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Representation of African Americans in media

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The misrepresentation of African-American women has permeated into the music industry, more specifically hip-hop/rap videos. In this form of media, Black women's bodies have been historically hyper-sexualized through images of exotic dancers dressed in a provocative way. In an attempt to oppose those who perpetuate the misrepresentation of Black women, students at Spelman College cancelled a bone-marrow drive in the spring of 2004. They did so as a form of protest against rapper Nelly's, a prominent sponsor of the event, sexist lyrics and videos.[1]

The number of Black women in the music industry has increased throughout the years, despite the industry's focusing on the works of African-American men.[2] African-American women have used the hip-hop genre to increase their representation and reconstruct what their identity means to them, taking the power into their own hands.[2]

Famous African-American rappers include Kanye West, Jay-Z, 50 Cent and Lil Wayne.

Beauty industry

Scholars, such as Tracy Owens Patton, have stated that the beauty industry predominantly focuses on and caters to white and European standards of beauty. African-American women have had to navigate these biased beauty standards when it comes to their hair and body image.[3] African slave women were held to the standards of white women, often obtaining better treatment if they had lighter skin or a body type that was similar to their white counterparts.[3] African American women have to change the appearance of their hair in order to fit European standards of beauty, from a young age.[4] The beauty salon has become a way for African-American women to organize for empowerment and health education in their communities.[4]

Reality television

Reality television shows such as Bad Girls Club, The Real Housewives of Atlanta, and Love & Hip Hop have received criticism and been discussed for their portrayal of Black women, many of whom are depicted as Sapphires, Mammies, and Jezebels. This has led to people, such as Donnetrice Allison, associate professor of Communication Studies and Africana Studies at Stockton University, to state that these shows serve as a new platform for these archetypes to thrive in modern day culture and society.[5][6][page needed]

Representation of Black/African-American LGBTQ characters

The 1990s had an increased representation of queer characters in film and TV. Since this period of time, the visibility of queer characters of color have increased, however the majority of the queer characters are still depicted as gay white males.[7][8]

The LGBTQ media monitoring organization GLAAD publishes annual reports on representation in film and television, the "Studio Responsibility Index (SRI)" and "Where We Are On TV (WWAT)", respectively.[9] The first SRI was published in 2013 and found that of the 101 films released by major studios in 2012, only 14 films had queer characters and, in those films, only 31 different characters could be identified as LBGTQ. Of these 31 characters, only four were Black/African-American (12.9%) in comparison to 26 white characters making up 83.9% of queer representation in films for this year.[9] The 2016 report showed a small increase, with 23 out of 125 films containing LGBTQ characters. Of the 70 LGBTQ characters, 9 were Black/African-American (13%) in comparison to 48 white characters (69%).[10] The 2013 WWAT report showed that there were 112 LGBTQ characters that were announced for broadcast and cable and of these characters, 13% were black while 71% were white.[11] The 2017 report found that there were 329 LBGTQ characters on television.[12] Black LGBTQ characters made up 12% of this representation with 40 characters compared to 65% for white characters.[13]

Outlets such as the Pacific Center for Human Growth and Color of Change have been critical of depictions of black LGBTQ characters, stating that media outlets often rely on one-dimensional, stereotypical images of Black characters as opposed to dynamic and complex portrayals that reflect the complexity and authenticity of Black people's lives around the country.[14][15] Critics[like whom?] have further stated that black characters are typically incorporated within "hegemonic white worlds void of any hint of African American traditions, social struggle, racial conflicts, and cultural difference."[16]

According to Dustin Collins, Black gay men are usually portrayed in the media as "swishy queens" or overly aggressive.[17] The character of Keith Charles, a gay black man, in Six Feet Under has been cited as an example of this in a 2013 Sexuality and Culture article by Jay Poole. He argued that Keith is portrayed as overly masculine, aggressive, and powerful which reinforces stereotypical characteristics of African-American men. This is in comparison to his partner, David Fisher, a white gay man, who is portrayed as more feminine as he is in charge of household duties.[18] Lafayette Reynolds of True Blood has also been seen as a black LGBT stereotype, as his character is portrayed as a flamboyant "swishy queen" with an athletic, muscular build and can be very aggressive.[17] In contrast, Jennifer De Clue has highlighted the film Moonlight as breaking from the stereotype of the over-masculinity of black queer characters, as the main character, Chiron Harris, is physically abused for being gay and not fitting into the ideal definitions of masculinity.[8]

