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1
Name of the user account (user_name)
'EsteemedIntellectual42069'
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Page title without namespace (page_title)
'Race and crime'
Full page title (page_prefixedtitle)
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New content model (new_content_model)
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Old page wikitext, before the edit (old_wikitext)
'{{Globalize|date=December 2016}} {{Race}} [[Race (classification of human beings)|Race]] is one of the [[correlates of crime]] receiving attention in academic studies, government surveys, media coverage, and public concern. Research suggests that police practices, such as [[racial profiling]], over-policing in areas populated by minorities, and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects.<ref name=":2">{{Cite journal|last=Warren|first=Patricia Y.|last2=Tomaskovic-Devey|first2=Donald|date=2009-05-01|title=Racial profiling and searches: Did the politics of racial profiling change police behavior?|journal=Criminology & Public Policy|language=en|volume=8|issue=2|pages=343–369|doi=10.1111/j.1745-9133.2009.00556.x}}</ref><ref name="MoJ p. 82">''[https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/217822/stats-race-and-the-criminal-justice-system-2008-09c1.pdf Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System 2008/09]'', p.&nbsp;8., 22</ref><ref name=":52">{{Cite journal|last=West|first=Jeremy|date=February 2018|title=Racial Bias in Police Investigations|url=https://people.ucsc.edu/~jwest1/articles/West_RacialBiasPolice.pdf|journal=Working Paper}}</ref><ref name=":3">{{Cite journal|last=Donohue III|first=John J.|last2=Levitt|first2=Steven D.|date=2001-01-01|title=The Impact of Race on Policing and Arrests|journal=The Journal of Law & Economics|volume=44|issue=2|pages=367–394|citeseerx=10.1.1.381.8047|doi=10.1086/322810|jstor=10.1086/322810}}</ref> Research also shows that there is racial discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to greater arrests, higher number of convictions, and longer sentences for racial minorities.<ref name=":4">{{Cite journal|last=Abrams|first=David S.|last2=Bertrand|first2=Marianne|last3=Mullainathan|first3=Sendhil|date=2012-06-01|title=Do Judges Vary in Their Treatment of Race?|url=https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/faculty_scholarship/355|journal=The Journal of Legal Studies|volume=41|issue=2|pages=347–383|doi=10.1086/666006}}</ref><ref name=":5">{{Cite journal|last=Mustard|first=David B.|date=2001|title=Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Disparities in Sentencing: Evidence from the U.S. Federal Courts|journal=The Journal of Law and Economics|volume=44|issue=1|pages=285–314|doi=10.1086/320276}}</ref><ref name=":34">{{Cite journal|last=Anwar|first=Shamena|last2=Bayer|first2=Patrick|last3=Hjalmarsson|first3=Randi|date=2012-05-01|title=The Impact of Jury Race in Criminal Trials|journal=The Quarterly Journal of Economics|language=en|volume=127|issue=2|pages=1017–1055|doi=10.1093/qje/qjs014|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref name=":6">{{Cite journal|last=Daudistel|first=Howard C.|last2=Hosch|first2=Harmon M.|last3=Holmes|first3=Malcolm D.|last4=Graves|first4=Joseph B.|date=1999-02-01|title=Effects of Defendant Ethnicity on Juries' Dispositions of Felony Cases|journal=Journal of Applied Social Psychology|language=en|volume=29|issue=2|pages=317–336|doi=10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb01389.x}}</ref><ref name=":62">{{Cite journal|last=Depew|first=Briggs|last2=Eren|first2=Ozkan|last3=Mocan|first3=Naci|year=2017|title=Judges, Juveniles, and In-Group Bias|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w22003.pdf|journal=[[Journal of Law and Economics]]|volume=60|issue=2|pages=209–239|doi=10.1086/693822}}</ref><ref name=":7">{{Cite journal|last=David|first=Arnold|last2=Will|first2=Dobbie|last3=Yang|first3=Crystal S.|date=May 2017|title=Racial Bias in Bail Decisions|journal=NBER Working Paper No. 23421|doi=10.3386/w23421|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref name=":193">{{Cite journal|last=Rehavi|first=M. Marit|last2=Starr|first2=Sonja B.|date=2014|title=Racial Disparity in Federal Criminal Sentences|url=https://repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2413&context=articles|journal=Journal of Political Economy|language=en|volume=122|issue=6|pages=1320–1354|doi=10.1086/677255|issn=0022-3808}}</ref><ref name=":8">{{Cite journal|last=Yang|first=Crystal S.|last2=Cohen|first2=Alma|date=2019|title=Judicial Politics and Sentencing Decisions|journal=American Economic Journal: Economic Policy|language=en|volume=11|issue=1|pages=160–91|doi=10.1257/pol.20170329|issn=1945-7731|doi-access=free}}</ref> == Racial disparity == The term racial disparity as it relates to crime can be defined as the proportion of a racial or ethnic group within the criminal justice system exceeding the proportion of such a group within the general population. People of color are more likely to be racially profiled and stopped.<ref name=":0">{{cite book|title=The Color of Crime|date=2009|edition=Second|last1=Russell-Brown|first1=Katheryn}}</ref> Racial disparities in the US criminal justice system worsened after 1980 following various political developments. The Nixon, Reagan and Bush administrations are credited for directing what is known as the [[War on Drugs]]. In 1986, the U.S. Congress passed laws that created a 100 to 1 sentencing disparity for the trafficking ''or possession'' of [[crack cocaine|crack]] when compared to penalties for ''trafficking'' of [[cocaine|powder cocaine]],<ref name="wa-post-dispar-2010">{{Cite news|title=Congress passes bill to reduce disparity in crack, powder cocaine sentencing|author=Jim Abrams|work=Washington Post|date=July 29, 2010|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/07/28/AR2010072802969.html}}</ref><ref name="celling-america-246-247"/><ref>{{cite web| author = United States Sentencing Commission | title = Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy | year = 2002 | page = 6 | url = http://www.ussc.gov/r_congress/02crack/2002crackrpt.pdf | archiveurl = https://web.archive.org/web/20070715212213/http://www.ussc.gov/r_congress/02crack/2002crackrpt.pdf | archivedate = July 15, 2007 | accessdate=August 24, 2010 | quote = As a result of the 1986 Act ... penalties for a first-time cocaine trafficking offense: 5 grams or more of crack cocaine = five-year mandatory minimum penalty}}</ref> which had been widely criticized as discriminatory against minorities, mostly blacks, who were more likely to use crack than powder cocaine.<ref name=WashPost>[https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/08/02/AR2010080204360.html "The Fair Sentencing Act corrects a long-time wrong in cocaine cases"], ''[[The Washington Post]]'', August 3, 2010. Retrieved September 30, 2010.</ref> Statistics from 1998 show that there were [[Race and the War on Drugs|wide racial disparities in arrests, prosecutions, sentencing and deaths]]. African-American drug users made up for 35% of drug arrests, 55% of convictions, and 74% of people sent to prison for drug possession crimes.<ref name="celling-america-246-247">Burton-Rose (ed.), 1998: pp. 246–247</ref> Nationwide, African-Americans were sent to state prisons for drug offenses 13 times more often than other races,<ref name="hrw-race-key-findings">{{cite web|url=https://www.hrw.org/legacy/campaigns/drugs/war/key-facts.htm|title=Key Findings at a Glance|work=Racial Disparities in the War on Drugs|publisher=Human Rights Watch|accessdate=February 3, 2010}}</ref> even though they only supposedly comprised 13% of regular drug users.<ref name="celling-america-246-247" /> === Causes === Racial disparity in commission of violent crime is commonly attributed to the social status and financial means of minorities. [[Poverty]] is one factor correlated with an increase in criminal activity. The correlation between poverty and criminal activity has been shown to be independent of race, with the disproportionate number of minorities in poverty being a major reason for their disproportionately high levels of criminal activity.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Ulmer|first=Jeffery T.|last2=Harris|first2=Casey T.|last3=Steffensmeier|first3=Darrell|date=2012-09-01|title=Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Structural Disadvantage and Crime: White, Black, and Hispanic Comparisons |journal=Social Science Quarterly|language=en|volume=93|issue=3|pages=799–819|doi=10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00868.x|issn=1540-6237|pmc=4097310|pmid=25035523}}</ref> Research shows that childhood exposure to violence also significantly increases the likelihood of engagement in violent behavior. When studies control for childhood exposure to violence, black and white males in the United States are equally likely to engage in violent behavior.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Aliprantis|first=Dionissi|date=2016-09-14|title=Human capital in the inner city |journal=Empirical Economics|volume=53|issue=3|language=en|pages=1125–1169|doi=10.1007/s00181-016-1160-y|issn=0377-7332|citeseerx=10.1.1.309.2417}}</ref> However, according to the Department of justice, black children are four times more likely to be incarcerated in youth facilities than whites.<ref>https://eji.org/news/black-children-five-times-more-likely-than-whites-to-be-incarcerated<</ref> Among American teens, black-white differences in violence are accounted for by differences in family income and socialization with deviant peers in school.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Haggerty |first=Kevin P. |last2=Skinner |first2=Martie L. |last3=McGlynn-Wright |first3=Anne |last4=Catalano |first4=Richard F. |last5=Crutchfield |first5=Robert D. |date=2013 |title=Parent and peer predictors of violent behavior of Black and White teens |journal=Violence and Victims |volume=28 |issue=1 |pages=145–160 |issn=0886-6708 |pmc=3767568 |pmid=23520837|doi=10.1891/0886-6708.28.1.145 }}</ref> === Discrimination by the criminal justice system in Europe === Research suggests that police practices, such as [[racial profiling]], over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects in Sweden, Italy, and England and Wales. According to the [[Racial Disparity Audit]] conducted by the Prime Minister, in 2017 minorities living in Wales and England were more than 3.5 times more likely to be arrested than whites. Likewise, this same group was far more likely to be the victims of crime with their white counterparts only having 15 percent likelihood.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Bulman |first1=May |title=Ethnic minorities most likely to be both victims and suspects of crime, UK race report finds |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/ethnic-minorities-crime-victims-perpetrators-uk-race-report-a7993521.html |website=Independent |publisher=The Independent |accessdate=30 November 2018 |language=English |date=October 11, 2017}}</ref><ref name=":23">{{Cite web|url=https://www.bra.se/bra/publikationer/arkiv/publikationer/2008-02-21-diskriminering-i-rattsprocessen.html|title=Diskriminering i rättsprocessen - Brå|website=www.bra.se|language=sv|access-date=2016-01-26}}</ref><ref name=":12">{{Cite journal|last=Hällsten|first=Martin|last2=Szulkin|first2=Ryszard|last3=Sarnecki|first3=Jerzy|date=2013-05-01|title=Crime as a Price of Inequality? The Gap in Registered Crime between Childhood Immigrants, Children of Immigrants and Children of Native Swedes |journal=British Journal of Criminology|volume=53|issue=3|pages=456–481|doi=10.1093/bjc/azt005}}</ref><ref name=":27">{{Cite book |title=Immigration, Crime, and Criminalization in Italy - Oxford Handbooks|last=Crocitti|first=Stefania|doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.029|year=2014}}</ref><ref name=":29">{{Cite journal|last=Colombo|first=Asher|date=2013-11-01|title=Foreigners and immigrants in Italy's penal and administrative detention systems |journal=European Journal of Criminology|language=en|volume=10|issue=6|pages=746–759|doi=10.1177/1477370813495128}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |title=Ethnicities, Racism, and Crime in England and Wales - Oxford Handbooks|last=Parmar|first=Alpa|doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.014|year=2014}}</ref> Research also suggests that there may be possible discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to a higher number of convictions for racial minorities in Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Germany, Denmark and France.