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Fianna Fáil

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Fianna Fáil
Leader and PresidentMicheál Martin
Deputy LeaderVacant
General SecretarySeán Dorgan
ChairmanBrendan Smith
Seanad LeaderLisa Chambers
FounderÉamon de Valera
Founded16 May 1926 (1926-05-16)
Split fromSinn Féin[1]
Headquarters65–66 Lower Mount Street, Dublin 2,
D02 NX40, Ireland
Youth wingÓgra Fianna Fáil
Membership (2020)Increase18,000[2]
Ideology
Political positionCentre[16][17][18] to
centre-right[19][20][21]
European affiliationAlliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe
European Parliament groupRenew Europe[a]
International affiliationLiberal International
Colours  Green
SloganAn Ireland for All
Anthem
"We'll Be There"[22]
Dáil Éireann
37 / 160
Seanad Éireann
20 / 60
European Parliament[nb 1]
2 / 13
Local government in the Republic of Ireland
276 / 949
European Committee of the Regions
2 / 9
[European Committee of the Regions full members]
2 / 9
[European Committee of the Regions alternate members]
Website
fiannafail.ie
^ a: Member of the EPD group from 1973 to 1984, the EDA group from 1984 to 1995, the UfE group from 1995 to 1999, the UEN group from 1999 to 2009, and the ALDE group from 2009 to 2014.

Fianna Fáil (/fiˌænə ˈfɔːl, ˌfiːənə -/,[23][24] Irish: [ˌfʲiən̪ˠə ˈfˠaːlʲ] ⓘ; meaning 'Soldiers of Destiny' or 'Warriors of Fál'),[25] officially Fianna Fáil – The Republican Party[26][7] (Template:Lang-ga),[27] is a conservative[28][29][30][31][32] and Christian-democratic[33][34][35] political party in Ireland.

The party was founded as an Irish republican party on 16 May 1926 by Éamon de Valera and his supporters after they split from the anti-treaty wing of Sinn Féin on the issue of abstentionism[36] in the aftermath of the Irish Civil War. Since 1927, Fianna Fáil has been one of Ireland's two major parties, along with Fine Gael; both are seen as being centre-right parties, and as being to the right of the Labour Party and Sinn Féin. The party dominated Irish political life for most of the 20th century, and, since its foundation, either it or Fine Gael has led every government. Between 1932 and 2011, it was the largest party in Dáil Éireann, but latterly with a decline in its vote share; from 1989 onwards, its periods of government were in coalition with parties of either the left or the right.

Fianna Fáil's vote collapsed in the 2011 general election; it emerged in third place, in what was widely seen as a political realignment in the wake of the post-2008 Irish economic downturn.[37] By 2016 it had recovered enough to become the largest opposition party,[38] and it entered a confidence and supply arrangement with a Fine Gael-led minority government.[39] In 2020, after a number of months of political stalemate following the general election, Fianna Fáil agreed with Fine Gael and the Green Party to enter into an unprecedented grand coalition, with the leaders of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael rotating between the roles of Taoiseach and Tánaiste.

Fianna Fáil is a member of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe[40] and of Liberal International.[41] Since 9 February 2019, Fianna Fáil has been in partnership with the Social Democratic and Labour Party in Northern Ireland.[42]

History

Main article: History of Fianna Fáil

Fianna Fáil was founded by Éamon de Valera, a former leader of Sinn Féin.[43] He and a number of other members split from Sinn Féin when a motion he proposed—which called for elected members to be allowed to take their seats in Dáil Éireann if and when the controversial Oath of Allegiance was removed—failed to pass at the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis in 1926.[44] His new party adopted its name on 2 April of the same year. While it was also opposed to the Treaty settlement, it rejected abstentionism, instead aiming to republicanise the Irish Free State from within. Fianna Fáil's platform of economic autarky had appeal among the farmers, working-class people and the poor, while alienating more affluent classes.[45]