Black lesbians are typically associated with aggression, eroticism, extreme attractiveness/desirability (femme), and occasionally butch. In Set It Off, Ursula, a black lesbian character is represented by only being an erotic object. Most of her scenes are her sexual interactions with her girlfriend Cleo. Cleopatra "Cleo" Sims, also a black lesbian, is seen as being aggressive and butch.[19] In The Wire, Shakima Greggs is portrayed as masculine and part of the Baltimore police department's "old boy's club". Felicia Pearson is seen as extremely masculine/butch to the point where her gender presentation is blurred between female and male.[8]

Transgender women are typically portrayed as passing as women making them seem artificial or fake.[20] Transgender women of color are also disproportionately represented as victims of hate crimes.[21] The character, Sophia Burset, from the Netflix series, Orange is the New Black is a black trans woman, who reinforces these stereotypes since she has used medical surgery and hormones to appear more as a woman. Other characters in this show constantly make comments indicating they view Sophia as not a real woman. Writer Michael Chavez also argues that Sophia plays into the stereotypical hyperfeminization of trans women in the media through her role of the hairdresser in the prison salon and knowledge of hair, fashion, and makeup.[20]

Additionally, drugs, violence and low socioeconomic status are usually part of the identity of black LGBTQ characters. These stereotypical representations of black queer characters reinforce the cultural stereotypes in the United States that all black people are poor, extremely violent, and/or drug abusers.[8]

Television

The portrayals of African Americans in movies and television shows in America reinforce negative stereotypes. Professor Narissra M. Punyanunt-Carter, from the department of Communications Studies at Texas Tech, found many facts in her research paper, The Perceived Realism of African American Portrayals on Television, "After reviewing numerous television shows, Seggar and Wheeler (1973) found that African Americans on these programs were generally depicted in service or blue-collar occupations, such as a house cleaner or a postal worker".[22] This is in contrast to their white counter-parts who are business executives and business owners. "In contrast to White characters, research indicates that that African Americans have lower socioeconomic status (SES) roles on television than Anglo Americans" (Segger & Wheeler, 1973) (pp243).[incomplete short citation]

She also found that "the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (1977) found that African American television portrayals typically depicted the following stereotypic personality characteristics: inferior, stupid, comical, immoral, and dishonest"(pp243).[incomplete short citation]   Seeing negative images on television, and film of African Americans can be seen as a covert propaganda that transitively affects the subconscious mind, and negatively shapes the psychology of the observer.  Carter also echoed this by illustrating what she found in another research study.  She said, "Fujioka's study illustrated that when firsthand knowledge is not present, television images have a huge effect on viewers' perceptions. In addition, this study found cultural differences in responses to positive images of Blacks among Japanese and American students. American students tended to be more influenced by negative messages of Blacks than Japanese students   Fujioka's research affirmed that affective assessments of television portrayals of African Americans are highly related to the development of stereotypes"(pp244).[incomplete short citation]  All the negative imagery goes back to the Antebellum Era (before the fall of slavery)1793–1861.[citation needed]

Sports

Sports are a piece of life that many people hold near and dear to their heart. In sports that are featured in media such as on ESPN and some other sports channels, representation of African-American men and women is important. In the past, segregation played a part in representation of the community. “In baseball, there were established ‘Negro’ leagues for non-white players (while these leagues were predominantly African-American, there were also several Latin-Americans playing in the leagues, as well) through the early 1950s”  (Keifer, Mitchell).[23]  In her article, Andrea Eagleman talks about the history of the representation. “Research shows that racial and ethnic minority athletes and international athletes have long been portrayed in stereotypical roles in the mass media since the 1880s, when Black players were stereotyped…”(Eagleman, Andrea).[24]

