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The share of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1991

Croatisation or Croatization (Serbo-Croatian: kroatizacija / хрватизација or pohrvaćenje / похрваћење; Italian: croatizzazione) is a process of cultural assimilation, and its consequences, in which people or lands ethnically only partially Croatian or non-Croatian become Croatian.

Croatisation of Serbs

Religion

Serbs in the Roman Catholic Croatian Military Frontier were out of the jurisdiction of the Serbian Patriarchate of Peć and in 1611, after demands from the community, the Pope established the Eparchy of Marča (Vratanija) with its seat at the Serbian-built Marča Monastery. He instated a Byzantine vicar as bishop, sub-ordinate to the Roman Catholic bishop of Zagreb, working to bring Serbian Orthodox Christians into communion with Rome which caused a struggle of power between the Catholics and the Serbs over the region.[1][2] In 1695, the Serbian Orthodox Eparchy of Lika-Krbava and Zrinopolje was established by metropolitan Atanasije Ljubojevic and certified by Emperor Joseph I in 1707.[3][4][page needed] In 1735, Orthodox Serbs protested in the Marča Monastery and it then became a part of the Serbian Orthodox Church until 1753 when the Pope restored the Roman Catholic clergy.[5][6] On June 17, 1777, the Eparchy of Križevci was permanently established by Pope Pius VI with its see at Križevci, near Zagreb, thus forming the Croatian Greek Catholic Church which would after World War I include other people; Rusyns and Ukrainians of Yugoslavia.[7]

Croatisation of Italians in Dalmatia

Austrian linguistic map from 1896. In green the areas where Slavs were the majority of the population, in orange the areas where Istrian Italians and Dalmatian Italians were the majority of the population. The boundaries of Venetian Dalmatia in 1797 are delimited with blue dots.

Even with a predominant Croatian majority, Dalmatia retained relatively large Italian communities in the coast (Italian majority in some cities and islands, largest concentration in Istria). Many Dalmatian Italians looked with sympathy towards the Risorgimento movement that fought for the unification of Italy.[8] However, after 1866, when the Veneto and Friuli regions were ceded by the Austrians to the newly formed Kingdom of Italy, Dalmatia remained part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, together with other Italian-speaking areas on the eastern Adriatic. This triggered the gradual rise of Italian irredentism among many Italians in Dalmatia, who demanded the unification of the Austrian Littoral, Fiume and Dalmatia with Italy. The Italians in Dalmatia supported the Italian Risorgimento: as a consequence, the Austrians saw the Italians as enemies and favored the Croatian communities of Dalmatia.[9]

During the meeting of the Council of Ministers of 12 November 1866, Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria outlined a wide-ranging project aimed at the Germanization or Slavization of the areas of the empire with an Italian presence:[10]

His Majesty expressed the precise order that action be taken decisively against the influence of the Italian elements still present in some regions of the Crown and, appropriately occupying the posts of public, judicial, masters employees as well as with the influence of the press, work in South Tyrol, Dalmatia and Littoral for the Germanization and Slavization of these territories according to the circumstances, with energy and without any regard. His Majesty calls the central offices to the strong duty to proceed in this way to what has been established.

— Franz Joseph I of Austria, Council of the Crown of 12 November 1866[9][11]
Proportion of Dalmatian Italians in districts of Dalmatia in 1910, per the Austro-Hungarian census

Dalmatia, especially its maritime cities, once had a substantial local Italian-speaking population (Dalmatian Italians), making up 33% of the total population of Dalmatia in 1803,[12][13] but this was reduced to 20% in 1816.[14] In Dalmatia there was a constant decline in the Italian population, in a context of repression that also took on violent connotations.[15] During this period, Austrians carried out an aggressive anti-Italian policy through a forced Slavization of Dalmatia.[16] According to Austrian censuses, the Italian speakers in Dalmatia formed 12.5% of the population in 1865,[17] but this was reduced to 2.8% in 1910.[18]

The Italian population in Dalmatia was concentrated in the major cities. In the city of Split in 1890 there were 1,969 Italians (12.5% of the population), in Zadar 7,423 (64.6%), in Šibenik 1,018 (14.5%) and in Dubrovnik 331 (4.6%).[19] In other Dalmatian localities, according to Austrian censuses, Italians experienced a sudden decrease: in the twenty years 1890-1910, in Rab they went from 225 to 151, in Vis from 352 to 92, in Pag from 787 to 23, completely disappearing in almost all the inland locations.

