highway, or use sea transport to access Port Moresby for goods and services.

Projects

In the early 1980s, a project was initiated between the people of Pinu and Ilimo Farm to farm Shogum. This project got off the ground and was managed by the Incorporated Land Owner group called Abadi Business Group. The business group was managed by locals the project was a success up until the Ilimo Farm ceased operations, and this caused the business to restrategise to sustain itself. despite many attempts to progress their business plans, the land owner group eventually ceased operations. It is believed small amounts of funds invested with commercial banks still earn a minimum interest and it is yet to be claimed. The Abadi Business group has since been deregistered by Investment Promotion Authority.

in the 1990s, the European Union through its Aid agency, built a solar operated pump system to pump water form underground water system to supply the village. each clan was supplied with four thanks with taps to be accessed by each homes, however, this system has since ceased, with all tanks rusted and destroyed. This has somewhat put a huge burden on the women folk who have now resorted to fetching water from wells, which are sometimes unhealthy due to proximity of hole toilets.

In 2010, a group was formed by people from Pinu, Manumanu and Toutu villages to basically seek to improve the roads leading to their respective villages. The people had faced hardship, as at times they would be cut off from accessing utilities and services in the city. The group somewhat achieve their purpose merely as a pressure group, pushing the local member of Parliament Hon. Paru Aihi to improve the road. The Governor made possible some funds which were given and expedited for the project. However, this upgrade was short lived the following year when the wet season reverted the condition of the road to its initial state. In May 10, 2012, two separate print media reported the elected member of Parliament, Hon. Paru Aihi, making a pledge of five million kina to the Pinu people from the LNG developer as part of its responsibility for the 'gas pipeline corridor' who will be affected by the pipeline. The funding was channeled through the provincial government, and will be drawn and paid to the contractor to build a proper all-weather road from the main highway all the way to Manumanu, including the Toutu road. Unfortunately, this project has not taken off, with the funds yet to be received, or has been diverted to other projects.

There were talks in 2012 about a rice project to be initiated by a Naima group, and endorsed by relevant authorities to farm rice on the Abadi plains. Meetings were organised by the stakeholders and the landowners; however, according to the Abadis, it is crucial to recognise the authority to the land itself first. While the rice project has pushed for Incorporate Land Groups to be formed, Abadi Pinu must chair, let alone be lead negotiators in, any project to be introduced and implemented on the Abadi plains because, historically, Chiefs Aro Ure and Ure Vado have been documented as signatories to all previous land mobilisation programs. The Abadis have also incorporation an ILG with the Lands Department in anticipation of any future projects in the Abadi plains.

Additional information

In the mid 1800s a portion of land was sold by a custodian called Naime Arua near Kabadi, to a syndicate. Two names were prominent; Cameron and Goldie, while, texts in archives show that both were acting on behalf of a Sydney syndicate. Goldie had previously decided to settle in New Guinea. In May 1878 he had bought land near Hanuabada and set up a trading store. In September 1883 he joined J. B. Cameron, agent of a Sydney syndicate, in buying 17,000 acres (6880 ha) at Kabadi. This purchase defied native custom and poisoned his good relations with William Lawes. On establishment of the protectorate Goldie and Cameron sought recognition of the transaction and parted company when it was refused. In 1886 the government decided to remove European settlement from the Hanuabada area. In exchange for his property Goldie was offered six blocks in the new township at Granville West but after a vigorous paper war with Anthony Musgrave was compensated with £400 for his improvements, and given fifty suburban acres (20 ha) and three town allotments on which he built Port Moresby's first store in January 1887. Despite a report of his death in 1886 Goldie visited Sydney in 1891 but died soon after his return to Port Moresby on 20 November. Although evidence on his estate was destroyed in World War II, he left 3750 shares in Burns Philp & Co. Ltd to three sisters and two brothers.

The archives further showed that the paramount chief of Kabadi disputed the land deal. His argument was on the fact that the said culprit; Naime Arua was never the owner, but a custodian. A public court was initiated where Naime Arua admitted to not owning the land and it was Paramount Chief of Kabadi Ure Vado that owned all the land.

In the course of all of this events, missionary James Charlmers protested to the British Empire by formally writing a letter through the Queensland and New Zealand court system. Moreover, Governor Schratchley had taken personal interest in the land saga and had done his own investigations with documented facts presented to the authorities. The Governor also presented the case to the Crown; citing the land transactions illegal. His writings have also indicated the true land owner was Ure Vado and his nephew, Aro Ure.