Reasons for misrepresentation

Working in the media

Historically, the participation in media production by minorities in the US has been low. Despite recent gains especially in television, significant racial disparities remain. In 1971, three years after the Federal Communications Commission adopted rules to foster more diverse programming, only nine percent of full-time employees in radio and television were visible minorities.[25] In 1978, American Society of News Editors set a goal to have their sector mirror the diversity of the American population in general.[26]

As the years progressed, the percentage of minorities in the workplace began to grow; in 1997, visible minorities made up 20 percent of the broadcasting work force.[27] Yet the trend towards inclusiveness, while generally growing, has been uneven. For example, a 2007 report showed that blacks, Latinos, Asians, and Native Americans made up only 13.65% of American newsrooms.[26] The numbers dwindle still further at the upper levels of media management: during the 2013–2014 season only 5.5% of executive-level television producers were people of color.[28]

Ownership

Ownership in the media helps control what media is being broadcast, which also helps define who and how people are being portrayed. There is a significant under representation of African Americans when it comes to the ownership of media. A report by the Free Press entitled "Off The Dial" reports of all commercial broadcast radio stations, African Americans own only 3.4%.[29] In populations with large African-American markets, the number of black-owned stations are not correlated with the large market. Difficulty with capital access along with other barriers to entry may be the cause.[30] African-American owners may be purchasing broadcast stations in the only place they can – small midwestern markets, due to racism in small southern communities where the black population exists in the majority.[clarification needed][citation needed] Therefore, a valuable media perspective is lost in these communities.

Stereotypes

Communication and media research suggest that the mass media is an important source of information about African Americans and their image. This public image influences public perception, and is capable of reinforcing opinions about African Americans.[31]

Typically, these opinions are unfavorable and highlight negative stereotypes associated with African Americans. Oftentimes the portrayals' very medium, such as television, is the origin of such stereotypes. Television has been cited for broadcasting material that displays an overrepresentation of African Americans as lawbreakers. A study of TV crime newscasts indicated that newscast content displayed far more counts of African Americans' crimes than that of any other racial classification.[32]

The representation of African Americans in media has remained the same for a while, almost since the representation of African Americans in television ads exceeded in 1991. It has been shown that even positive stereotypes of African Americans in media can have an effect of prejudice on consumers. The roles of African Americans in media has evolved over time. On typical cable channels the amount of ads shown with African Americans has become neutral, but on channels such as B.E.T.[33][circular reference] where the viewership is mostly that of African Americans, all of the ads consist of healthy, stable, independent and enthusiastic African Americans who are goal oriented. African Americans now have bigger roles in media such as that of reporters, business owners and artists. African-American women have made an uprising in mainstream media as confident and strong individuals. Several organizations have been based on the empowerment of African-American women in media.[34] The representation of African-American women in media has also made an increase since beauty expectations have changed. Cultural appropriation[35][circular reference] has somewhat changed the beauty standards of media. Fashion styles have taken on the cultural dynamics of many countries.

Minority Ownership Task Force

The lack of representation has spawned a number of U.S. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) initiatives to increase diversity. In 1969 the Supreme Court ruled that the implicated FCC regulations that were designed to increase viewpoint diversity were not in conflict with the First Amendment, and the people "as a whole" retain their interest in free speech and the right to have "diverse programming" via the constitution.[36] In the 1960s the release of a report by the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (the Kerner Commission) reported that the "media" did not effectively communicate to the majority of their decidedly white audience the sense of "degradation, misery, and hopelessness of living in the ghetto."[37]

The commission also continued to report that unless the media became more sensitive to the portrayal of African Americans specifically, the degrading stereotypical content would continue to be displayed. In response to this commission, the FCC initiated a race-neutral regulatory policy to increase the likelihood that African Americans would be employed with a broadcaster.[38] This included changing hiring practices of broadcasters to eliminate racial discrimination from the employment process. However, despite these rules, the FCC found that levels of representation did not change significantly.[39]

To continue its effort to provide access to the "minority voice", the FCC established the Minority Ownership Task Force (MOTF). This group would focus on researching ways to include minorities in the broadcasting industry. The FCC notes that having a sufficient representation of the minority would be serving the needs of not only the interests of the minority community, but would "enrich and educate" the majority.

