Jump to content

Edit filter log

Details for log entry 31267541

20:52, 9 November 2021: 2601:240:e181:e880:5c4:d49a:8e26:6c78 (talk) triggered filter 61, performing the action "edit" on Cultural hegemony. Actions taken: Tag; Filter description: New user removing references (examine | diff)

Changes made in edit

{{Short description|Marxist notion of cultural dominance}}[[File:Gramsci.png|thumb| The Marxist intellectual [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937) developed the notion of hegemony and advocated the establishment of a working-class intelligentsia.]]
{{Short description|Marxist theory of cultural dominance}}[[File:Gramsci.png|thumb|right|300px| The Marxist intellectual [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937) developed cultural hegemony to explain the social-control structures of society, and said that the working-class [[intelligentsia]] must generate a working-class ideology to counter the worldview (cultural hegemony) of the ruling class.]]

⚫
{{Marxism|expanded=Sociology}}
In [[Marxist philosophy]], '''cultural hegemony''' is the [[Dominance hierarchy| domination]] of a culturally diverse society by the [[ruling class]] which manipulates the [[culture]] of that society—the [[belief]]s and [[explanation]]s, [[perception]]s, [[Value system|values]], and [[mores]]—so that the imposed, ruling-class [[worldview]] becomes the accepted cultural [[norm (sociology) |norm]];<ref>Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, Editors (1999), ''The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought'' Third Edition, pp. 387–88.</ref>{{qn|date=October 2020}}<ref>
In [[Marxist philosophy]], '''cultural hegemony''' is the [[Dominance hierarchy|dominance]] of a culturally diverse society by the [[ruling class]] who manipulate the [[culture]] of that society—the [[belief]]s and [[explanation]]s, [[perception]]s, [[Value system|values]], and [[mores]]—so that the [[worldview]] of the ruling class becomes the accepted cultural [[norm (sociology) |norm]].<ref>Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, Editors (1999), ''The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought'' Third Edition, pp. 387–88.</ref> As the universal [[dominant ideology]], the ruling-class worldview misrepresents the social, political, and economic ''status quo'' as natural, inevitable, and perpetual social conditions that benefit every social class, rather than as artificial [[Social constructionism |social constructs]] that benefit only the ruling class.<ref name = "TheColumbia">''The Columbia Encyclopedia'', Fifth Edition. (1994), p. 1215.</ref><ref>{{cite book | last1 = Comaroff | first1 = Jean | author-link1 = Jean Comaroff | last2 = Comaroff | first2 = John L. | author-link2 = John Comaroff | year = 1991 | title = Of Revelation and Revolution | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=M_RaDwAAQBAJ | series = ATLA Special Series | volume = 1: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa| location = Chicago | publisher = University of Chicago Press | publication-date = 2008| page = 25 | isbn = 9780226114477| access-date = 7 October 2020| quote = Typically . . . the making of hegemony involves the assertion of control over various modes of symbolic production: over such things as educational and ritual processes, patterns of socialization, political and legal procedures, canons of style and self-representation, public communication, health and bodily discipline, and so on.}}</ref>
Compare:
{{cite book
| last1 = Comaroff
| first1 = Jean
| author-link1 = Jean Comaroff
| last2 = Comaroff
| first2 = John L.
| author-link2 = John Comaroff
| year = 1991
| title = Of Revelation and Revolution
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=M_RaDwAAQBAJ
| series = ATLA Special Series
| volume = 1: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa
| location = Chicago
| publisher = University of Chicago Press
| publication-date = 2008
| page = 25
| isbn = 9780226114477
| access-date = 7 October 2020
| quote = Typically [...] the making of hegemony involves the assertion of control over various modes of symbolic production: over such things as educational and ritual processses, patterns of socialization, political and legal procedures, canons of style and self-representation, public communication, health and bodily discipline, and so on.
}}
</ref> the universally valid [[dominant ideology]], which justifies the social, political, and economic ''status quo'' as natural and inevitable, perpetual and beneficial for every social class, rather than as artificial [[Social constructionism |social constructs]] that benefit only the ruling class.<ref name = "TheColumbia">''The Columbia Encyclopedia'', Fifth Edition. (1994), p. 1215.</ref> This Marxist analysis of how the ruling [[capitalist]] class (the [[bourgeoisie]]) establishes and maintains its control was originally developed by the Italian philosopher and politician [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937).