<ref name=":23" /><ref name=":27" /><ref name=":29" /><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Holmberg|first=Lars|last2=Kyvsgaard|first2=Britta|year=2003|title=Are Immigrants and Their Descendants Discriminated against in the Danish Criminal Justice System? |journal=Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention|volume=4|issue=2|pages=125–142|doi=10.1080/14043850310020027}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |title=Case Study - Oxford Handbooks|last=Roché|first=Sebastian|last2=Gordon|first2=Mirta B.|last3=Depuiset|first3=Marie-Aude|doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.030|year=2014}}</ref><ref name=":02">{{Cite journal|last=Light|first=Michael T.|date=2016-03-01|title=The Punishment Consequences of Lacking National Membership in Germany, 1998–2010 |journal=Social Forces|language=en|volume=94|issue=3|pages=1385–1408|doi=10.1093/sf/sov084}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{Cite journal|last=Wermink|first=Hilde|last2=Johnson|first2=Brian D.|last3=Nieuwbeerta|first3=Paul|last4=Keijser|first4=Jan W. de|date=2015-11-01|title=Expanding the scope of sentencing research: Determinants of juvenile and adult punishment in the Netherlands |journal=European Journal of Criminology|language=en|volume=12|issue=6|pages=739–768|doi=10.1177/1477370815597253}}</ref> === Discrimination by the criminal justice system in the United States === {{main|Race and crime in the United States|Race in the United States criminal justice system}} Research suggests that police practices, such as [[racial profiling]], over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects.<ref name=":2" /><ref name="MoJ p. 82" /><ref name=":52" /><ref name=":3" /> Research also suggests that there may be possible discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to a higher number of convictions for racial minorities.<ref name=":4" /><ref name=":5" /><ref name=":34"/><ref name=":6" /><ref name=":62" /><ref name=":7" /><ref name=":193"/><ref name=":8" /> A 2012 study found that "(i) juries formed from all-white jury pools convict black defendants significantly (16 percentage points) more often than white defendants, and (ii) this gap in conviction rates is entirely eliminated when the jury pool includes at least one black member."<ref name=":34"/> Research has found evidence of negative in-group bias, where "black (white) juveniles who are randomly assigned to black (white) judges are more likely to get incarcerated (as opposed to being placed on probation), and they receive longer sentences."<ref name=":64">{{Cite journal|last=Depew|first=Briggs|last2=Eren|first2=Ozkan|last3=Mocan|first3=Naci|year=2017|title=Judges, Juveniles, and In-Group Bias|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w22003.pdf|journal=[[Journal of Law and Economics]]|volume=60|issue=2|pages=209–239|doi=10.1086/693822}}</ref> In-group bias has also been observed when it comes to traffic citations, as black and white cops are more likely to cite out-groups.<ref name=":54">{{Cite journal|last=West|first=Jeremy|date=February 2018|title=Racial Bias in Police Investigations|url=https://people.ucsc.edu/~jwest1/articles/West_RacialBiasPolice.pdf|journal=Working Paper}}</ref> A 2014 study in the ''[[Journal of Political Economy]]'' found that 9% of the black-white gap in sentencing could not be accounted for.<ref name=":193"/> The elimination of unexplained sentencing disparities would reduce "the level of black men in federal prison by 8,000–11,000 men [out of black male prison population of 95,000] and save $230–$320 million per year in direct costs."<ref name=":193" /> The majority of the unexplained sentencing disparity appears to occur at the point when prosecutors decide to bring charges carrying “mandatory minimum” sentences.<ref name=":193" /> A 2018 paper by Alma Cohen and Crystal Yang of [[Harvard Law School]] found that "Republican-appointed judges give substantially longer prison sentences to black offenders versus observably similar non-black offenders compared to Democratic-appointed judges within the same district court."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Cohen|first=Alma|last2=Yang|first2=Crystal|date=2018|title=Judicial Politics and Sentencing Decisions|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w24615|journal=|volume=|pages=|doi=10.3386/w24615|via=}}</ref> A 2018 study in the ''[[Quarterly Journal of Economics]]'' found that [[bail]] judges in Miami and Philadelphia were racially biased against black defendants, as white defendants had higher rates of pretrial misconduct than black defendants.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Arnold|first=David|last2=Dobbie|first2=Will|last3=Yang|first3=Crystal S.|year=2018|title=Racial Bias in Bail Decisions|journal=The Quarterly Journal of Economics|language=en|volume=133|issue=4|pages=1885–1932|doi=10.1093/qje/qjy012}}</ref> A 2018 study in the ''[[American Journal of Public Health]]'' found that black and Hispanic men were far more likely to be killed by police than white men.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Edwards|first=Frank|last2=Esposito|first2=Michael H.|last3=Lee|first3=Hedwig|date=2018-07-19|title=Risk of Police-Involved Death by Race/Ethnicity and Place, United States, 2012–2018|journal=American Journal of Public Health|language=en|volume=108|issue=9|pages=e1–e8|doi=10.2105/ajph.2018.304559|issn=0090-0036|pmid=30024797}}</ref> A 2019 study by [[Roland G. Fryer, Jr.]] found that while there are no racial differences in lethal use of police force, blacks and Hispanics are significantly more likely to experience non-lethal use of force.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Fryer|first=Roland G.|date=2018-10-30|title=An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w22399.pdf|journal=Journal of Political Economy|volume=127|issue=3|pages=1210–1261|doi=10.1086/701423|issn=0022-3808}}</ref> A 2019 paper by Princeton University political scientists disputed the findings by Fryer, saying that if police had a higher threshold for stopping whites, this might mean that the whites, Hispanics and blacks in Fryer's data are not similar.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=|first=|date=|title=The Bias Is Built In: How Administrative Records Mask Racially Biased Policing|ssrn=3336338}}</ref> Reports by the [[United States Department of Justice|Department of Justice]] have also found that police officers in Baltimore, Maryland, and Ferguson, Missouri, systemically stop, search (in some cases strip-searching) and harass black residents.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/11/us/baltimore-police-bias-report.html|title=Findings of Police Bias in Baltimore Validate What Many Have Long Felt|last=Stolberg|first=Sheryl Gay|date=2016-08-10|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=2016-08-11}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2015/03/04/the-12-key-highlights-from-the-dojs-scathing-ferguson-report/|title=The 12 key highlights from the DOJ's scathing Ferguson report|website=Washington Post|access-date=2016-08-11}}</ref> A January 2017 report by the DOJ also found that the Chicago Police Department had "unconstitutionally engaged in a pattern of excessive and deadly force" and that police "have no regard for the sanctity of life when it comes to people of color."<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.cnn.com/2017/01/13/us/chicago-police-federal-investigation/index.html|title=Chicago police use excessive force, DOJ finds|author=Jason Hanna and Madison Park|website=CNN|access-date=2017-01-13}}</ref> A 2018 study found that police officers more likely to use lethal force on blacks.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Menifield|first=Charles E.|last2=Shin|first2=Geiguen|last3=Strother|first3=Logan|date=2018-06-19|title=Do White Law Enforcement Officers Target Minority Suspects?|journal=Public Administration Review|language=en|volume=79|pages=56–68|doi=10.1111/puar.12956|issn=0033-3352|doi-access=free}}</ref> A 2019 study in the ''Journal of Politics'' found that police officers were more likely to use lethal force on blacks, but that this "most likely driven by higher rates of police contact among African Americans rather than racial differences in the circumstances of the interaction and officer bias in the application of lethal force."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Streeter|first=Shea|date=2019-06-07|title=Lethal Force in Black and White: Assessing Racial Disparities in the Circumstances of Police Killings|journal=The Journal of Politics|volume=81|issue=3|pages=1124–1132|doi=10.1086/703541|issn=0022-3816}}</ref> In criminal sentencing, medium to dark-skinned African Americans are likely to receive sentences 2.6 years longer than those of whites or light-skinned African Americans. When a white victim is involved, those with more "black" features are likely to receive a much more severe punishment.<ref name="Hochschild, Jennifer L 20072">{{cite journal|last1=Hochschild|first1=Jennifer L|year=2007|title=The Skin Color Paradox and the American Racial Order|url=|journal=Social Forces|volume=86|issue=2|pages=643–670|doi=10.1093/sf/86.2.643}}</ref> A 2018 National Bureau of Economic Research experiment found that law students, economics students and practicing lawyers who watched 3D Virtual Reality videos of court trials (where the researchers altered the race of the defendants) showed a racial bias against minorities.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Bielen|first=Samantha|last2=Marneffe|first2=Wim|last3=Mocan|first3=Naci H|date=2018|title=Racial Bias and In-group Bias in Judicial Decisions: Evidence from Virtual Reality Courtrooms|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w25355|journal=|volume=|pages=|via=}}</ref> According to a 2011 ''[[ProPublica]]'' analysis, "whites are nearly four times as likely as minorities to win a pardon, even when the type of crime and severity of sentence are taken into account."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.propublica.org/article/shades-of-mercy-presidential-forgiveness-heavily-favors-whites|title=Presidential Pardons Heavily Favor Whites — ProPublica|date=2011-12-03|website=ProPublica|language=en-us|others=Dafna Linzer, Jennifer LaFleur|access-date=2017-12-21}}</ref> A 2013 report by the [[American Civil Liberties Union]] found that blacks were "3.73 times more likely than whites to be arrested for marijuana possession," even though "blacks and whites use drugs, including marijuana, at similar rates."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/fact-checker/wp/2016/09/09/gary-johnsons-bungled-claims-about-racial-disparities-in-crime/|title=Gary Johnson's bungled claims about racial disparities in crime|website=Washington Post|access-date=2017-01-21}}</ref> A 2014 study on the application of the death penalty in Connecticut over the period 1973–2007 found "that minority defendants who kill white victims are capitally charged at substantially higher rates than minority defendants who kill minorities... There is also strong and statistically significant evidence that minority defendants who kill whites are more likely to end up with capital sentences than comparable cases with white defendants."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Donohue|first=John J.|date=2014-10-28|title=An Empirical Evaluation of the Connecticut Death Penalty System Since 1973: Are There Unlawful Racial, Gender, and Geographic Disparities?|journal=Journal of Empirical Legal Studies|language=en|volume=11|issue=4|pages=637–696|doi=10.1111/jels.12052|issn=1740-1453}}</ref> A 2016 analysis by the ''New York Times'' "of tens of thousands of disciplinary cases against inmates in 2015, hundreds of pages of internal reports and three years of parole decisions found that racial disparities were embedded in the prison experience in New York."