Metro Broadcasting v. FCC

The case of Metro Broadcasting v. FCC in 1990 challenged the constitutionality of two minority preference policies of the Federal Communications Commission. Under the first policy challenged by Metro Broadcasting, Inc., minority applicants for broadcast licenses were given preference if all other relevant factors were roughly equal. The second policy, known as the "distress sale," was challenged by Shurberg Broadcasting of Hartford, Inc. This policy allowed broadcasters in danger of losing their licenses to sell their stations to minority buyers before the FCC formally ruled on the viability of the troubled stations.[40]

The FCC's minority preference policies were constitutional because they provided appropriate remedies for discrimination victims and were aimed at the advancement of legitimate congressional objectives for program diversity. The FCC's minority preference policies were closely related to, and substantially advanced, Congress's legitimate interest in affording the public a diverse array of programming options. The availability of program diversity serves the entire viewing and listening public, not just minorities, and is therefore consistent with First Amendment values.[40]

See also

References

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  2. ^ a b Emerson, Rana (February 1, 2002). ""Where My Girls At?": Negotiating Black Womanhood in Music Videos". Gender & Society. 16: 115–135. doi:10.1177/0891243202016001007.
  3. ^ a b Patton, Tracey Owens (2006-06-26). "Hey Girl, Am I More than My Hair?: African American Women and Their Struggles with Beauty, Body Image, and Hair". NWSA Journal. 18 (2): 24–51. ISSN 2151-7371.
  4. ^ a b Linnan, Laura (2007). "Beauty Salons". Health Education & Behavior. 34 (3): 517–530. doi:10.1177/1090198106295531. PMID 17435111.
  5. ^ "Donnetrice C. Allison, Ph.D. - Council of Black Faculty and Staff | Stockton University". stockton.edu. Retrieved 2018-11-10.
  6. ^ Allison, Donnetrice (2016). Black Women's Portrayals on Reality Television: The New Sapphire. Lanham: Lexington Books. ISBN 978-1-4985-1932-8.
  7. ^ Eguchi, Shinsuke; Calafell, Bernadette M.; Files-Thompson, Nicole (31 May 2014). "Intersectionality and Quare Theory: Fantasizing African American Male Same-Sex Relationships inNoah's Arc: Jumping the Broom". Communication, Culture & Critique. 7 (3): 371–389. doi:10.1111/cccr.12054. ISSN 1753-9129.
  8. ^ a b c d DeClue, Jennifer (Fall 2011). "Lesbian Cop, Queer Killer: Leveraging Black Queer Women's Sexuality on HBO's The Wire" (PDF). Race, Sexuality, and Television. 31 (2): 53–62.
  9. ^ a b "2013 Studio Responsibility Index". GLAAD. 20 August 2013.
  10. ^ "2017 GLAAD Studio Responsibility Index". GLAAD. 18 May 2017.
  11. ^ "Where We Are on TV Report 2013". GLAAD. 10 October 2013.
  12. ^ Editorial, Reuters. "LGBT characters on U.S. TV at record highs". U.S. Retrieved 2018-06-14. {{cite news}}: |first= has generic name (help)
  13. ^ "Where We Are on TV Report – 2017". GLAAD. 25 October 2017.
  14. ^ "GLAAD's Where We Are on TV Report 2014". GLAAD. 30 September 2014.
  15. ^ "Racism and LGBT Representation in TV". The Pacific Center. Retrieved 2018-06-14.
  16. ^ Keller, ed. by James R. (2006). The new queer aesthetic on television : essays on recent programming. Jefferson [u.a.]: McFarland. p. 102. ISBN 9780786423903. {{cite book}}: |first1= has generic name (help)