The party first entered government on 9 March 1932. It was in power for 61 of the 79 years between then and the election of 2011. Its longest continuous period in office has been 15 years and 11 months (March 1932 – February 1948). Its longest single period out of office in the 20th century was four years and four months (March 1973 – July 1977). All of the party's leaders have served as Taoiseach.[46]

Fianna Fáil joined the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) party on 16 April 2009, and the party's Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) sat in the ALDE Group during the 7th European Parliament term from June 2009 to 1 July 2014. The party is a full member of the Liberal International.[47] Prior to this, the party was part of the Eurosceptic Union for Europe of the Nations parliamentary group between 1999 and 2009.[48]

It was the largest party in the Dáil after every general election from that of 1932 until that of 2007. During the post-2008 Irish economic downturn, for which Fianna Fáil as governing party was seen to be responsible,[49] its popularity crashed: an opinion poll on 27 February 2009 indicated that only 10% of voters were satisfied with the Government's performance.[50] In the 2011 general election, it suffered the worst defeat of a sitting government in the history of the Irish state.[51][52] This loss was described as "historic" in its proportions[53] and "unthinkable".[49] The party sank from being the largest in the Dáil to the third-largest,[54] losing 58 of its 78 seats.[55]

Organisation and structure

Fianna Fáil uses a structure called a cumann system. The basic unit was the cumann (branch); these were grouped into comhairle ceantair (district branch) and a comhairle dáil ceantair (constituency branch) in every constituency.[56] At the party's height it had 3,000 cumainn, an average of 75 per constituency.[citation needed] The party claimed that in 2005 they had 50,000 registered names, but only an estimated 10,000-15,000 members were considered active.[57]

However, from the early 1990s onward the cumann structure was weakened. Every cumann was entitled to three votes to selection conventions irrespective of its size; hence, a large number of cumainn had become in effect "paper cumainn", the only use of which was to ensure an aspiring or sitting candidate got enough votes.[58] Another problem had arisen with the emergence of parallel organisations grouped around candidates or elected officials. Supporters and election workers for a particular candidate were loyal to a candidate and not to the party. If the candidate were to leave the party, through either resignation, retirement or defeat at an election, the candidate's supporters would often depart.[citation needed] Although this phenomenon was nothing new (the most famous example being Neil Blaney's "Donegal Mafia")[59] it increased significantly from the early 1990s, particularly in the Dublin Region with former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern's "Drumcondra mafia" and the groups supporting Tom Kitt and Séamus Brennan in Dublin South that were largely separate from the official party structure.[citation needed]

Since the 2007 election, the party's structure has significantly weakened. This was in part exacerbated by significant infighting between candidates in the run-up to the 2011 general election.[60] The Irish Times estimated that half of its 3,000 cumainn were effectively moribund. This fraction rose in Dublin with the exception of Dublin West, the former seat of both Brian Lenihan Snr and Brian Lenihan Jnr.[61]

Ideology

File:Fianna Fáil logo.svg
Previous logo of Fianna Fáil.

Fianna Fáil is seen as a typical catch-all party. R. Ken Carty wrote of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael that they were "heterogeneous in their bases of support, relatively undifferentiated in terms of policy or programme, and remarkably stable in their support levels". Evidence from expert surveys, opinion polls and candidate surveys all fail to identify strong distinctions between the two parties.[62][63][64][65] Many point to Ireland's Civil War politics, and feel that the basis for the division is the disagreement about the strategy to achieve a united Ireland. Kevin Byrne and political scientist Eoin O'Malley rejected this, and have argued that the differences between the two parties goes much further back in Irish history. They linked the parties to different nationalist traditions (Irish Enlightenment and Gaelic Nationalist) which in turn could be linked to migrations of Anglo-Norman and new English into Ireland and the native Gaelic population.[66]