There are several reasons for the decrease of the Dalmatian Italian population following the rise of European nationalism in the 19th century:[20]

  • The conflict with the Austrian rulers caused by the Italian "Risorgimento".
  • The emergence of Croatian nationalism and Italian irredentism (see Risorgimento), and the subsequent conflict of the two.
  • The emigration of many Dalmatians toward the growing industrial regions of northern Italy before World War I and North and South America.
  • Multi generational assimilation of anyone who married out of their social class and/or nationality – as perpetuated by similarities in education, religion, dual linguistic distribution, mainstream culture and economical output.

In 1909 the Italian language lost its status as the official language of Dalmatia in favor of Croatian only (previously both languages were recognized): thus Italian could no longer be used in the public and administrative sphere.[21] After the World War I, Dalmatia was annexed to Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and the Italian community underwent a policy of forced Croatisation.[22] The majority of the Italian Dalmatian minority decided to transfer in the Kingdom of Italy.[23]

During the Italian occupation of Dalmatia in World War II, it was caught in the ethnic violence towards non-Italians during fascist repression. What remained of the Italian community in Dalmatia fled the area after World War II during the Istrian–Dalmatian exodus:[24] from 1947, after the war, Dalmatian Italians were subject by Yugoslav authorities to forms of intimidation, such as nationalization, expropriation, and discriminatory taxation,[25] which gave them little option other than emigration.[26][27][28]

In 2001 about 500 Italians were counted in Dalmatia. In particular, according to the official Croatian census of 2011, there are 83 Italians in Split (equal to 0.05% of the total population), 16 in Šibenik (0.03%) and 27 in Dubrovnik (0.06%).[29] According to the official Croatian census of 2021, there are 63 Italians in Zadar (equal to 0.09% of the total population).[30]

Croatisation in Bosnia and Herzegovina

19th century

Antun Knežević was a staunch proponent of Bosniak national identity, while being an active member of the Illyrian Movement.[31]

During the 19th century, with the emergence of ideologies and active political engagements on introduction of ethno-national identity and nationhood among South Slavs, strong pressure was exerted on Bosnia and Herzegovina's diverse religious communities from outside forces, mainly from Serbia and Croatia.[32] At the time, this pressure provoked some resistance, especially among Bosnian Franciscans, some of whom fiercely advocated against imminent Croatisation of Bosnian Catholics on one side, as well as imminent Serbianisation of Bosnian Orthodox people on the other, as prominent friar and historian, Antun Knežević, called them in his works, Catholic Bosniaks and Orthodox Bosniaks. Knežević's position and doctrine was that all Bosnians or Bosniaks are one people of three faiths, and that up to late 19th century, Croatian identity (and/or Serbian for that matter) never existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina.[33] Although Fra Antun Knežević was not a unique phenomenon in this sense, he was certainly among the most articulate ones, and along with Fra. Ivan Franjo Jukić, who was his teacher and mentor earlier in his life and from whom he learned and adopted ideas, championed the notion that Catholics, Orthodox and Muslims are one nation and Bosnia and Herzegovina the country with deep cultural and historical roots. These two had the strongest impact and left the deepest mark on Bosnian culture and history, albeit insufficient to eventually halt the process. Even earlier, since at least the 17th century, many other members of the Franciscan order in Bosnia were developing and adopting the idea of a Bosniak identity regardless of religion, nurturing it within the brotherhood and carrying it over into 18th and 19th century.[34][35][36][37][38][39]

Meanwhile, contemporary scholars saw Croatisation as a long lasting process of influencing and changing historical memory, through various methods and strategies.[32] Dubravko Lovrenović, for instance, saw it as influencing a reception and interpretation of Bosnian medieval times, underlining its contemporary usage via revision and re-interpretation, in forms spanning from historical mythmaking by domestic and especially neighboring ethno-religious and nationalist elites, to identity and culture politics, often based on fringe science and public demagoguery of academic elite, with language and material heritage in its midst.[32]

Late 20th century

Bosnia and Herzegovina territory controlled just before Dayton Agreement in 1995.
  Croatian Defense Council
  Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina
  Vojska Republike Srpske

Following the establishment of the Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia in November 1991, and especially from May 1992 forward, the Herzeg-Bosnia leadership engaged in continuing and coordinated efforts to dominate and "Croatise" (or ethnically cleanse) the municipalities which they claimed were part of Herzeg-Bosnia, with increasing persecution and discrimination directed against the Bosniak population.[40] The Croatian Defence Council (HVO), the military formation of Croats, took control of many municipal governments and services, removing or marginalising local Bosniak leaders.[41] Herzeg-Bosnia authorities and Croat military forces took control of the media and imposed Croatian ideas and propaganda.[42] Croatian symbols and currency were introduced, and Croatian curricula and the Croatian language were introduced in schools. Many Bosniaks were removed from positions in government and private business; humanitarian aid was managed and distributed to the Bosniaks' disadvantage; and Bosniaks in general were increasingly harassed.[citation needed] Many of them were deported to concentration camps: Heliodrom, Dretelj, Gabela, Vojno, and Šunje.