<ref name=":142">{{Cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/03/nyregion/new-york-state-prisons-inmates-racial-bias.html|title=The Scourge of Racial Bias in New York State's Prisons|last=Winerip|first=Michael Schwirtz, Michael|date=2016-12-03|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=2016-12-03|last2=Gebeloff|first2=Robert}}</ref> Blacks and Latinos were sent more frequently to solitary and held there for longer durations than whites.<ref name=":142" /> The New York Times analysis found that the disparities were the greatest for violations where the prison guards had much discretion, such as disobeying orders, but smaller for violations that required physical evidence, such as possessing contraband.<ref name=":142" /> A 2016 report by the ''[[Sarasota Herald-Tribune]]'' found that Florida judges sentence black defendants to far longer prison sentences than whites with the same background.<ref name=":152">{{Cite news|url=http://projects.heraldtribune.com/bias/sentencing/|title=Same background. Same crime. Different race. Different sentence.|access-date=2016-12-19}}</ref> For the same drug possession crimes, blacks were sentenced to double the time of whites.<ref name=":152" /> Blacks were given longer sentences in 60 percent of felony cases, 68 percent of the most serious first-degree crimes, 45 percent of burglary cases and 30 percent of battery cases.<ref name=":152" /> For third-degree felonies (the least serious types of felonies in Florida), white judges sentenced blacks to twenty percent more time than whites, whereas black judges gave more balanced sentences.<ref name=":152" /> A 2017 report by the [[The Marshall Project|Marshall Project]] found that killings of black men by whites were far more likely to be deemed "justifiable" than killings by any other combination of races.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.themarshallproject.org/2017/08/14/killings-of-black-men-by-whites-are-far-more-likely-to-be-ruled-justifiable|title=Killings of Black Men by Whites are Far More Likely to be Ruled "Justifiable"|date=2017-08-14|website=The Marshall Project|access-date=2017-08-21}}</ref> A 2017 report by the [[United States Sentencing Commission]] (USSC) found, "after controlling for a wide variety of sentencing factors" (such as age, education, citizenship, weapon possession and prior criminal history), that "black male offenders received sentences on average 19.1 percent longer than similarly situated White male offenders."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/amphtml/news/wonk/wp/2017/11/16/black-men-sentenced-to-more-time-for-committing-the-exact-same-crime-as-a-white-person-study-finds/|title=Black men sentenced to more time for committing the exact same crime as a white person, study finds|website=www.washingtonpost.com|access-date=2017-11-23}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.ussc.gov/research/research-reports/demographic-differences-sentencing|title=Demographic Differences in Sentencing|date=2017-11-13|work=United States Sentencing Commission|access-date=2017-11-23|language=en}}</ref> A 2018 study in the journal ''[[Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America|Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences]]'' found that tall young black men are especially likely to receive unjustified attention by law enforcement.<ref name=":17">{{Cite journal|last=Hester|first=Neil|last2=Gray|first2=Kurt|date=2018-02-21|title=For Black men, being tall increases threat stereotyping and police stops|journal=Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences|language=en|volume=115|issue=11|pages=2711–2715|doi=10.1073/pnas.1714454115|issn=0027-8424|pmc=5856523|pmid=29483263}}</ref> The authors furthermore found a "causal link between perceptions of height and perceptions of threat for Black men, particularly for perceivers who endorse stereotypes that Black people are more threatening than White people."<ref name=":17" /> A 2018 study in the ''American Economic Journal: Applied Economics'' found that judges gave longer sentences, in particular to black defendants, after their favorite team lost a home game.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Eren|first=Ozkan|last2=Mocan|first2=Naci|date=2018|title=Emotional Judges and Unlucky Juveniles|journal=American Economic Journal: Applied Economics|language=en|volume=10|issue=3|pages=171–205|doi=10.1257/app.20160390|issn=1945-7782|doi-access=free}}</ref> Analysis of more than 20 million traffic stops in North Carolina showed that blacks were more than twice as likely as whites to be pulled over by police for traffic stops, and that blacks were more likely to be searched following the stop. There were no significant difference in the likelihood that Hispanics would be pulled over, but Hispanics were much more likely to be searched following a traffic stop than whites. When the study controlled for searches in high-crime areas, it still found that police disproportionately targeted black individuals. These racial disparities were particularly pronounced for young men. The study found that whites who were searched were more likely to carry contraband than blacks and Hispanics.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2018/07/17/what-data-on-20-million-traffic-stops-can-tell-us-about-driving-while-black/|title=Analysis {{!}} What data on 20 million traffic stops can tell us about 'driving while black'|website=Washington Post|language=en|access-date=2018-07-17}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|title=Suspect Citizens|last=Baumgartner|first=Frank R.|last2=Epp|first2=Derek A.|last3=Shoub|first3=Kelsey|date=2018-07-10|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9781108553599|language=en|doi=10.1017/9781108553599}}</ref> A 2018 study in the ''[[Journal of Empirical Legal Studies]]'' found that law enforcement officers in Texas who could charge shoplifters with two types of crimes (one more serious, one less so) due to a vaguely worded statute were more likely to charge blacks and Hispanics with the more serious crime.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Braun|first=Michael|last2=Rosenthal|first2=Jeremy|last3=Therrian|first3=Kyle|date=2018|title=Police Discretion and Racial Disparity in Organized Retail Theft Arrests: Evidence from Texas|journal=Journal of Empirical Legal Studies|language=en|volume=15|issue=4|pages=916–950|doi=10.1111/jels.12201|issn=1740-1461}}</ref> A 2019 study, which made use of a dataset of the racial makeup of every U.S. sheriff over a 25-year period, found that "ratio of Black‐to‐White arrests is significantly higher under White sheriffs" and that the effects appear to be "driven by arrests for less‐serious offenses and by targeting Black crime types."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Bulman|first=George|year=2019|title=Law Enforcement Leaders and the Racial Composition of Arrests|journal=Economic Inquiry|language=en|volume=0|doi=10.1111/ecin.12800|issn=1465-7295}}</ref> A 2019 [[audit study]] found that lawyers are less likely to take on clients with black-sounding names than white-sounding names.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Libgober|first=Brian|date=2019-05-16|title=Getting a Lawyer While Black: A Field Experiment|language=en|location=Rochester, NY|ssrn=3389279}}</ref> == See also == * [[Crime in the United States]] * [[Incarceration in the United States]] * [[Race and crime in the United States]] * [[Racial inequality in the United States|Race and inequality in the United States]] * [[Racial profiling]] * [[Racism in the United States]] * [[Hate crime]] *[[Decarceration in the United States]] *[[Electronic monitoring in the United States]] == References == {{Reflist}} === Bibliography === *Templer, D. I. [http://lesacreduprintemps19.files.wordpress.com/2011/08/richard-lynn-and-the-evolution-of-conscientiousness.pdf Richard Lynn and the evolution of conscientiousness]. Personality and Individual Differences (2011) {{Race and crime}} [[Category:Race and crime| ]] [[Category:Race (human categorization)]] [[Category:Correlates of crime]] [[Category:Crime]]'
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'[[Category:Race and crime| ]] [[Category:Race (human categorization)]] [[Category:Correlates of crime]] [[Category:Crime]] 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'@@ -1,75 +1,5 @@ -{{Globalize|date=December 2016}} -{{Race}} -[[Race (classification of human beings)|Race]] is one of the [[correlates of crime]] receiving attention in academic studies, government surveys, media coverage, and public concern. - -Research suggests that police practices, such as [[racial profiling]], over-policing in areas populated by minorities, and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects.<ref name=":2">{{Cite journal|last=Warren|first=Patricia Y.|last2=Tomaskovic-Devey|first2=Donald|date=2009-05-01|title=Racial profiling and searches: Did the politics of racial profiling change police behavior?|journal=Criminology & Public Policy|language=en|volume=8|issue=2|pages=343–369|doi=10.1111/j.1745-9133.2009.00556.x}}</ref><ref name="MoJ p. 82">''[https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/217822/stats-race-and-the-criminal-justice-system-2008-09c1.pdf Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System 2008/09]'', p.&nbsp;8., 22</ref><ref name=":52">{{Cite journal|last=West|first=Jeremy|date=February 2018|title=Racial Bias in Police Investigations|url=https://people.ucsc.edu/~jwest1/articles/West_RacialBiasPolice.pdf|journal=Working Paper}}</ref><ref name=":3">{{Cite journal|last=Donohue III|first=John J.|last2=Levitt|first2=Steven D.|date=2001-01-01|title=The Impact of Race on Policing and Arrests|journal=The Journal of Law & Economics|volume=44|issue=2|pages=367–394|citeseerx=10.1.1.381.8047|doi=10.1086/322810|jstor=10.1086/322810}}</ref> Research also shows that there is racial discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to greater arrests, higher number of convictions, and longer sentences for racial minorities.<ref name=":4">{{Cite journal|last=Abrams|first=David S.|last2=Bertrand|first2=Marianne|last3=Mullainathan|first3=Sendhil|date=2012-06-01|title=Do Judges Vary in Their Treatment of Race?|url=https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/faculty_scholarship/355|journal=The Journal of Legal Studies|volume=41|issue=2|pages=347–383|doi=10.1086/666006}}</ref><ref name=":5">{{Cite journal|last=Mustard|first=David B.|date=2001|title=Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Disparities in Sentencing: Evidence from the U.S. Federal Courts|journal=The Journal of Law and Economics|volume=44|issue=1|pages=285–314|doi=10.1086/320276}}</ref><ref name=":34">{{Cite journal|last=Anwar|first=Shamena|last2=Bayer|first2=Patrick|last3=Hjalmarsson|first3=Randi|date=2012-05-01|title=The Impact of Jury Race in Criminal Trials|journal=The Quarterly Journal of Economics|language=en|volume=127|issue=2|pages=1017–1055|doi=10.1093/qje/qjs014|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref name=":6">{{Cite journal|last=Daudistel|first=Howard C.|last2=Hosch|first2=Harmon M.|last3=Holmes|first3=Malcolm D.|last4=Graves|first4=Joseph B.|date=1999-02-01|title=Effects of Defendant Ethnicity on Juries' Dispositions of Felony Cases|journal=Journal of Applied Social Psychology|language=en|volume=29|issue=2|pages=317–336|doi=10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb01389.x}}</ref><ref name=":62">{{Cite journal|last=Depew|first=Briggs|last2=Eren|first2=Ozkan|last3=Mocan|first3=Naci|year=2017|title=Judges, Juveniles, and In-Group Bias|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w22003.pdf|journal=[[Journal of Law and Economics]]|volume=60|issue=2|pages=209–239|doi=10.1086/693822}}</ref><ref name=":7">{{Cite journal|last=David|first=Arnold|last2=Will|first2=Dobbie|last3=Yang|first3=Crystal S.|date=May 2017|title=Racial Bias in Bail Decisions|journal=NBER Working Paper No. 23421|doi=10.3386/w23421|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref name=":193">{{Cite journal|last=Rehavi|first=M. Marit|last2=Starr|first2=Sonja B.