In the 1990s, Fianna Fáil was described as a conservative party but also as a nationalist party.[5][6][7] It has presented itself as a "broad church"[67] and attracted support from across disparate social classes.[68][69] Between 1989 and 2011, it led coalition governments with parties of both the left and the right. Fianna Fáil's platform contains a number of enduring commitments: to Irish unity; to the promotion and protection of the Irish language; and to maintaining Ireland's tradition of military neutrality.[70][71] While the party is distinctly more populist,[72] nationalist and, generally speaking, more economically interventionist[73] than Fine Gael, the party nonetheless shares its rival's support of the European Union.[74][75] Although part of the ALDE (liberal) group in the European Parliament, the party has not supported the group's positions on civil liberties.[76] Thus, the liberal nature of the party is disputed.[77] It did, however, legislate for same-sex civil partnerships in 2010.[78]

The party's name and logo incorporates the words 'The Republican Party'. According to Fianna Fáil, "Republican here stands both for the unity of the island and a commitment to the historic principles of European republican philosophy, namely liberty, equality and fraternity".[79] The party's main goal at its beginning was to reunite the North and the South.[80]

Leadership and president

Main article: Leader of Fianna Fáil

The posts of leader and party president of Fianna Fáil are separate, with the former elected by the Parliamentary Party and the latter elected by the Ardfheis (thus allowing for the posts to be held by different people, in theory). However, in practice they have always been held by the one person. As the Ardfheis may have already been held in any given year by the time a new leader is elected, the selection of the new party president might not take place until the next year.[citation needed]

The following are the terms of office as party leader and as Taoiseach:

Leader Portrait Period Constituency Years as Taoiseach
Éamon de Valera 1926–1959 Clare 1932–1933–1937–1938–1943–1944–1948; 1951–1954; 1957–1959
(Government of the 7th Dáil, 8th Dáil, 9th Dáil, 10th Dáil, 11th Dáil, 12th Dáil, 14th Dáil and 16th Dáil)
Seán Lemass 1959–1966 Dublin South-Central 1959–1961–1965–1966
(Government of the 16th Dáil, 17th Dáil and 18th Dáil)
Jack Lynch 1966–1979 Cork Borough (1948–1969)
Cork City North-West (1969–1977)
Cork City (1977–1981) 		1966–1969–1973; 1977–1979
(Government of the 18th Dáil, 19th Dáil and 21st Dáil)
Charles Haughey 1979–1992 Dublin North-East (1957–1977)
Dublin Artane (1977–1981)
Dublin North-Central (1981–1992) 		1979–1981; Feb 1982–Nov 1982; 1987–1989–1992
(Government of the 21st Dáil, 23rd Dáil, 25th Dáil and 26th Dáil)
Albert Reynolds 1992–1994 Longford–Roscommon 1992–1992–1994
(22nd Government of Ireland and 23rd Government of Ireland)
Bertie Ahern 1994–2008 Dublin Central 1997–2002–2007–2008
(Government of the 28th Dáil, 29th Dáil and 30th Dáil)
Brian Cowen 2008–2011 Laois–Offaly 2008–2011
(Government of the 30th Dáil)
Micheál Martin 2011–present Cork South-Central 2020–present
(Government of the 33rd Dáil)

Deputy leader

Name Period Constituency Leader
Joseph Brennan 1973–1977 Donegal–Leitrim Jack Lynch
George Colley 1977–1982 Dublin Central Jack Lynch

Charles Haughey

Ray MacSharry 1982–1983 Sligo–Leitrim Charles Haughey
Brian Lenihan Snr 1983–1990 Dublin West Charles Haughey
John Wilson 1990–1992 Cavan–Monaghan Charles Haughey
Bertie Ahern 1992–1994 Dublin Central Albert Reynolds
Mary O'Rourke 1995–2002 Longford–Westmeath Bertie Ahern
Brian Cowen 2002–2008 Laois–Offaly Bertie Ahern
Mary Coughlan 2008–2011 Donegal South-West Brian Cowen
Mary Hanafin 2011 Dún Laoghaire Micheál Martin
Brian Lenihan Jnr 2011 Dublin West Micheál Martin
Éamon Ó Cuív 2011–2012 Galway West Micheál Martin
Position abolished
Dara Calleary 2018–2020 Mayo Micheál Martin