  17. ^ a b Collins, Dustin L. (2011). "Crossin' Somebody's Line: Gay Black Men in HBO Serial Dramas". OhioLINK. Ohio University.
  18. ^ Poole, Jay (4 July 2013). "Queer Representations of Gay Males and Masculinities in the Media" (PDF). Sexuality & Culture. 18 (2): 279–290. doi:10.1007/s12119-013-9197-y.
  19. ^ Paralik, Besire (2017). Black Lesbian, Gay and Transgender Representations in Films: Stereotypes, Power Relations and Gender Roles : An intersectional analysis of the films Set It Off, Tangerine and Moonlight. Gender Studies Department of Thematic Studies – Linkoping University. {{cite book}}: |website= ignored (help)
  20. ^ a b Chavez, Michael. "Representing Us all? Race, Gender, and Sexuality in Orange is the New Black". ProQuest 1707361272. {{cite web}}: Missing or empty |url= (help)
  21. ^ Glover, Julian Kevon (October 2016). "Redefining Realness?: On Janet Mock, Laverne Cox, TS Madison, and the Representation of Transgender Women of Color in Media". Souls. 18 (2–4): 338–357. doi:10.1080/10999949.2016.1230824. ISSN 1099-9949.
  22. ^ PUNYANUNT-CARTER, NARISSRA M. (2008). "The Perceived Realism of African American Portrayals on Television". Howard Journal of Publications.
  23. ^ "Racial Segregation in American Sports". Sports Conflict Institute. 2015-02-12. Retrieved 2018-12-04.
  24. ^ Eagleman, Andrea M. (March 2011). "Stereotypes of Race and Nationality: A Qualitative Analysis of Sport Magazine Coverage of MLB Players". Journal of Sport Management. 25 (2): 156–168. doi:10.1123/jsm.25.2.156. ISSN 0888-4773.
  25. ^ Wall Street Journal. 1998. {{cite news}}: Missing or empty |title= (help)
  26. ^ a b Washington, Laura (February 21, 2008). "Missing: Minorities in Media". In These Times. Retrieved 15 March 2011.
  27. ^ "Statistics: Minority Representation". Media Awareness Network. Archived from the original on 19 March 2012. Retrieved 3 May 2011.
  28. ^ Writers' Guilde of America West (March 3, 2015). "The State of Diversity in Writing for Television: WGAW Releases Latest Findings in 2015 TV Staffing Brief, Announces TV Writer Access Project Honorees". Writers Guild of American, West. Archived from the original on December 4, 2015. Retrieved December 16, 2015.
  29. ^ "Off The Dial". StopBigMedia. Retrieved 15 March 2011.
  30. ^ "Out of The Picture" (PDF). FreePress. Retrieved 20 April 2011.
  31. ^ PUNYANUNT-CARTER, NARISSRA M. "The Perceived Realism of African-American Portrayals on Television" (PDF). Taylor & Francis Group. Archived from the original (PDF) on 15 March 2012. Retrieved 20 April 2011.
  32. ^ Sparks, Glenn (2006). Media Effects Research A Basic Overview. Boston, MA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning. pp. 208–209. ISBN 978-0-495-56785-1.
  33. ^ BET
  34. ^ "About".
  35. ^ Cultural appropriation
  36. ^ Red Lion Broad. Co. v. FCC, 395 U.S. 357 (1969)
  37. ^ Worthy, Diversity and Media Stereotyping p511 quoting Kerner Commission Report of the NAC on Civil Disorders (1968).
  38. ^ Petition for Rule making to Require Broadcast Licensees to Show Nondiscrimination in Their Employment Practices, 13 F.CC.2d 766,774 (1968).
  39. ^ Statement of Policy on Minority Ownership of Broadcasting Facilities, 68 FCC2d 979 (1978)
  40. ^ a b "Metro Broadcasting Inc vs FCC". Oyez. Retrieved 3 May 2011.