|date=2014|title=Racial Disparity in Federal Criminal Sentences|url=https://repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2413&context=articles|journal=Journal of Political Economy|language=en|volume=122|issue=6|pages=1320–1354|doi=10.1086/677255|issn=0022-3808}}</ref><ref name=":8">{{Cite journal|last=Yang|first=Crystal S.|last2=Cohen|first2=Alma|date=2019|title=Judicial Politics and Sentencing Decisions|journal=American Economic Journal: Economic Policy|language=en|volume=11|issue=1|pages=160–91|doi=10.1257/pol.20170329|issn=1945-7731|doi-access=free}}</ref> - -== Racial disparity == -The term racial disparity as it relates to crime can be defined as the proportion of a racial or ethnic group within the criminal justice system exceeding the proportion of such a group within the general population. People of color are more likely to be racially profiled and stopped.<ref name=":0">{{cite book|title=The Color of Crime|date=2009|edition=Second|last1=Russell-Brown|first1=Katheryn}}</ref> Racial disparities in the US criminal justice system worsened after 1980 following various political developments. The Nixon, Reagan and Bush administrations are credited for directing what is known as the [[War on Drugs]]. In 1986, the U.S. Congress passed laws that created a 100 to 1 sentencing disparity for the trafficking ''or possession'' of [[crack cocaine|crack]] when compared to penalties for ''trafficking'' of [[cocaine|powder cocaine]],<ref name="wa-post-dispar-2010">{{Cite news|title=Congress passes bill to reduce disparity in crack, powder cocaine sentencing|author=Jim Abrams|work=Washington Post|date=July 29, 2010|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/07/28/AR2010072802969.html}}</ref><ref name="celling-america-246-247"/><ref>{{cite web| author = United States Sentencing Commission | title = Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy | year = 2002 | page = 6 | url = http://www.ussc.gov/r_congress/02crack/2002crackrpt.pdf | archiveurl = https://web.archive.org/web/20070715212213/http://www.ussc.gov/r_congress/02crack/2002crackrpt.pdf | archivedate = July 15, 2007 | accessdate=August 24, 2010 | quote = As a result of the 1986 Act ... penalties for a first-time cocaine trafficking offense: 5 grams or more of crack cocaine = five-year mandatory minimum penalty}}</ref> which had been widely criticized as discriminatory against minorities, mostly blacks, who were more likely to use crack than powder cocaine.<ref name=WashPost>[https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/08/02/AR2010080204360.html "The Fair Sentencing Act corrects a long-time wrong in cocaine cases"], ''[[The Washington Post]]'', August 3, 2010. Retrieved September 30, 2010.</ref> Statistics from 1998 show that there were [[Race and the War on Drugs|wide racial disparities in arrests, prosecutions, sentencing and deaths]]. African-American drug users made up for 35% of drug arrests, 55% of convictions, and 74% of people sent to prison for drug possession crimes.<ref name="celling-america-246-247">Burton-Rose (ed.), 1998: pp. 246–247</ref> Nationwide, African-Americans were sent to state prisons for drug offenses 13 times more often than other races,<ref name="hrw-race-key-findings">{{cite web|url=https://www.hrw.org/legacy/campaigns/drugs/war/key-facts.htm|title=Key Findings at a Glance|work=Racial Disparities in the War on Drugs|publisher=Human Rights Watch|accessdate=February 3, 2010}}</ref> even though they only supposedly comprised 13% of regular drug users.<ref name="celling-america-246-247" /> - -=== Causes === -Racial disparity in commission of violent crime is commonly attributed to the social status and financial means of minorities. [[Poverty]] is one factor correlated with an increase in criminal activity. The correlation between poverty and criminal activity has been shown to be independent of race, with the disproportionate number of minorities in poverty being a major reason for their disproportionately high levels of criminal activity.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Ulmer|first=Jeffery T.|last2=Harris|first2=Casey T.|last3=Steffensmeier|first3=Darrell|date=2012-09-01|title=Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Structural Disadvantage and Crime: White, Black, and Hispanic Comparisons |journal=Social Science Quarterly|language=en|volume=93|issue=3|pages=799–819|doi=10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00868.x|issn=1540-6237|pmc=4097310|pmid=25035523}}</ref> Research shows that childhood exposure to violence also significantly increases the likelihood of engagement in violent behavior. When studies control for childhood exposure to violence, black and white males in the United States are equally likely to engage in violent behavior.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Aliprantis|first=Dionissi|date=2016-09-14|title=Human capital in the inner city |journal=Empirical Economics|volume=53|issue=3|language=en|pages=1125–1169|doi=10.1007/s00181-016-1160-y|issn=0377-7332|citeseerx=10.1.1.309.2417}}</ref> However, according to the Department of justice, black children are four times more likely to be incarcerated in youth facilities than whites.<ref>https://eji.org/news/black-children-five-times-more-likely-than-whites-to-be-incarcerated<</ref> Among American teens, black-white differences in violence are accounted for by differences in family income and socialization with deviant peers in school.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Haggerty |first=Kevin P. |last2=Skinner |first2=Martie L. |last3=McGlynn-Wright |first3=Anne |last4=Catalano |first4=Richard F. |last5=Crutchfield |first5=Robert D. |date=2013 |title=Parent and peer predictors of violent behavior of Black and White teens |journal=Violence and Victims |volume=28 |issue=1 |pages=145–160 |issn=0886-6708 |pmc=3767568 |pmid=23520837|doi=10.1891/0886-6708.28.1.145 }}</ref> - -=== Discrimination by the criminal justice system in Europe === -Research suggests that police practices, such as [[racial profiling]], over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects in Sweden, Italy, and England and Wales. According to the [[Racial Disparity Audit]] conducted by the Prime Minister, in 2017 minorities living in Wales and England were more than 3.5 times more likely to be arrested than whites. Likewise, this same group was far more likely to be the victims of crime with their white counterparts only having 15 percent likelihood.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Bulman |first1=May |title=Ethnic minorities most likely to be both victims and suspects of crime, UK race report finds |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/ethnic-minorities-crime-victims-perpetrators-uk-race-report-a7993521.html |website=Independent |publisher=The Independent |accessdate=30 November 2018 |language=English |date=October 11, 2017}}</ref><ref name=":23">{{Cite web|url=https://www.bra.se/bra/publikationer/arkiv/publikationer/2008-02-21-diskriminering-i-rattsprocessen.html|title=Diskriminering i rättsprocessen - Brå|website=www.bra.se|language=sv|access-date=2016-01-26}}</ref><ref name=":12">{{Cite journal|last=Hällsten|first=Martin|last2=Szulkin|first2=Ryszard|last3=Sarnecki|first3=Jerzy|date=2013-05-01|title=Crime as a Price of Inequality? The Gap in Registered Crime between Childhood Immigrants, Children of Immigrants and Children of Native Swedes |journal=British Journal of Criminology|volume=53|issue=3|pages=456–481|doi=10.1093/bjc/azt005}}</ref><ref name=":27">{{Cite book |title=Immigration, Crime, and Criminalization in Italy - Oxford Handbooks|last=Crocitti|first=Stefania|doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.029|year=2014}}</ref><ref name=":29">{{Cite journal|last=Colombo|first=Asher|date=2013-11-01|title=Foreigners and immigrants in Italy's penal and administrative detention systems |journal=European Journal of Criminology|language=en|volume=10|issue=6|pages=746–759|doi=10.1177/1477370813495128}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |title=Ethnicities, Racism, and Crime in England and Wales - Oxford Handbooks|last=Parmar|first=Alpa|doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.014|year=2014}}</ref> Research also suggests that there may be possible discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to a higher number of convictions for racial minorities in Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Germany, Denmark and France.<ref name=":23" /><ref name=":27" /><ref name=":29" /><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Holmberg|first=Lars|last2=Kyvsgaard|first2=Britta|year=2003|title=Are Immigrants and Their Descendants Discriminated against in the Danish Criminal Justice System? |journal=Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention|volume=4|issue=2|pages=125–142|doi=10.1080/14043850310020027}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |title=Case Study - Oxford Handbooks|last=Roché|first=Sebastian|last2=Gordon|first2=Mirta B.|last3=Depuiset|first3=Marie-Aude|doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.030|year=2014}}</ref><ref name=":02">{{Cite journal|last=Light|first=Michael T.|date=2016-03-01|title=The Punishment Consequences of Lacking National Membership in Germany, 1998–2010 |journal=Social Forces|language=en|volume=94|issue=3|pages=1385–1408|doi=10.1093/sf/sov084}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{Cite journal|last=Wermink|first=Hilde|last2=Johnson|first2=Brian D.|last3=Nieuwbeerta|first3=Paul|last4=Keijser|first4=Jan W. de|date=2015-11-01|title=Expanding the scope of sentencing research: Determinants of juvenile and adult punishment in the Netherlands |journal=European Journal of Criminology|language=en|volume=12|issue=6|pages=739–768|doi=10.1177/1477370815597253}}</ref> - -=== Discrimination by the criminal justice system in the United States === -{{main|Race and crime in the United States|Race in the United States criminal justice system}} -Research suggests that police practices, such as [[racial profiling]], over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects.<ref name=":2" /><ref name="MoJ p. 82" /><ref name=":52" /><ref name=":3" /> Research also suggests that there may be possible discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to a higher number of convictions for racial minorities.<ref name=":4" /><ref name=":5" /><ref name=":34"/><ref name=":6" /><ref name=":62" /><ref name=":7" /><ref name=":193"/><ref name=":8" /> - -A 2012 study found that "(i) juries formed from all-white jury pools convict black defendants significantly (16 percentage points) more often than white defendants, and (ii) this gap in conviction rates is entirely eliminated when the jury pool includes at least one black member."<ref name=":34"/> Research has found evidence of negative in-group bias, where "black (white) juveniles who are randomly assigned to black (white) judges are more likely to get incarcerated (as opposed to being placed on probation), and they receive longer sentences."<ref name=":64">{{Cite journal|last=Depew|first=Briggs|last2=Eren|first2=Ozkan|last3=Mocan|first3=Naci|year=2017|title=Judges, Juveniles, and In-Group Bias|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w22003.pdf|journal=[[Journal of Law and Economics]]|volume=60|issue=2|pages=209–239|doi=10.1086/693822}}</ref> In-group bias has also been observed when it comes to traffic citations, as black and white cops are more likely to cite out-groups.<ref name=":54">{{Cite journal|last=West|first=Jeremy|date=February 2018|title=Racial Bias in Police Investigations|url=https://people.ucsc.edu/~jwest1/articles/West_RacialBiasPolice.pdf|journal=Working Paper}}</ref> - -A 2014 study in the ''[[Journal of Political Economy]]'' found that 9% of the black-white gap in sentencing could not be accounted for.<ref name=":193"/> The elimination of unexplained sentencing disparities would reduce "the level of black men in federal prison by 8,000–11,000 men [out of black male prison population of 95,000] and save $230–$320 million per year in direct costs."<ref name=":193" /> The majority of the unexplained sentencing disparity appears to occur at the point when prosecutors decide to bring charges carrying “mandatory minimum” sentences.<ref name=":193" /> A 2018 paper by Alma Cohen and Crystal Yang of [[Harvard Law School]] found that "Republican-appointed judges give substantially longer prison sentences to black offenders versus observably similar non-black offenders compared to Democratic-appointed judges within the same district court."