Seanad leader

Name Period Panel
Eoin Ryan Snr 1977–1982 Industrial and Commercial Panel
Mick Lanigan 1982–1990 Industrial and Commercial Panel (1982–89)
Nominated member of Seanad Éireann (1989–90)
Seán Fallon 1990–1992 Industrial and Commercial Panel
G. V. Wright 1992–1997 Nominated member of Seanad Éireann
Donie Cassidy 1997–2002 Labour Panel
Mary O'Rourke 2002–2007 Nominated member of Seanad Éireann
Donie Cassidy 2007–2011 Labour Panel
Darragh O'Brien 2011–2016 Labour Panel
Catherine Ardagh 2016–2020 Industrial and Commercial Panel
Lisa Chambers 2020–present Cultural and Educational Panel

General election results

Election Seats won ± Position First Pref votes % Government Leader
1927 (Jun)
44 / 153
 Increase44 Increase2nd 299,486 26.2% Opposition Éamon de Valera
1927 (Sep)
57 / 153
 Increase13 Steady2nd 411,777 35.2% Opposition Éamon de Valera
1932
72 / 153
 Increase15 Increase1st 566,498 44.5% Minority gov't (supported by Labour) Éamon de Valera
1933
77 / 153
 Increase5 Steady1st 689,054 49.7% Minority gov't (supported by Labour) Éamon de Valera
1937
69 / 138
 Decrease8 Steady1st 599,040 45.2% Minority gov't (supported by Labour) Éamon de Valera
1938
77 / 138
 Increase8 Steady1st 667,996 51.9% Majority gov't Éamon de Valera
1943
67 / 138
 Decrease10 Steady1st 557,525 41.9% Minority gov't Éamon de Valera
1944
76 / 138
 Increase9 Steady1st 595,259 48.9% Majority gov't Éamon de Valera
1948
68 / 147
 Decrease8 Steady1st 553,914 41.9% Opposition Éamon de Valera
1951
69 / 147
 Increase1 Steady1st 616,212 46.3% Minority gov't (supported by Ind) Éamon de Valera
1954
65 / 147
 Decrease4 Steady1st 578,960 43.4% Opposition Éamon de Valera
1957
78 / 147
 Increase13 Steady1st 592,994 48.3% Majority gov't Éamon de Valera
1961
70 / 144
 Decrease8 Steady1st 512,073 43.8% Minority gov't (supported by Ind) Seán Lemass
1965
72 / 144
 Increase2 Steady1st 597,414 47.7% Majority gov't Seán Lemass
1969
75 / 144
 Increase3 Steady1st 602,234 45.7% Majority gov't Jack Lynch
1973
69 / 144
 Decrease6 Steady1st 624,528 46.2% Opposition Jack Lynch
1977
84 / 148
 Increase15 Steady1st 811,615 50.6% Majority gov't Jack Lynch
1981
78 / 166
 Decrease6 Steady1st 777,616 45.3% Opposition Charles Haughey
1982 (Feb)
81 / 166
 Increase3 Steady1st 786,951 47.3% Minority gov't (supported by SFWP and Ind) Charles Haughey
1982 (Nov)
75 / 166
 Decrease6 Steady1st 763,313 45.2% Opposition Charles Haughey
1987
81 / 166
 Increase6 Steady1st 784,547 44.1% Minority gov't (supported by Ind) Charles Haughey
1989
77 / 166
 Decrease4 Steady1st 731,472 44.1% Coalition (FF-PD) Charles Haughey
1992
68 / 166
 Decrease9 Steady1st 674,650 39.1% Coalition (FF-Lab) Albert Reynolds
Opposition (from December 1994)
1997
77 / 166
 Increase9 Steady1st 703,682 39.3% Coalition (FF-PD) Bertie Ahern
2002
81 / 166
 Increase4 Steady1st 770,748 41.5% Coalition (FF-PD) Bertie Ahern
2007
77 / 166
 Decrease4 Steady1st 858,565 41.6% Coalition (FF-GP-PD) Bertie Ahern
2011
20 / 166
 Decrease57 Decrease3rd 387,358 17.5% Opposition Micheál Martin
2016
44 / 158
 Increase23 Increase2nd 519,356 24.3% Confidence and supply (FG minority gov't) Micheál Martin
2020[81]
38 / 160
 Decrease6 Increase1st 484,315 22.2% Coalition (FF-FG-GP) Micheál Martin