Following the breakup of Yugoslavia, the official language Serbo-Croatian broke up into separate official languages and the process in relation to Croatian involved the Croatisation of its lexicon.[43]

Croatisation in the NDH

Main article: Genocide of Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia
Division of Yugoslavia after its invasion by the Axis powers during the World War II.
  Areas annexed by Italy: the area constituting the province of Ljubljana, the area merged with the province of Fiume and the areas making up the Governorate of Dalmatia
  Independent State of Croatia (NDH)
  Area occupied by Nazi Germany
  Areas occupied by Kingdom of Hungary

The Croatisation during Independent State of Croatia (NDH) was aimed primarily towards Serbs, and to a lesser degree, towards Jews and Roma. The Ustaše aim was a "pure Croatia" and the main target was the ethnic Serb population of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The ministers of NDH announced the goals and strategies of the Ustaše in May 1941. The same statements and similar or related ones were also repeated in public speeches by single ministers, such as Mile Budak in Gospić and, a month later, by Mladen Lorković.[44]

  • One third of the Serbs (in the Independent State of Croatia) were to be forcibly converted to Catholicism
  • One third of the Serbs were to be expelled (ethnically cleansed)
  • One third of the Serbs were to be killed

A Croatian Orthodox Church was established in order to try and pacify the state as well as to Croatisize the remaining Serb population once the Ustaše realized that the complete eradication of Serbs in the NDH was unattainable.[45]

Notable individuals who voluntarily Croatised

Other

Notable individuals, of Croatian origin, partially Magyarized through intermarriages and then Croatized again, include families:

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Z. Kudelić, Isusovačko izvješće o krajiškim nemirima 1658. i 1666. godine, Hrvatski institut za povijest, 2007, page 121
  2. ^ Ducreux, Marie-Élizabeth (2001). "Frontiers of faith: religious exchange and the constitution of religious identities 1400–175". Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales. 57 (3): 812–815. doi:10.1017/s0395264900034983. ISSN 0395-2649. S2CID 147078894.
  3. ^ Mileusnić, Slobodan (2007). "Spiritual genocide". www.intratext.com. Retrieved 6 March 2021.
  4. ^ Horvat, Rudolf (1941). Lika i Krbava: Povijesne slike, crtice i bilješke. Mala knjižnica Matice Hrvatske, VI (31). Zagreb: Matica hrvatska. Retrieved 21 January 2023.
  5. ^ Horvat, Zorislav (2018). "Samostan u Marči - ostatci ostataka".
  6. ^ "Manastir Marča – Mitropolija zagrebačko-ljubljanska" (in Serbian). Retrieved 6 March 2021.
  7. ^ Ikić, Niko (2019). "POVIJESNO-EKLEZIJALNI POGLED NA UNIJU U HRVATSKOJ IZ 1611. GODINE – RAST POTEŠKOĆA SJEDINJENJA, SMANJIVANJE CRKVENOG POVJERENJA". Faculty of Catholic Theology in Sarajevo.
  8. ^ "Trieste, Istria, Fiume e Dalmazia: una terra contesa" (in Italian). Retrieved 2 June 2021.
  9. ^ a b Die Protokolle des Österreichischen Ministerrates 1848/1867. V Abteilung: Die Ministerien Rainer und Mensdorff. VI Abteilung: Das Ministerium Belcredi, Wien, Österreichischer Bundesverlag für Unterricht, Wissenschaft und Kunst 1971
  10. ^ Die Protokolle des Österreichischen Ministerrates 1848/1867. V Abteilung: Die Ministerien Rainer und Mensdorff. VI Abteilung: Das Ministerium Belcredi, Wien, Österreichischer Bundesverlag für Unterricht, Wissenschaft und Kunst 1971, vol. 2, p. 297. Citazione completa della fonte e traduzione in Luciano Monzali, Italiani di Dalmazia. Dal Risorgimento alla Grande Guerra, Le Lettere, Firenze 2004, p. 69.)
  11. ^ Jürgen Baurmann, Hartmut Gunther and Ulrich Knoop (1993). Homo scribens : Perspektiven der Schriftlichkeitsforschung (in German). Walter de Gruyter. p. 279. ISBN 3484311347.
  12. ^ Bartoli, Matteo (1919). Le parlate italiane della Venezia Giulia e della Dalmazia (in Italian). Tipografia italo-orientale. p. 16.[ISBN unspecified]
  13. ^ Seton-Watson, Christopher (1967). Italy from Liberalism to Fascism, 1870–1925. Methuen. p. 107. ISBN 9780416189407.
  14. ^ "Dalmazia", Dizionario enciclopedico italiano (in Italian), vol. III, Treccani, 1970, p. 729
  15. ^ Raimondo Deranez (1919). Particolari del martirio della Dalmazia (in Italian). Ancona: Stabilimento Tipografico dell'Ordine.
  16. ^ Angelo Filipuzzi (1966). La campagna del 1866 nei documenti militari austriaci: operazioni terrestri (in Italian). University of Padova. p. 396.[ISBN unspecified]
  17. ^ Peričić, Šime (19 September 2003). "O broju Talijana/talijanaša u Dalmaciji XIX. stoljeća". Radovi Zavoda za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Zadru (in Croatian) (45): 342. ISSN 1330-0474.
  18. ^ "Spezialortsrepertorium der österreichischen Länder I-XII, Wien, 1915–1919" (in German). Archived from the original on 29 May 2013.
  19. ^ Guerrino Perselli, I censimenti della popolazione dell'Istria, con Fiume e Trieste e di alcune città della Dalmazia tra il 1850 e il 1936, Centro di Ricerche Storiche - Rovigno, Unione Italiana - Fiume, Università Popolare di Trieste, Trieste-Rovigno, 1993
  20. ^ Seton-Watson, Christopher (1967). Italy from Liberalism to Fascism, 1870–1925. Methuen. pp. 47–48. ISBN 9780416189407.
  21. ^ "Dalmazia", Dizionario enciclopedico italiano (in Italian), vol. III, Treccani, 1970, p. 730
  22. ^ "Italiani di Dalmazia: 1919-1924" di Luciano Monzali
  23. ^ "Il primo esodo dei Dalmati: 1870, 1880 e 1920 - Secolo Trentino". Archived from the original on 25 February 2021. Retrieved 16 May 2023.
  24. ^ Društvo književnika Hrvatske, Bridge, Volume 1995, Numbers 9–10, Croatian literature series – Ministarstvo kulture, Croatian Writer's Association, 1989
  25. ^ Pamela Ballinger (7 April 2009). Genocide: Truth, Memory, and Representation. Duke University Press. p. 295. ISBN 978-0822392361. Retrieved 30 December 2015.
  26. ^ Tesser, L. (14 May 2013). Ethnic Cleansing and the European Union – Page 136, Lynn Tesser. Springer. ISBN 9781137308771.
  27. ^ Ballinger, Pamela (2003). History in Exile: Memory and Identity at the Borders of the Balkans. Princeton University Press. p. 103. ISBN 0691086974.
  28. ^ Anna C. Bramwell, University of Oxford, UK (1988). Refugees in the Age of Total War. pp. 139, 143. ISBN 9780044451945.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  29. ^ "Central Bureau of Statistics". Retrieved 27 August 2018.