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Cohen|first=Alma|last2=Yang|first2=Crystal|date=2018|title=Judicial Politics and Sentencing Decisions|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w24615|journal=|volume=|pages=|doi=10.3386/w24615|via=}}</ref> A 2018 study in the ''[[Quarterly Journal of Economics]]'' found that [[bail]] judges in Miami and Philadelphia were racially biased against black defendants, as white defendants had higher rates of pretrial misconduct than black defendants.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Arnold|first=David|last2=Dobbie|first2=Will|last3=Yang|first3=Crystal S.|year=2018|title=Racial Bias in Bail Decisions|journal=The Quarterly Journal of Economics|language=en|volume=133|issue=4|pages=1885–1932|doi=10.1093/qje/qjy012}}</ref> - -A 2018 study in the ''[[American Journal of Public Health]]'' found that black and Hispanic men were far more likely to be killed by police than white men.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Edwards|first=Frank|last2=Esposito|first2=Michael H.|last3=Lee|first3=Hedwig|date=2018-07-19|title=Risk of Police-Involved Death by Race/Ethnicity and Place, United States, 2012–2018|journal=American Journal of Public Health|language=en|volume=108|issue=9|pages=e1–e8|doi=10.2105/ajph.2018.304559|issn=0090-0036|pmid=30024797}}</ref> A 2019 study by [[Roland G. Fryer, Jr.]] found that while there are no racial differences in lethal use of police force, blacks and Hispanics are significantly more likely to experience non-lethal use of force.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Fryer|first=Roland G.|date=2018-10-30|title=An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w22399.pdf|journal=Journal of Political Economy|volume=127|issue=3|pages=1210–1261|doi=10.1086/701423|issn=0022-3808}}</ref> A 2019 paper by Princeton University political scientists disputed the findings by Fryer, saying that if police had a higher threshold for stopping whites, this might mean that the whites, Hispanics and blacks in Fryer's data are not similar.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=|first=|date=|title=The Bias Is Built In: How Administrative Records Mask Racially Biased Policing|ssrn=3336338}}</ref> Reports by the [[United States Department of Justice|Department of Justice]] have also found that police officers in Baltimore, Maryland, and Ferguson, Missouri, systemically stop, search (in some cases strip-searching) and harass black residents.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/11/us/baltimore-police-bias-report.html|title=Findings of Police Bias in Baltimore Validate What Many Have Long Felt|last=Stolberg|first=Sheryl Gay|date=2016-08-10|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=2016-08-11}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2015/03/04/the-12-key-highlights-from-the-dojs-scathing-ferguson-report/|title=The 12 key highlights from the DOJ's scathing Ferguson report|website=Washington Post|access-date=2016-08-11}}</ref> A January 2017 report by the DOJ also found that the Chicago Police Department had "unconstitutionally engaged in a pattern of excessive and deadly force" and that police "have no regard for the sanctity of life when it comes to people of color."<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.cnn.com/2017/01/13/us/chicago-police-federal-investigation/index.html|title=Chicago police use excessive force, DOJ finds|author=Jason Hanna and Madison Park|website=CNN|access-date=2017-01-13}}</ref> A 2018 study found that police officers more likely to use lethal force on blacks.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Menifield|first=Charles E.|last2=Shin|first2=Geiguen|last3=Strother|first3=Logan|date=2018-06-19|title=Do White Law Enforcement Officers Target Minority Suspects?|journal=Public Administration Review|language=en|volume=79|pages=56–68|doi=10.1111/puar.12956|issn=0033-3352|doi-access=free}}</ref> A 2019 study in the ''Journal of Politics'' found that police officers were more likely to use lethal force on blacks, but that this "most likely driven by higher rates of police contact among African Americans rather than racial differences in the circumstances of the interaction and officer bias in the application of lethal force."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Streeter|first=Shea|date=2019-06-07|title=Lethal Force in Black and White: Assessing Racial Disparities in the Circumstances of Police Killings|journal=The Journal of Politics|volume=81|issue=3|pages=1124–1132|doi=10.1086/703541|issn=0022-3816}}</ref> - -In criminal sentencing, medium to dark-skinned African Americans are likely to receive sentences 2.6 years longer than those of whites or light-skinned African Americans. When a white victim is involved, those with more "black" features are likely to receive a much more severe punishment.<ref name="Hochschild, Jennifer L 20072">{{cite journal|last1=Hochschild|first1=Jennifer L|year=2007|title=The Skin Color Paradox and the American Racial Order|url=|journal=Social Forces|volume=86|issue=2|pages=643–670|doi=10.1093/sf/86.2.643}}</ref> A 2018 National Bureau of Economic Research experiment found that law students, economics students and practicing lawyers who watched 3D Virtual Reality videos of court trials (where the researchers altered the race of the defendants) showed a racial bias against minorities.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Bielen|first=Samantha|last2=Marneffe|first2=Wim|last3=Mocan|first3=Naci H|date=2018|title=Racial Bias and In-group Bias in Judicial Decisions: Evidence from Virtual Reality Courtrooms|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w25355|journal=|volume=|pages=|via=}}</ref> - -According to a 2011 ''[[ProPublica]]'' analysis, "whites are nearly four times as likely as minorities to win a pardon, even when the type of crime and severity of sentence are taken into account."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.propublica.org/article/shades-of-mercy-presidential-forgiveness-heavily-favors-whites|title=Presidential Pardons Heavily Favor Whites — ProPublica|date=2011-12-03|website=ProPublica|language=en-us|others=Dafna Linzer, Jennifer LaFleur|access-date=2017-12-21}}</ref> - -A 2013 report by the [[American Civil Liberties Union]] found that blacks were "3.73 times more likely than whites to be arrested for marijuana possession," even though "blacks and whites use drugs, including marijuana, at similar rates."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/fact-checker/wp/2016/09/09/gary-johnsons-bungled-claims-about-racial-disparities-in-crime/|title=Gary Johnson's bungled claims about racial disparities in crime|website=Washington Post|access-date=2017-01-21}}</ref> - -A 2014 study on the application of the death penalty in Connecticut over the period 1973–2007 found "that minority defendants who kill white victims are capitally charged at substantially higher rates than minority defendants who kill minorities... There is also strong and statistically significant evidence that minority defendants who kill whites are more likely to end up with capital sentences than comparable cases with white defendants."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Donohue|first=John J.|date=2014-10-28|title=An Empirical Evaluation of the Connecticut Death Penalty System Since 1973: Are There Unlawful Racial, Gender, and Geographic Disparities?|journal=Journal of Empirical Legal Studies|language=en|volume=11|issue=4|pages=637–696|doi=10.1111/jels.12052|issn=1740-1453}}</ref> - -A 2016 analysis by the ''New York Times'' "of tens of thousands of disciplinary cases against inmates in 2015, hundreds of pages of internal reports and three years of parole decisions found that racial disparities were embedded in the prison experience in New York."<ref name=":142">{{Cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/03/nyregion/new-york-state-prisons-inmates-racial-bias.html|title=The Scourge of Racial Bias in New York State's Prisons|last=Winerip|first=Michael Schwirtz, Michael|date=2016-12-03|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=2016-12-03|last2=Gebeloff|first2=Robert}}</ref> Blacks and Latinos were sent more frequently to solitary and held there for longer durations than whites.<ref name=":142" /> The New York Times analysis found that the disparities were the greatest for violations where the prison guards had much discretion, such as disobeying orders, but smaller for violations that required physical evidence, such as possessing contraband.<ref name=":142" /> - -A 2016 report by the ''[[Sarasota Herald-Tribune]]'' found that Florida judges sentence black defendants to far longer prison sentences than whites with the same background.<ref name=":152">{{Cite news|url=http://projects.heraldtribune.com/bias/sentencing/|title=Same background. Same crime. Different race. Different sentence.|access-date=2016-12-19}}</ref> For the same drug possession crimes, blacks were sentenced to double the time of whites.<ref name=":152" /> Blacks were given longer sentences in 60 percent of felony cases, 68 percent of the most serious first-degree crimes, 45 percent of burglary cases and 30 percent of battery cases.<ref name=":152" /> For third-degree felonies (the least serious types of felonies in Florida), white judges sentenced blacks to twenty percent more time than whites, whereas black judges gave more balanced sentences.<ref name=":152" /> - -A 2017 report by the [[The Marshall Project|Marshall Project]] found that killings of black men by whites were far more likely to be deemed "justifiable" than killings by any other combination of races.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.themarshallproject.org/2017/08/14/killings-of-black-men-by-whites-are-far-more-likely-to-be-ruled-justifiable|title=Killings of Black Men by Whites are Far More Likely to be Ruled "Justifiable"|date=2017-08-14|website=The Marshall Project|access-date=2017-08-21}}</ref> - -A 2017 report by the [[United States Sentencing Commission]] (USSC) found, "after controlling for a wide variety of sentencing factors" (such as age, education, citizenship, weapon possession and prior criminal history), that "black male offenders received sentences on average 19.1 percent longer than similarly situated White male offenders."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/amphtml/news/wonk/wp/2017/11/16/black-men-sentenced-to-more-time-for-committing-the-exact-same-crime-as-a-white-person-study-finds/|title=Black men sentenced to more time for committing the exact same crime as a white person, study finds|website=www.washingtonpost.com|access-date=2017-11-23}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.ussc.gov/research/research-reports/demographic-differences-sentencing|title=Demographic Differences in Sentencing|date=2017-11-13|work=United States Sentencing Commission|access-date=2017-11-23|language=en}}</ref> - -A 2018 study in the journal ''[[Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America|Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences]]'' found that tall young black men are especially likely to receive unjustified attention by law enforcement.<ref name=":17">{{Cite journal|last=Hester|first=Neil|last2=Gray|first2=Kurt|date=2018-02-21|title=For Black men, being tall increases threat stereotyping and police stops|journal=Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences|language=en|volume=115|issue=11|pages=2711–2715|doi=10.1073/pnas.1714454115|issn=0027-8424|pmc=5856523|pmid=29483263}}</ref> The authors furthermore found a "causal link between perceptions of height and perceptions of threat for Black men, particularly for perceivers who endorse stereotypes that Black people are more threatening than White people."<ref name=":17" /> - -A 2018 study in the ''American Economic Journal: Applied Economics'' found that judges gave longer sentences, in particular to black defendants, after their favorite team lost a home game.