Front bench

Main article: Fianna Fáil Front Bench

Ógra Fianna Fáil

Main article: Ógra Fianna Fáil

Fianna Fáil's youth wing is called Ógra Fianna Fáil. Formed in 1975, it plays an active role in recruiting new members and supporting election campaigns. Ógra also plays an important role in the party organisation, where it has five representatives on the Ard Chomhairle (National Executive).[citation needed]

Senator Thomas Byrne was the last nominated head or Cathaoirleach (Chairperson) of Ógra Fianna Fáil, before the youth wing introduced widespread organisational reform following the heavy electoral defeat suffered by the whole party in 2011.[citation needed]

Fianna Fáil and Northern Ireland politics

On 17 September 2007, Fianna Fáil announced that the party would for the first time organise in Northern Ireland. The then Foreign Minister Dermot Ahern was asked to chair a committee on the matter: "In the period ahead Dermot Ahern will lead efforts to develop that strategy for carrying through this policy, examining timescales and structures. We will act gradually and strategically. We are under no illusions. It will not be easy. It will challenge us all. But I am confident we will succeed".[82]

The party embarked on its first ever recruitment drive north of the border in September 2007 in northern universities, and established two 'Political Societies', the William Drennan Cumann in Queens University, Belfast, and the Watty Graham Cumann in UU Magee, Derry, which subsequently became official units of Fianna Fáil's youth wing, attaining full membership and voting rights, and attained official voting delegates at the 2012 Árd Fheis. On 23 February 2008, it was announced that a former Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) councillor, Colonel Harvey Bicker, had joined Fianna Fáil.[83]

Bertie Ahern announced on 7 December 2007 that Fianna Fáil had been registered in Northern Ireland by the UK Electoral Commission.[84] The party's Ard Fheis in 2009 unanimously passed a motion to organise in Northern Ireland by establishing forums, rather than cumainn, in each of its six counties. In December 2009, Fianna Fáil secured its first Northern Ireland Assembly MLA when Gerry McHugh, an independent MLA, announced he had joined the party.[85] Mr. McHugh confirmed that although he had joined the party, he would continue to sit as an independent MLA. In June 2010, Fianna Fáil opened its first official office in Northern Ireland, in Crossmaglen, County Armagh. The then Taoiseach Brian Cowen officially opened the office, accompanied by Ministers Éamon Ó Cuív and Dermot Ahern and Deputies Rory O’Hanlon and Margaret Conlon. Discussing the party's slow development towards all-Ireland politics, Mr. Cowen observed: "We have a very open and pragmatic approach. We are a constitutional republican party and we make no secret of the aspirations on which this party was founded. It has always been very clear in our mind what it is we are seeking to achieve, that is to reconcile this country and not being prisoners of our past history. To be part of a generation that will build a new Ireland, an Ireland of which we can all be proud".[86]

As of 2007, Fianna Fáil has been a registered and recognised party in Northern Ireland.[87] However, it has not contested any elections in the region. At the party's 2014 Ard Fheis, a motion was passed without debate to stand candidates for election north of the border for the first time in 2019.[88]

In 2017, Omagh councillor Sorcha McAnespy said she wished to run in the 2019 Northern Ireland local government election in the constituency under a Fianna Fáil ticket.[89] In October 2017 she was elected as northern representative on the party's national executive, the "committee of 15".[90]