  30. ^ "Central Bureau of Statistics". Retrieved 25 January 2023.
  31. ^ Marko Atilla Hoare, (2007), The history of Bosnia: from the Middle ages to the Present day, p.60
  32. ^ a b c Lovrenović, Dubravko (2013). Govedarica, Blagoje (ed.). "Kroatizacija bosanskog srednjovjekovlja u svjetlu interkonfesionalnosti stecaka (O jednom modelu promjene historijskog pamcenja)" [Croatization of the Bosnian Middle Ages in Light of the Religious Character of Stecak Tombstones (About a model of the changing the historical memory)]. Godišnjak/Jahrbuch (in Serbo-Croatian). 42. Centar za balkanološka ispitivanja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine [ Centre for Balkan Studies of the Academy sciences and arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina ]: 103–130. doi:10.5644/Godisnjak.CBI.ANUBiH-40. ISSN 2232-7770.
  33. ^ Truhelka, Ćiro (1 October 1930). "Jedno zanimljivo pismo bosanskog historičara fra Ante Kneževića". Narodna starina (in Bosnian). 9 (22). hrcak.srce.hr: 227–233. ISSN 1849-1510. Retrieved 16 March 2019.
  34. ^ Zemljopis i poviestnica Bosne. Internet Archive. 1851. Retrieved 13 January 2012.
  35. ^ Zemljopis i poviestnica Bosne by Ivan Frano Jukić as Slavoljub Bošnjak, Zagreb, 1851, UDC 911.3(497.15)
  36. ^ Putpisi i istorisko-etnografski radovi by Ivan Frano Jukić as Slavoljub Bošnjak ASIN: B004TK99S6
  37. ^ "Kratka povjest kralja bosanskih". Dobra knjiga. Archived from the original on 21 October 2013. Retrieved 13 January 2012.
  38. ^ "Predstavljanje: Kratka povjest kralja bosanskih". visoko.co.ba.vinet.ba. Archived from the original on 27 July 2012. Retrieved 13 January 2012.
  39. ^ Kratka povjest kralja bosanskih by Antun Knežević ISBN 978-9958-688-68-3
  40. ^ "ICTY: Blaškić verdict – A. The Lasva Valley: May 1992 – January 1993 c) The municipality of Kiseljak".
  41. ^ "ICTY: Blaškić verdict – A. The Lasva Valley: May 1992 – January 1993 – b) The municipality of Busovača".
  42. ^ "ICTY: Blaškić verdict — A. The Lasva Valley: May 1992 – January 1993 – c) The municipality of Kiseljak". the authorities created a radio station which broadcast nationalist propaganda
  43. ^ Todorova-Pirgova, Iveta (2001). "Langue Et Esprit National: Mythe, Folklore, Identité". Ethnologie Française. 31 (2): 291. doi:10.3917/ethn.012.0287.
  44. ^ Eric Gobetti, "L' occupazione allegra. Gli italiani in Jugoslavia (1941–1943)", Carocci, 2007, 260 pages; ISBN 88-430-4171-1, ISBN 978-88-430-4171-8, quoting from V. Novak, Sarajevo 1964 and Savez jevrejskih opstina FNR Jugoslavije, Beograd 1952
  45. ^ Tomasevich, Jozo (2001). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945: Occupation and Collaboration. Stanford University Press. p. 547. ISBN 978-0-80477-924-1.
  46. ^ Krapina C Archived 27 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine
  47. ^ Dora Pejačević[4] ANCESTRY[5][6][7] Dora Pejačević Budapest, 1885 – Munich, 1923 (Roman Catholic) Father: Teodor Pejačević Našice, 1855 – Vienna, 1928) (Roman Catholic) Grandfather: Ladislav Pejačević [8][9] (Sopron, 18 – Našice, Veröce 1901 ) (Roman Catholic) Great-grandfather: Ferdinánd Pejačević[10] Sopron1800-Graz,(A) 1878(...) (Roman Catholic)(mother:Erdödy) Great-grandmother: Mária Döry de Jobaháza[11] Zomba, 1800 – Zalabér, Zala 1880) (Roman Catholic) mother: felsöbüki Julianna Nagy Grandmother: Gabriella Döry de Jobaháza? Zomba 1830 – Našice 1913) (Roman Catholic) Great-grandfather: Gábor Döry de Jóbaháza[12] (Pécs 1803, Szentgál 1871) (Roman Catholic) (mother: felsöbüki Júlia Nagy 1766-1828) Great-grandmother: Erzsébet Döry de Jóbaháza Zomba 1806 – Našice 18... (Roman Catholic) (f: Pál Döry/ m: Anna Krisztina Tallián, 1787 Ádánd-1809 Pécs) Mother: Elisabeth Vay Alsózsolca, Borsod 1860-1941 (Roman Catholic) Grandfather: báró vajai Béla Vay (1829 Alsózsolca, Borsod-1910 Alsózsolca- ) (Roman Catholic) Great-grandfather: báró vajai Lajos Vay 1803 Golop, Borsod – 1888 Vatta ) (Roman Catholic) Great-grandmother: gróf Erzsébet Teleki de Szék. (1812 Sáromberke, Maros-Torda – 1881 Budapest) (Roman Catholic) Grandmother: gróf széki Zsófia Teleki Gernyeszeg 1836, Maros-Torda, Transylvania, – , 1898) (Roman Catholic) Great-grandfather: gróf Domokos Teleki de Szék 1810 Marosvásárhely, Maros-Torda – 1876 Kolozsvár, Kolozs (Roman Catholic) Great-grandmother: Jozefa Bánffy de Losonc 1810 Déva, Hunyad (Roman Catholic)
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