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Eren|first=Ozkan|last2=Mocan|first2=Naci|date=2018|title=Emotional Judges and Unlucky Juveniles|journal=American Economic Journal: Applied Economics|language=en|volume=10|issue=3|pages=171–205|doi=10.1257/app.20160390|issn=1945-7782|doi-access=free}}</ref> - -Analysis of more than 20 million traffic stops in North Carolina showed that blacks were more than twice as likely as whites to be pulled over by police for traffic stops, and that blacks were more likely to be searched following the stop. There were no significant difference in the likelihood that Hispanics would be pulled over, but Hispanics were much more likely to be searched following a traffic stop than whites. When the study controlled for searches in high-crime areas, it still found that police disproportionately targeted black individuals. These racial disparities were particularly pronounced for young men. The study found that whites who were searched were more likely to carry contraband than blacks and Hispanics.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2018/07/17/what-data-on-20-million-traffic-stops-can-tell-us-about-driving-while-black/|title=Analysis {{!}} What data on 20 million traffic stops can tell us about 'driving while black'|website=Washington Post|language=en|access-date=2018-07-17}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|title=Suspect Citizens|last=Baumgartner|first=Frank R.|last2=Epp|first2=Derek A.|last3=Shoub|first3=Kelsey|date=2018-07-10|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9781108553599|language=en|doi=10.1017/9781108553599}}</ref> - -A 2018 study in the ''[[Journal of Empirical Legal Studies]]'' found that law enforcement officers in Texas who could charge shoplifters with two types of crimes (one more serious, one less so) due to a vaguely worded statute were more likely to charge blacks and Hispanics with the more serious crime.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Braun|first=Michael|last2=Rosenthal|first2=Jeremy|last3=Therrian|first3=Kyle|date=2018|title=Police Discretion and Racial Disparity in Organized Retail Theft Arrests: Evidence from Texas|journal=Journal of Empirical Legal Studies|language=en|volume=15|issue=4|pages=916–950|doi=10.1111/jels.12201|issn=1740-1461}}</ref> - -A 2019 study, which made use of a dataset of the racial makeup of every U.S. sheriff over a 25-year period, found that "ratio of Black‐to‐White arrests is significantly higher under White sheriffs" and that the effects appear to be "driven by arrests for less‐serious offenses and by targeting Black crime types."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Bulman|first=George|year=2019|title=Law Enforcement Leaders and the Racial Composition of Arrests|journal=Economic Inquiry|language=en|volume=0|doi=10.1111/ecin.12800|issn=1465-7295}}</ref> - -A 2019 [[audit study]] found that lawyers are less likely to take on clients with black-sounding names than white-sounding names.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Libgober|first=Brian|date=2019-05-16|title=Getting a Lawyer While Black: A Field Experiment|language=en|location=Rochester, NY|ssrn=3389279}}</ref> - -== See also == -* [[Crime in the United States]] -* [[Incarceration in the United States]] -* [[Race and crime in the United States]] -* [[Racial inequality in the United States|Race and inequality in the United States]] -* [[Racial profiling]] -* [[Racism in the United States]] -* [[Hate crime]] -*[[Decarceration in the United States]] -*[[Electronic monitoring in the United States]] - -== References == -{{Reflist}} - -=== Bibliography === -*Templer, D. I. [http://lesacreduprintemps19.files.wordpress.com/2011/08/richard-lynn-and-the-evolution-of-conscientiousness.pdf Richard Lynn and the evolution of conscientiousness]. Personality and Individual Differences (2011) -{{Race and crime}} - [[Category:Race and crime| ]] [[Category:Race (human categorization)]] [[Category:Correlates of crime]] [[Category:Crime]] 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[ 0 => '{{Globalize|date=December 2016}}', 1 => '{{Race}}', 2 => '[[Race (classification of human beings)|Race]] is one of the [[correlates of crime]] receiving attention in academic studies, government surveys, media coverage, and public concern.', 3 => '', 4 => 'Research suggests that police practices, such as [[racial profiling]], over-policing in areas populated by minorities, and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects.<ref name=":2">{{Cite journal|last=Warren|first=Patricia Y.|last2=Tomaskovic-Devey|first2=Donald|date=2009-05-01|title=Racial profiling and searches: Did the politics of racial profiling change police behavior?|journal=Criminology & Public Policy|language=en|volume=8|issue=2|pages=343–369|doi=10.1111/j.1745-9133.2009.00556.x}}</ref><ref name="MoJ p. 82">''[https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/217822/stats-race-and-the-criminal-justice-system-2008-09c1.pdf Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System 2008/09]'', p.&nbsp;8., 22</ref><ref name=":52">{{Cite journal|last=West|first=Jeremy|date=February 2018|title=Racial Bias in Police Investigations|url=https://people.ucsc.edu/~jwest1/articles/West_RacialBiasPolice.pdf|journal=Working Paper}}</ref><ref name=":3">{{Cite journal|last=Donohue III|first=John J.|last2=Levitt|first2=Steven D.|date=2001-01-01|title=The Impact of Race on Policing and Arrests|journal=The Journal of Law & Economics|volume=44|issue=2|pages=367–394|citeseerx=10.1.1.381.8047|doi=10.1086/322810|jstor=10.1086/322810}}</ref> Research also shows that there is racial discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to greater arrests, higher number of convictions, and longer sentences for racial minorities.<ref name=":4">{{Cite journal|last=Abrams|first=David S.|last2=Bertrand|first2=Marianne|last3=Mullainathan|first3=Sendhil|date=2012-06-01|title=Do Judges Vary in Their Treatment of Race?|url=https://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/faculty_scholarship/355|journal=The Journal of Legal Studies|volume=41|issue=2|pages=347–383|doi=10.1086/666006}}</ref><ref name=":5">{{Cite journal|last=Mustard|first=David B.|date=2001|title=Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Disparities in Sentencing: Evidence from the U.S. Federal Courts|journal=The Journal of Law and Economics|volume=44|issue=1|pages=285–314|doi=10.1086/320276}}</ref><ref name=":34">{{Cite journal|last=Anwar|first=Shamena|last2=Bayer|first2=Patrick|last3=Hjalmarsson|first3=Randi|date=2012-05-01|title=The Impact of Jury Race in Criminal Trials|journal=The Quarterly Journal of Economics|language=en|volume=127|issue=2|pages=1017–1055|doi=10.1093/qje/qjs014|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref name=":6">{{Cite journal|last=Daudistel|first=Howard C.|last2=Hosch|first2=Harmon M.|last3=Holmes|first3=Malcolm D.|last4=Graves|first4=Joseph B.|date=1999-02-01|title=Effects of Defendant Ethnicity on Juries' Dispositions of Felony Cases|journal=Journal of Applied Social Psychology|language=en|volume=29|issue=2|pages=317–336|doi=10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb01389.x}}</ref><ref name=":62">{{Cite journal|last=Depew|first=Briggs|last2=Eren|first2=Ozkan|last3=Mocan|first3=Naci|year=2017|title=Judges, Juveniles, and In-Group Bias|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w22003.pdf|journal=[[Journal of Law and Economics]]|volume=60|issue=2|pages=209–239|doi=10.1086/693822}}</ref><ref name=":7">{{Cite journal|last=David|first=Arnold|last2=Will|first2=Dobbie|last3=Yang|first3=Crystal S.|date=May 2017|title=Racial Bias in Bail Decisions|journal=NBER Working Paper No. 23421|doi=10.3386/w23421|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref name=":193">{{Cite journal|last=Rehavi|first=M. Marit|last2=Starr|first2=Sonja B.|date=2014|title=Racial Disparity in Federal Criminal Sentences|url=https://repository.law.umich.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2413&context=articles|journal=Journal of Political Economy|language=en|volume=122|issue=6|pages=1320–1354|doi=10.1086/677255|issn=0022-3808}}</ref><ref name=":8">{{Cite journal|last=Yang|first=Crystal S.|last2=Cohen|first2=Alma|date=2019|title=Judicial Politics and Sentencing Decisions|journal=American Economic Journal: Economic Policy|language=en|volume=11|issue=1|pages=160–91|doi=10.1257/pol.20170329|issn=1945-7731|doi-access=free}}</ref>', 5 => '', 6 => '== Racial disparity ==', 7 => 'The term racial disparity as it relates to crime can be defined as the proportion of a racial or ethnic group within the criminal justice system exceeding the proportion of such a group within the general population. People of color are more likely to be racially profiled and stopped.<ref name=":0">{{cite book|title=The Color of Crime|date=2009|edition=Second|last1=Russell-Brown|first1=Katheryn}}</ref> Racial disparities in the US criminal justice system worsened after 1980 following various political developments. The Nixon, Reagan and Bush administrations are credited for directing what is known as the [[War on Drugs]]. In 1986, the U.S. Congress passed laws that created a 100 to 1 sentencing disparity for the trafficking ''or possession'' of [[crack cocaine|crack]] when compared to penalties for ''trafficking'' of [[cocaine|powder cocaine]],<ref name="wa-post-dispar-2010">{{Cite news|title=Congress passes bill to reduce disparity in crack, powder cocaine sentencing|author=Jim Abrams|work=Washington Post|date=July 29, 2010|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/07/28/AR2010072802969.html}}</ref><ref name="celling-america-246-247"/><ref>{{cite web| author = United States Sentencing Commission | title = Cocaine and Federal Sentencing Policy | year = 2002 | page = 6 | url = http://www.ussc.gov/r_congress/02crack/2002crackrpt.pdf | archiveurl = https://web.archive.org/web/20070715212213/http://www.ussc.gov/r_congress/02crack/2002crackrpt.pdf | archivedate = July 15, 2007 | accessdate=August 24, 2010 | quote = As a result of the 1986 Act ... penalties for a first-time cocaine trafficking offense: 5 grams or more of crack cocaine = five-year mandatory minimum penalty}}</ref> which had been widely criticized as discriminatory against minorities, mostly blacks, who were more likely to use crack than powder cocaine.<ref name=WashPost>[https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/08/02/AR2010080204360.html "The Fair Sentencing Act corrects a long-time wrong in cocaine cases"], ''[[The Washington Post]]'', August 3, 2010. Retrieved September 30, 2010.</ref> Statistics from 1998 show that there were [[Race and the War on Drugs|wide racial disparities in arrests, prosecutions, sentencing and deaths]]. African-American drug users made up for 35% of drug arrests, 55% of convictions, and 74% of people sent to prison for drug possession crimes.<ref name="celling-america-246-247">Burton-Rose (ed.), 1998: pp. 246–247</ref> Nationwide, African-Americans were sent to state prisons for drug offenses 13 times more often than other races,<ref name="hrw-race-key-findings">{{cite web|url=https://www.hrw.org/legacy/campaigns/drugs/war/key-facts.htm|title=Key Findings at a Glance|work=Racial Disparities in the War on Drugs|publisher=Human Rights Watch|accessdate=February 3, 2010}}</ref> even though they only supposedly comprised 13% of regular drug users.<ref name="celling-america-246-247" />', 8 => '', 9 => '=== Causes ===', 10 => 'Racial disparity in commission of violent crime is commonly attributed to the social status and financial means of minorities. [[Poverty]] is one factor correlated with an increase in criminal activity. The correlation between poverty and criminal activity has been shown to be independent of race, with the disproportionate number of minorities in poverty being a major reason for their disproportionately high levels of criminal activity.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Ulmer|first=Jeffery T.|last2=Harris|first2=Casey T.|last3=Steffensmeier|first3=Darrell|date=2012-09-01|title=Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Structural Disadvantage and Crime: White, Black, and Hispanic Comparisons |journal=Social Science Quarterly|language=en|volume=93|issue=3|pages=799–819|doi=10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00868.x|issn=1540-6237|pmc=4097310|pmid=25035523}}</ref> Research shows that childhood exposure to violence also significantly increases the likelihood of engagement in violent behavior. When studies control for childhood exposure to violence, black and white males in the United States are equally likely to engage in violent behavior.