Since 24 January 2019, the party have been in partnership with the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)[91] formerly the main Irish nationalist party in Northern Ireland, but now smaller than Sinn Féin. There had long been speculation about the eventual partnership for several years prior. This was initially met with a negative reaction from Seamus Mallon, former Deputy Leader of the SDLP, who stated he would be opposed to any such merger. Former leader of the SDLP Margaret Ritchie originally stated publicly that she opposed any merger, announcing to the Labour Party Conference that such a merger would not happen on her "watch". On 10 January 2019, Richie stated that she now supported a new partnership with Fianna Fáil.[92]

Both Fianna Fáil and the SDLP currently have shared policies on key areas including addressing the current political situation in Northern Ireland, improving public services in both jurisdictions of Ireland, such as healthcare and education, and bringing about the further unity and cooperation of the people on the island and arrangements for a future poll on Irish reunification.[93][94]

In European institutions

In the European Parliament from 1999 to 2009, Fianna Fáil was a leading member of Union for Europe of the Nations (UEN), a small national-conservative and Eurosceptic parliamentary group. European political commentators had often noted substantive ideological differences between the party and its colleagues, whose strongly conservative stances had at times prompted domestic criticism of Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil MEPs had been an attached to the European Progressive Democrats (1973–1984), European Democratic Alliance (1984–1995), and Union for Europe (1995–1999) groups before the creation of UEN.[citation needed]

Party headquarters, over the objections of some MEPs, had made several attempts to sever the party's links to the European right, including an aborted 2004 agreement to join the European Liberal Democrat and Reform (ELDR) Party, with whom it already sat in the Council of Europe under the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) banner. On 27 February 2009, Taoiseach Brian Cowen announced that Fianna Fáil proposed to join the ELDR Party and intended to sit with them in the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) Group in the European Parliament after the 2009 European elections.[95] The change was made official on 17 April 2009, when FF joined the ELDR Party.[citation needed]

In October 2009, it was reported that Fianna Fáil had irritated its new Liberal colleagues by failing to vote for the motion on press freedom in Italy (resulting in its defeat by a majority of one in the Parliament) and by trying to scupper their party colleagues' initiative for gay rights.[96] In January 2010, a report by academic experts writing for the votewatch.eu site found that FF "do not seem to toe the political line" of the ALDE Group "when it comes to budget and civil liberties" issues.[76]

In the 2014 European elections, Fianna Fáil received 22.3% of first-preference votes but only returned a single MEP, a reduction in representation of two MEPs from the previous term. This was due to a combination of the party's vote further dropping in Dublin and a two candidate strategy in the Midlands North West constituency, which backfired, resulting in sitting MEP Pat "the Cope" Gallagher losing his seat.[97][98][99] On 23 June 2014, returning MEP Brian Crowley announced that he intended to sit with the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) rather than the ALDE group during the upcoming 8th term of the European parliament.[100] The following day on 24 June 2014 Crowley had the Fianna Fáil party whip withdrawn.[101] He has since been re-added to Fianna Fáil's website.[102]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Fianna Fáil had two MEPs elected at the 2019 European Parliament election. Barry Andrews, the fourth candidate elected for Dublin, did not take his seat until the UK left the EU and its MEPs vacated their seats on 31 January 2020.