The facts are fascinating given this had saga had transpired in the late 1890. Land grabbing amongst the Anglo-Saxons during this period was prevalent in the continents of Africa, Asia and the Empires were sensitive to this trend. More and more civilized nations were speaking against grabbing of land from the natives, and newspapers were hot on the trail of such incidents. Consequently, these events are well documented and much of it was published in newspaper documents, and writings by early anthropologists and missionaries.

The administration was up and running by the early 1900s, and by 1908, an important occasion took place which a signing ceremony between the landowners and the Crown, effectively transferring ownership of the Galley Reach area to the Crown or State for a 99 years lease.

The Department of Lands and Physical Planning issued a 'Notice To Treat' through the provincial lands authority as soon as the 99-year lease had expired. The Abadi Pinu Land Group Incorporation (ILG) Chairman and his executive then submitted in response to this notice. Under the Lands Act 1996, Section 12 subsection (2) the ILG notes gross abuse of process by the State agent, as provisions that protect the rights of the indigenous owners was not adhered to with the Abadi Pinu ILG not receiving the response in the given time. Even, subsection (5) calls for compensation, which did not eventuate. More recently, towards the end of 2015, the Department issued notices of compulsory acquisitions of portion 406, 421,422,423,424, and further acquisitions in January 2016 for renewal of Agricultural Leases under section 120 (2) portion 149, 150, 151, 154, 185, 189,142, 196,148, 195, 134, all of which are under Milinch Manu, Fourmil Aroa, Central Province. Tragically, The real owners, the Abadi Pinu, Kabadi people have not benefited at all. The Companies listed are British New Guinea Development Limited, Kanosia Estates Limited, and Veimauri Plantantions Ltd, and there is an urgent need to verify and cross check all the record and whether due process was adhered to by the agent of the State.

This document and various other lease related documents prove beyond doubt the ownership of the land area of Abadi, and the authority that existed and was recognised then. To this day, the social structure and authority still exist today, and has stood the change of times, a testament to the people of Abadi-Pinu.

'Manumanu Land 2015–2016.' In late 2015 the Government of Papua New Guinea though its various agencies had instituted and acted through the Defense Policy to identify land in the Kabadi Area to build infrastructure for the Papua New Guinea Defense Force. The corresponding actions led to the department of Lands and Physical Planning issuing Gazzetal Notices in late December 2015 of compulsory acquisition of land in Kabadi. Ironically, this land is linked to the actual land deal transacted by Cameron and Goldie in 1883.

[3][4]

References

  1. ^ National Statistical Office (2002). "Papua New Guinea Census of Population and Housing: Kairuku-Hiri District" (xml). Retrieved 11 August 2011.
  2. ^ J.F Barton, p. 27
  3. ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 6 June 2012. Retrieved 6 June 2012. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  4. ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 6 June 2012. Retrieved 25 July 2011. {{cite web}}: Unknown parameter |deadurl= ignored (|url-status= suggested) (help)CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  • BRITISH NEW GUINEA. ANNUAL REPORT BY

Page 25 -26 HER MAJESTY'S ADMINISTRATOR OF THE GOVERNMENT,1ST JULY, 1890, TO 30TH JUNE, 1891; WITH APPENDICES AND l\1:APS. PRESENTED TO BOTH HOUSES o:E' PARLIAMENT BY HIS EXCELLENCY'S CO:&t:M.il."D. No. 58.-

  • W. Mersh Strong Anthropos Bd. 7, H. 1. (1912)", pp. 155–160
  • (The Melanesians of British New Guinea, Seligmann, C.G. with F.R. Barton and E.L. Giblin)
  • Tamate, a king: James Chalmers in New Guinea, Dianne Langmore, 1877-1901
  • http://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/19794248
  • Andrew Goldie: the experiences of Empire (Mullins & Bellamy), pg26 (Memoirs of the Queensland Museum)
  • CONFEDERATION AND ANNEXATION. NEW GUINEA. (PAPERS RELATING TO THE PROPOSED ANNEXATION BY QUEENSLAND, AND GENERALLY AS TO THE ACTION OF THE IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT.)

Appendix to the Journals of the House of Representatives, 1884 Session II, A-03b

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