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Aliprantis|first=Dionissi|date=2016-09-14|title=Human capital in the inner city |journal=Empirical Economics|volume=53|issue=3|language=en|pages=1125–1169|doi=10.1007/s00181-016-1160-y|issn=0377-7332|citeseerx=10.1.1.309.2417}}</ref> However, according to the Department of justice, black children are four times more likely to be incarcerated in youth facilities than whites.<ref>https://eji.org/news/black-children-five-times-more-likely-than-whites-to-be-incarcerated<</ref> Among American teens, black-white differences in violence are accounted for by differences in family income and socialization with deviant peers in school.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Haggerty |first=Kevin P. |last2=Skinner |first2=Martie L. |last3=McGlynn-Wright |first3=Anne |last4=Catalano |first4=Richard F. |last5=Crutchfield |first5=Robert D. |date=2013 |title=Parent and peer predictors of violent behavior of Black and White teens |journal=Violence and Victims |volume=28 |issue=1 |pages=145–160 |issn=0886-6708 |pmc=3767568 |pmid=23520837|doi=10.1891/0886-6708.28.1.145 }}</ref>', 11 => '', 12 => '=== Discrimination by the criminal justice system in Europe ===', 13 => 'Research suggests that police practices, such as [[racial profiling]], over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects in Sweden, Italy, and England and Wales. According to the [[Racial Disparity Audit]] conducted by the Prime Minister, in 2017 minorities living in Wales and England were more than 3.5 times more likely to be arrested than whites. Likewise, this same group was far more likely to be the victims of crime with their white counterparts only having 15 percent likelihood.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Bulman |first1=May |title=Ethnic minorities most likely to be both victims and suspects of crime, UK race report finds |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/ethnic-minorities-crime-victims-perpetrators-uk-race-report-a7993521.html |website=Independent |publisher=The Independent |accessdate=30 November 2018 |language=English |date=October 11, 2017}}</ref><ref name=":23">{{Cite web|url=https://www.bra.se/bra/publikationer/arkiv/publikationer/2008-02-21-diskriminering-i-rattsprocessen.html|title=Diskriminering i rättsprocessen - Brå|website=www.bra.se|language=sv|access-date=2016-01-26}}</ref><ref name=":12">{{Cite journal|last=Hällsten|first=Martin|last2=Szulkin|first2=Ryszard|last3=Sarnecki|first3=Jerzy|date=2013-05-01|title=Crime as a Price of Inequality? The Gap in Registered Crime between Childhood Immigrants, Children of Immigrants and Children of Native Swedes |journal=British Journal of Criminology|volume=53|issue=3|pages=456–481|doi=10.1093/bjc/azt005}}</ref><ref name=":27">{{Cite book |title=Immigration, Crime, and Criminalization in Italy - Oxford Handbooks|last=Crocitti|first=Stefania|doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.029|year=2014}}</ref><ref name=":29">{{Cite journal|last=Colombo|first=Asher|date=2013-11-01|title=Foreigners and immigrants in Italy's penal and administrative detention systems |journal=European Journal of Criminology|language=en|volume=10|issue=6|pages=746–759|doi=10.1177/1477370813495128}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |title=Ethnicities, Racism, and Crime in England and Wales - Oxford Handbooks|last=Parmar|first=Alpa|doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.014|year=2014}}</ref> Research also suggests that there may be possible discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to a higher number of convictions for racial minorities in Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy, Germany, Denmark and France.<ref name=":23" /><ref name=":27" /><ref name=":29" /><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Holmberg|first=Lars|last2=Kyvsgaard|first2=Britta|year=2003|title=Are Immigrants and Their Descendants Discriminated against in the Danish Criminal Justice System? |journal=Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention|volume=4|issue=2|pages=125–142|doi=10.1080/14043850310020027}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |title=Case Study - Oxford Handbooks|last=Roché|first=Sebastian|last2=Gordon|first2=Mirta B.|last3=Depuiset|first3=Marie-Aude|doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199859016.013.030|year=2014}}</ref><ref name=":02">{{Cite journal|last=Light|first=Michael T.|date=2016-03-01|title=The Punishment Consequences of Lacking National Membership in Germany, 1998–2010 |journal=Social Forces|language=en|volume=94|issue=3|pages=1385–1408|doi=10.1093/sf/sov084}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{Cite journal|last=Wermink|first=Hilde|last2=Johnson|first2=Brian D.|last3=Nieuwbeerta|first3=Paul|last4=Keijser|first4=Jan W. de|date=2015-11-01|title=Expanding the scope of sentencing research: Determinants of juvenile and adult punishment in the Netherlands |journal=European Journal of Criminology|language=en|volume=12|issue=6|pages=739–768|doi=10.1177/1477370815597253}}</ref>', 14 => '', 15 => '=== Discrimination by the criminal justice system in the United States ===', 16 => '{{main|Race and crime in the United States|Race in the United States criminal justice system}}', 17 => 'Research suggests that police practices, such as [[racial profiling]], over-policing in areas populated by minorities and in-group bias may result in disproportionately high numbers of racial minorities among crime suspects.<ref name=":2" /><ref name="MoJ p. 82" /><ref name=":52" /><ref name=":3" /> Research also suggests that there may be possible discrimination by the judicial system, which contributes to a higher number of convictions for racial minorities.<ref name=":4" /><ref name=":5" /><ref name=":34"/><ref name=":6" /><ref name=":62" /><ref name=":7" /><ref name=":193"/><ref name=":8" />', 18 => '', 19 => 'A 2012 study found that "(i) juries formed from all-white jury pools convict black defendants significantly (16 percentage points) more often than white defendants, and (ii) this gap in conviction rates is entirely eliminated when the jury pool includes at least one black member."<ref name=":34"/> Research has found evidence of negative in-group bias, where "black (white) juveniles who are randomly assigned to black (white) judges are more likely to get incarcerated (as opposed to being placed on probation), and they receive longer sentences."<ref name=":64">{{Cite journal|last=Depew|first=Briggs|last2=Eren|first2=Ozkan|last3=Mocan|first3=Naci|year=2017|title=Judges, Juveniles, and In-Group Bias|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w22003.pdf|journal=[[Journal of Law and Economics]]|volume=60|issue=2|pages=209–239|doi=10.1086/693822}}</ref> In-group bias has also been observed when it comes to traffic citations, as black and white cops are more likely to cite out-groups.<ref name=":54">{{Cite journal|last=West|first=Jeremy|date=February 2018|title=Racial Bias in Police Investigations|url=https://people.ucsc.edu/~jwest1/articles/West_RacialBiasPolice.pdf|journal=Working Paper}}</ref>', 20 => '', 21 => 'A 2014 study in the ''[[Journal of Political Economy]]'' found that 9% of the black-white gap in sentencing could not be accounted for.<ref name=":193"/> The elimination of unexplained sentencing disparities would reduce "the level of black men in federal prison by 8,000–11,000 men [out of black male prison population of 95,000] and save $230–$320 million per year in direct costs."<ref name=":193" /> The majority of the unexplained sentencing disparity appears to occur at the point when prosecutors decide to bring charges carrying “mandatory minimum” sentences.<ref name=":193" /> A 2018 paper by Alma Cohen and Crystal Yang of [[Harvard Law School]] found that "Republican-appointed judges give substantially longer prison sentences to black offenders versus observably similar non-black offenders compared to Democratic-appointed judges within the same district court."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Cohen|first=Alma|last2=Yang|first2=Crystal|date=2018|title=Judicial Politics and Sentencing Decisions|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w24615|journal=|volume=|pages=|doi=10.3386/w24615|via=}}</ref> A 2018 study in the ''[[Quarterly Journal of Economics]]'' found that [[bail]] judges in Miami and Philadelphia were racially biased against black defendants, as white defendants had higher rates of pretrial misconduct than black defendants.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Arnold|first=David|last2=Dobbie|first2=Will|last3=Yang|first3=Crystal S.|year=2018|title=Racial Bias in Bail Decisions|journal=The Quarterly Journal of Economics|language=en|volume=133|issue=4|pages=1885–1932|doi=10.1093/qje/qjy012}}</ref>', 22 => '', 23 => 'A 2018 study in the ''[[American Journal of Public Health]]'' found that black and Hispanic men were far more likely to be killed by police than white men.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Edwards|first=Frank|last2=Esposito|first2=Michael H.|last3=Lee|first3=Hedwig|date=2018-07-19|title=Risk of Police-Involved Death by Race/Ethnicity and Place, United States, 2012–2018|journal=American Journal of Public Health|language=en|volume=108|issue=9|pages=e1–e8|doi=10.2105/ajph.2018.304559|issn=0090-0036|pmid=30024797}}</ref> A 2019 study by [[Roland G. Fryer, Jr.]] found that while there are no racial differences in lethal use of police force, blacks and Hispanics are significantly more likely to experience non-lethal use of force.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Fryer|first=Roland G.|date=2018-10-30|title=An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w22399.pdf|journal=Journal of Political Economy|volume=127|issue=3|pages=1210–1261|doi=10.1086/701423|issn=0022-3808}}</ref> A 2019 paper by Princeton University political scientists disputed the findings by Fryer, saying that if police had a higher threshold for stopping whites, this might mean that the whites, Hispanics and blacks in Fryer's data are not similar.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=|first=|date=|title=The Bias Is Built In: How Administrative Records Mask Racially Biased Policing|ssrn=3336338}}</ref> Reports by the [[United States Department of Justice|Department of Justice]] have also found that police officers in Baltimore, Maryland, and Ferguson, Missouri, systemically stop, search (in some cases strip-searching) and harass black residents.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/11/us/baltimore-police-bias-report.html|title=Findings of Police Bias in Baltimore Validate What Many Have Long Felt|last=Stolberg|first=Sheryl Gay|date=2016-08-10|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=2016-08-11}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2015/03/04/the-12-key-highlights-from-the-dojs-scathing-ferguson-report/|title=The 12 key highlights from the DOJ's scathing Ferguson report|website=Washington Post|access-date=2016-08-11}}</ref> A January 2017 report by the DOJ also found that the Chicago Police Department had "unconstitutionally engaged in a pattern of excessive and deadly force" and that police "have no regard for the sanctity of life when it comes to people of color."<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.cnn.com/2017/01/13/us/chicago-police-federal-investigation/index.html|title=Chicago police use excessive force, DOJ finds|author=Jason Hanna and Madison Park|website=CNN|access-date=2017-01-13}}</ref> A 2018 study found that police officers more likely to use lethal force on blacks.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Menifield|first=Charles E.|last2=Shin|first2=Geiguen|last3=Strother|first3=Logan|date=2018-06-19|title=Do White Law Enforcement Officers Target Minority Suspects?|journal=Public Administration Review|language=en|volume=79|pages=56–68|doi=10.1111/puar.12956|issn=0033-3352|doi-access=free}}</ref> A 2019 study in the ''Journal of Politics'' found that police officers were more likely to use lethal force on blacks, but that this "most likely driven by higher rates of police contact among African Americans rather than racial differences in the circumstances of the interaction and officer bias in the application of lethal force."