References

  1. ^ "Fianna Fail". UCD.ie. 16 May 1926. Retrieved 16 January 2014.
  2. ^ Hurley, Sandra (15 June 2020), Selling the deal: Party memberships have final say on government, RTÉ, retrieved 15 June 2020
  3. ^ Lubomír Kopecek; Vít Hloušek (2010). Origin, Ideology and Transformation of Political Parties: East-Central and Western Europe Compared. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 157. ISBN 978-1-4094-9977-0.
  4. ^ Oddbjørn Knutsen (2006). Class Voting in Western Europe: A Comparative Longitudinal Study. Lexington Books. p. 39. ISBN 978-0-7391-1095-9.
  5. ^ a b T. Banchoff (1999). Legitimacy and the European Union. Taylor & Francis. p. 130. ISBN 978-0-415-18188-4. Retrieved 19 October 2017.
  6. ^ a b George A. Kourvetaris; Andreas Moschonas (1996). The Impact of European Integration: Political, Sociological, and Economic Changes. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 208. ISBN 978-0-275-95356-0. Retrieved 26 August 2012.
  7. ^ a b c Ian Budge; David Robertson; Derek Hearl (1987). Ideology, Strategy and Party Change: Spatial Analyses of Post-War Election Programmes in 19 Democracies. Cambridge University Press. p. 137. ISBN 978-0-521-30648-5. Retrieved 26 August 2012.
  8. ^ a b Budge, Ian (25 July 2008). "Great Britain and Ireland: Variations in Party Government". In Colomer, Josep M. (ed.). Comparative European Politics (3rd ed.). Routledge. p. 31. ISBN 978-1-134-07354-2.
  9. ^ Teague, Paul; Donaghey, Jimmy. "Social Partnership and Democratic Legitimacy in Ireland" (PDF). International Labour and Employment Relations Association.
  10. ^ Quinn, Ben; Johnston, Chris (27 February 2016). "Ireland general election: Irish PM admits his coalition has been rejected – live". The Guardian. …the possibility of a grand coalition between Ireland's two centrist, sometimes right-of-centre, Christian democratic parties: Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil.
  11. ^ Richard Dunphy (2015). "Ireland". In Donatella M. Viola (ed.). Routledge Handbook of European Elections. Routledge. p. 247. ISBN 978-1-317-50363-7.
  12. ^ O'Loughlin, Michael. "Republicanism still a potent link between Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin". Irish Times. Retrieved 12 February 2020.
  13. ^ Marsh, Michael. "Fianna Fáil; History, Policies, & Facts". Encyclopedia Brittanica. Retrieved 29 July 2020.
  14. ^ Hayward, Katy; Fallon, Jonathan (2009). "Fianna Fáil: Tenacious Localism, Tenuous Europeanism". Irish Political Studies. 24 (4): 491–509. doi:10.1080/07907180903274784. S2CID 143864920.
  15. ^ Routledge Handbook of European Elections. P.247. Chapter author - Richard Dunphy. Book edited by Donatella M. Viola. Published by Routledge in London in 2015.
  16. ^ Fianna Fail on election footing now, says Martin. Irish Independent. Author - Daniel McConnell. Published 1 January 2015. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
  17. ^ Micheal Martin to replace Brian Cowen as Fianna Fail leader. The Telegraph. Published 26 January 2011. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
  18. ^ Weakened Irish PM faces delicate balancing act. EUobserver. Author - Shona Murray. Published 12 May 2016. Retrieved 18 July 2017.
  19. ^ George Taylor; Brendan Flynn (2008). "The Irish Greens". In E. Gene Frankland; Paul Lucardie; Benoît Rihoux (eds.). Green Parties in Transition: The End of Grass-roots Democracy?. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 97. ISBN 978-0-7546-7429-0.
  20. ^ John Barlow; David Farnham; Sylvia Horton; F.F. Ridley (2016). "Comparing Public Managers". In David Farnham; Annie Hondeghem; Sylvia Horton; John Barlow (eds.). New Public Managers in Europe: Public Servants in Transition. Springer. p. 19. ISBN 978-1-349-13947-7.
  21. ^ Titley, Gavan (24 February 2011). "Beyond the yin and yang of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil". The Guardian. London.
  22. ^ Noel Whelan (2011). A History of Fianna Fáil: The outstanding biography of the party. Gill & Macmillan Ltd. p. 219. ISBN 978-0717147618. Retrieved 1 June 2019.
  23. ^ "Fianna Fáil". Lexico UK English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. n.d. Retrieved 14 August 2019.
  24. ^ "Fianna Fáil". Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English. Longman. Retrieved 14 August 2019.
  25. ^ Ó Dónaill, Niall (1977). (advisory ed. Tomás de Bhaldraithe) (ed.). Foclóir Gaeilge-Béarla (in Irish). Dublin: An Gúm. pp. 512, 540. ISBN 978-1-85791-037-7.,
  26. ^ "About Fianna Fáil". Fianna Fáil. Archived from the original on 14 November 2017. Retrieved 26 January 2016. The party's name incorporates the words 'The Republican Party' in its title.
  27. ^ T. Banchoff (1999). Legitimacy and the European Union. Taylor & Francis. p. 127. ISBN 978-0-415-18188-4. Retrieved 26 August 2012.
  28. ^ Kopecek, Dr Lubomír; Hloušek, Dr Vít (28 March 2013). Origin, Ideology and Transformation of Political Parties: East-Central and Western Europe Compared. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 978-1-4094-9977-0.
  29. ^ Knutsen, Oddbjørn (2006). Class Voting in Western Europe: A Comparative Longitudinal Study. Lexington Books. ISBN 978-0-7391-1095-9.
  30. ^ Banchoff, Thomas F.; Smith, Mitchell P. (1999). Legitimacy and the European Union: The Contested Polity. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-18188-4.
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Further reading