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Streeter|first=Shea|date=2019-06-07|title=Lethal Force in Black and White: Assessing Racial Disparities in the Circumstances of Police Killings|journal=The Journal of Politics|volume=81|issue=3|pages=1124–1132|doi=10.1086/703541|issn=0022-3816}}</ref>', 24 => '', 25 => 'In criminal sentencing, medium to dark-skinned African Americans are likely to receive sentences 2.6 years longer than those of whites or light-skinned African Americans. When a white victim is involved, those with more "black" features are likely to receive a much more severe punishment.<ref name="Hochschild, Jennifer L 20072">{{cite journal|last1=Hochschild|first1=Jennifer L|year=2007|title=The Skin Color Paradox and the American Racial Order|url=|journal=Social Forces|volume=86|issue=2|pages=643–670|doi=10.1093/sf/86.2.643}}</ref> A 2018 National Bureau of Economic Research experiment found that law students, economics students and practicing lawyers who watched 3D Virtual Reality videos of court trials (where the researchers altered the race of the defendants) showed a racial bias against minorities.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Bielen|first=Samantha|last2=Marneffe|first2=Wim|last3=Mocan|first3=Naci H|date=2018|title=Racial Bias and In-group Bias in Judicial Decisions: Evidence from Virtual Reality Courtrooms|url=http://www.nber.org/papers/w25355|journal=|volume=|pages=|via=}}</ref>', 26 => '', 27 => 'According to a 2011 ''[[ProPublica]]'' analysis, "whites are nearly four times as likely as minorities to win a pardon, even when the type of crime and severity of sentence are taken into account."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.propublica.org/article/shades-of-mercy-presidential-forgiveness-heavily-favors-whites|title=Presidential Pardons Heavily Favor Whites — ProPublica|date=2011-12-03|website=ProPublica|language=en-us|others=Dafna Linzer, Jennifer LaFleur|access-date=2017-12-21}}</ref>', 28 => '', 29 => 'A 2013 report by the [[American Civil Liberties Union]] found that blacks were "3.73 times more likely than whites to be arrested for marijuana possession," even though "blacks and whites use drugs, including marijuana, at similar rates."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/fact-checker/wp/2016/09/09/gary-johnsons-bungled-claims-about-racial-disparities-in-crime/|title=Gary Johnson's bungled claims about racial disparities in crime|website=Washington Post|access-date=2017-01-21}}</ref>', 30 => '', 31 => 'A 2014 study on the application of the death penalty in Connecticut over the period 1973–2007 found "that minority defendants who kill white victims are capitally charged at substantially higher rates than minority defendants who kill minorities... There is also strong and statistically significant evidence that minority defendants who kill whites are more likely to end up with capital sentences than comparable cases with white defendants."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Donohue|first=John J.|date=2014-10-28|title=An Empirical Evaluation of the Connecticut Death Penalty System Since 1973: Are There Unlawful Racial, Gender, and Geographic Disparities?|journal=Journal of Empirical Legal Studies|language=en|volume=11|issue=4|pages=637–696|doi=10.1111/jels.12052|issn=1740-1453}}</ref>', 32 => '', 33 => 'A 2016 analysis by the ''New York Times'' "of tens of thousands of disciplinary cases against inmates in 2015, hundreds of pages of internal reports and three years of parole decisions found that racial disparities were embedded in the prison experience in New York."<ref name=":142">{{Cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/03/nyregion/new-york-state-prisons-inmates-racial-bias.html|title=The Scourge of Racial Bias in New York State's Prisons|last=Winerip|first=Michael Schwirtz, Michael|date=2016-12-03|newspaper=The New York Times|access-date=2016-12-03|last2=Gebeloff|first2=Robert}}</ref> Blacks and Latinos were sent more frequently to solitary and held there for longer durations than whites.<ref name=":142" /> The New York Times analysis found that the disparities were the greatest for violations where the prison guards had much discretion, such as disobeying orders, but smaller for violations that required physical evidence, such as possessing contraband.<ref name=":142" />', 34 => '', 35 => 'A 2016 report by the ''[[Sarasota Herald-Tribune]]'' found that Florida judges sentence black defendants to far longer prison sentences than whites with the same background.<ref name=":152">{{Cite news|url=http://projects.heraldtribune.com/bias/sentencing/|title=Same background. Same crime. Different race. Different sentence.|access-date=2016-12-19}}</ref> For the same drug possession crimes, blacks were sentenced to double the time of whites.<ref name=":152" /> Blacks were given longer sentences in 60 percent of felony cases, 68 percent of the most serious first-degree crimes, 45 percent of burglary cases and 30 percent of battery cases.<ref name=":152" /> For third-degree felonies (the least serious types of felonies in Florida), white judges sentenced blacks to twenty percent more time than whites, whereas black judges gave more balanced sentences.<ref name=":152" />', 36 => '', 37 => 'A 2017 report by the [[The Marshall Project|Marshall Project]] found that killings of black men by whites were far more likely to be deemed "justifiable" than killings by any other combination of races.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.themarshallproject.org/2017/08/14/killings-of-black-men-by-whites-are-far-more-likely-to-be-ruled-justifiable|title=Killings of Black Men by Whites are Far More Likely to be Ruled "Justifiable"|date=2017-08-14|website=The Marshall Project|access-date=2017-08-21}}</ref>', 38 => '', 39 => 'A 2017 report by the [[United States Sentencing Commission]] (USSC) found, "after controlling for a wide variety of sentencing factors" (such as age, education, citizenship, weapon possession and prior criminal history), that "black male offenders received sentences on average 19.1 percent longer than similarly situated White male offenders."<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/amphtml/news/wonk/wp/2017/11/16/black-men-sentenced-to-more-time-for-committing-the-exact-same-crime-as-a-white-person-study-finds/|title=Black men sentenced to more time for committing the exact same crime as a white person, study finds|website=www.washingtonpost.com|access-date=2017-11-23}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.ussc.gov/research/research-reports/demographic-differences-sentencing|title=Demographic Differences in Sentencing|date=2017-11-13|work=United States Sentencing Commission|access-date=2017-11-23|language=en}}</ref>', 40 => '', 41 => 'A 2018 study in the journal ''[[Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America|Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences]]'' found that tall young black men are especially likely to receive unjustified attention by law enforcement.<ref name=":17">{{Cite journal|last=Hester|first=Neil|last2=Gray|first2=Kurt|date=2018-02-21|title=For Black men, being tall increases threat stereotyping and police stops|journal=Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences|language=en|volume=115|issue=11|pages=2711–2715|doi=10.1073/pnas.1714454115|issn=0027-8424|pmc=5856523|pmid=29483263}}</ref> The authors furthermore found a "causal link between perceptions of height and perceptions of threat for Black men, particularly for perceivers who endorse stereotypes that Black people are more threatening than White people."<ref name=":17" />', 42 => '', 43 => 'A 2018 study in the ''American Economic Journal: Applied Economics'' found that judges gave longer sentences, in particular to black defendants, after their favorite team lost a home game.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Eren|first=Ozkan|last2=Mocan|first2=Naci|date=2018|title=Emotional Judges and Unlucky Juveniles|journal=American Economic Journal: Applied Economics|language=en|volume=10|issue=3|pages=171–205|doi=10.1257/app.20160390|issn=1945-7782|doi-access=free}}</ref>', 44 => '', 45 => 'Analysis of more than 20 million traffic stops in North Carolina showed that blacks were more than twice as likely as whites to be pulled over by police for traffic stops, and that blacks were more likely to be searched following the stop. There were no significant difference in the likelihood that Hispanics would be pulled over, but Hispanics were much more likely to be searched following a traffic stop than whites. When the study controlled for searches in high-crime areas, it still found that police disproportionately targeted black individuals. These racial disparities were particularly pronounced for young men. The study found that whites who were searched were more likely to carry contraband than blacks and Hispanics.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2018/07/17/what-data-on-20-million-traffic-stops-can-tell-us-about-driving-while-black/|title=Analysis {{!}} What data on 20 million traffic stops can tell us about 'driving while black'|website=Washington Post|language=en|access-date=2018-07-17}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|title=Suspect Citizens|last=Baumgartner|first=Frank R.|last2=Epp|first2=Derek A.|last3=Shoub|first3=Kelsey|date=2018-07-10|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9781108553599|language=en|doi=10.1017/9781108553599}}</ref>', 46 => '', 47 => 'A 2018 study in the ''[[Journal of Empirical Legal Studies]]'' found that law enforcement officers in Texas who could charge shoplifters with two types of crimes (one more serious, one less so) due to a vaguely worded statute were more likely to charge blacks and Hispanics with the more serious crime.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Braun|first=Michael|last2=Rosenthal|first2=Jeremy|last3=Therrian|first3=Kyle|date=2018|title=Police Discretion and Racial Disparity in Organized Retail Theft Arrests: Evidence from Texas|journal=Journal of Empirical Legal Studies|language=en|volume=15|issue=4|pages=916–950|doi=10.1111/jels.12201|issn=1740-1461}}</ref>', 48 => '', 49 => 'A 2019 study, which made use of a dataset of the racial makeup of every U.S. sheriff over a 25-year period, found that "ratio of Black‐to‐White arrests is significantly higher under White sheriffs" and that the effects appear to be "driven by arrests for less‐serious offenses and by targeting Black crime types."<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Bulman|first=George|year=2019|title=Law Enforcement Leaders and the Racial Composition of Arrests|journal=Economic Inquiry|language=en|volume=0|doi=10.1111/ecin.12800|issn=1465-7295}}</ref>', 50 => '', 51 => 'A 2019 [[audit study]] found that lawyers are less likely to take on clients with black-sounding names than white-sounding names.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Libgober|first=Brian|date=2019-05-16|title=Getting a Lawyer While Black: A Field Experiment|language=en|location=Rochester, NY|ssrn=3389279}}</ref>', 52 => '', 53 => '== See also ==', 54 => '* [[Crime in the United States]]', 55 => '* [[Incarceration in the United States]]', 56 => '* [[Race and crime in the United States]]', 57 => '* [[Racial inequality in the United States|Race and inequality in the United States]]', 58 => '* [[Racial profiling]]', 59 => '* [[Racism in the United States]]', 60 => '* [[Hate crime]]', 61 => '*[[Decarceration in the United States]]', 62 => '*[[Electronic monitoring in the United States]]', 63 => '', 64 => '== References ==', 65 => '{{Reflist}}', 66 => '', 67 => '=== Bibliography ===', 68 => '*Templer, D. I. [http://lesacreduprintemps19.files.wordpress.com/2011/08/richard-lynn-and-the-evolution-of-conscientiousness.pdf Richard Lynn and the evolution of conscientiousness]. Personality and Individual Differences (2011)', 69 => '{{Race and crime}}', 70 => '' ]
Whether or not the change was made through a Tor exit node (tor_exit_node)
false
Unix timestamp of change (timestamp)
1598989551