  • Joe Ambrose (2006) Dan Breen and the IRA, Douglas Village, Cork : Mercier Press, 223 p., ISBN 1-85635-506-3
  • Bruce Arnold (2001) Jack Lynch: Hero in Crisis, Dublin : Merlin, 250p. ISBN 1-903582-06-7
  • Tim Pat Coogan (1993) De Valera : long fellow, long shadow, London : Hutchinson, 772 p., ISBN 0-09-175030-X
  • Joe Joyce and Peter Murtagh (1983) The Boss: Charles J. Haughey in government, Swords, Dublin : Poolbeg Press, 400 p., ISBN 0-905169-69-7
  • Stephen Kelly (2013),Fianna Fáil, Partition and Northern Ireland, Kildare : Irish Academic Press ISBN 978-0716531869
  • Stephen Kelly (2016), 'A failed political entity': Charles J. Haughey and the Northern Ireland question, 1945-1992, Kildare: Merrion Press ISBN 9781785370984
  • F.S.L. Lyons (1985) Ireland Since the Famine, 2nd rev. ed., London : FontanaPress, 800 p., ISBN 0-00-686005-2
  • Dorothy McCardle (1968) The Irish Republic. A documented chronicle of the Anglo-Irish conflict and the partitioning of Ireland, with a detailed account of the period 1916–1923, etc., 989 p., ISBN 0-552-07862-X
  • Donnacha Ó Beacháin (2010) Destiny of the Soldiers: Fianna Fáil, Irish Republicanism and the IRA, 1926-1973, Gill and Macmillan, 540 p., ISBN 0-71714-763-0
  • T. Ryle Dwyer (2001) Nice fellow : a biography of Jack Lynch, Cork : Mercier Press, 416 p., ISBN 1-85635-368-0
  • T. Ryle Dwyer (1999) Short fellow : a biography of Charles J. Haughey, Dublin : Marino, 477 p., ISBN 1-86023-100-4
  • T. Ryle Dwyer, (1997) Fallen Idol : Haughey's controversial career, Cork : Mercier Press, 191 p., ISBN 1-85635-202-1
  • Raymond Smith (1986) Haughey and O'Malley : The quest for power, Dublin : Aherlow, 295 p., ISBN 1-870138-00-7
  • Tim Ryan (1994) Albert Reynolds : the Longford leader : the unauthorised biography, Dublin : Blackwater Press, 226 p., ISBN 0-86121-549-4
  • Dick Walsh (1986) The Party: Inside Fianna Fáil, Dublin : Gill & Macmillan, 161 p., ISBN 0-7171-1446-5
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