In [[philosophy]] and in [[sociology]], the term ''cultural hegemony'' has denotations and connotations derived from the Ancient Greek word ''hegemonia'' (ἡγεμονία) indicating [[leadership]] and [[rule (disambiguation) | rule]]. In [[political science]], [[hegemony]] implies geopolitical [[Empire|imperial]] dominance with a component of indirect influence, whereby the ''hegemon'' (leader state) rules subordinate states through the threat of intervention, an implied means of [[Power (social and political) |power]], rather than merely through the threat of direct rule—military [[invasion]], [[Military occupation|occupation]], and [[annexation]].<ref>
In philosophy and in sociology, the denotations and the connotations of term ''cultural hegemony'' derive from the Ancient Greek word ''hegemonia'' (ἡγεμονία), which indicates the [[leadership]] and the [[Regime|régime]] of the hegemon.<ref>{{cite book | last1 = Hassig | first1 = Ross| year = 1994| chapter = Mesoamerica and the Aztecs | title = Mexico and the Spanish Conquest| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=BK05BAAAQBAJ | edition = 2 | location = Norman | publisher = University of Oklahoma Press | publication-date = 2014 | page = 28| isbn = 9780806182087 | access-date = 7 October 2020 | quote = The more a hegemonic empire relies on power (the perception that one can enforce one's desired goals) rather than force (direct physical action to compel one's goals), the more efficient it is, because the subordinates police themselves.}}</ref> In political science, [[hegemony]] is the [[Geopolitics|geopolitical]] dominance exercised by an empire, the ''hegemon'' (leader state) that rules the subordinate states of the empire by the threat of intervention, an implied means of [[Power (social and political) |power]], rather than by threat of direct rule—military [[invasion]], [[Military occupation|occupation]], and territorial [[annexation]].<ref>Ross Hassig, ''Mexico and the Spanish Conquest'' (1994), pp. 23–24.</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=L. Adamson|first=Walter|title=Hegemony and Revolution|publisher=Echo Point Books & Media|year=2014}}</ref>
Compare:
{{cite book
| last1 = Hassig
| first1 = Ross
| year = 1994
| chapter = Mesoamerica and the Aztecs
| title = Mexico and the Spanish Conquest
| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=BK05BAAAQBAJ
| edition = 2
| location = Norman
| publisher = University of Oklahoma Press
| publication-date = 2014
| page = 28
| isbn = 9780806182087
| access-date = 7 October 2020
| quote = The more a hegemonic empire relies on power (the perception that one can enforce one's desired goals) rather than force (direct physical action to compel one's goals, the more efficient it is, because the subordinates police themselves.
}}
</ref><ref>
Ross Hassig, ''Mexico and the Spanish Conquest'' (1994), pp. 23–24.
</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=L. Adamson|first=Walter|title=Hegemony and Revolution|publisher=Echo Point Books & Media|year=2014}}</ref>


==Background==
==Background==
⚫
===Historical===
⚫
{{Marxism|expanded=Sociology}}


⚫
===Historical===
In 1848, [[Karl Marx]] proposed that the [[economic recession]]s and practical contradictions of a capitalist economy would provoke the [[working class]] to [[proletarian revolution]], depose [[capitalism]], restructure social institutions (economic, political, social) per the rational models of [[socialism]], and thus begin the transition to a [[communist]] society. Therefore, the [[dialectics|dialectical]] changes to the functioning of the [[economy]] of a society determine its social [[Base and superstructure|superstructures]] (culture and politics).
In 1848, [[Karl Marx]] proposed that the [[economic recession]]s and practical contradictions of a capitalist economy would provoke the [[working class]] to [[proletarian revolution]], depose [[capitalism]], restructure social institutions (economic, political, social) per the rational models of [[socialism]], and thus begin the transition to a [[communist]] society. Therefore, the [[dialectics|dialectical]] changes to the functioning of the [[economy]] of a society determine its social [[Base and superstructure|superstructures]] (culture and politics).


To that end, [[Antonio Gramsci]] proposed a ''strategic distinction'' between a War of Position and a War of Manœuvre. The war of position is an intellectual and cultural struggle wherein the [[anti-capitalist]] revolutionary creates a [[proletarian culture]] whose native value system counters the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]]. The proletarian culture will increase [[class consciousness]], teach [[revolution]]ary theory and historical analysis, and thus propagate further revolutionary organisation among the social classes.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Badino|first=Massimiliano|title=Cultural Hegemony in a Scientific World|publisher=Brill|year=2020}}</ref> On winning the war of position, socialist leaders would then have the necessary political power and popular support to begin the political [[maneuver warfare|manœuvre warfare]] of [[revolutionary socialism]].
To that end, [[Antonio Gramsci]] proposed a ''strategic distinction'' between the politics for a War of Position and for a War of Manœuvre. The war of position is an intellectual and cultural struggle wherein the [[anti-capitalist]] revolutionary creates a [[proletarian culture]] whose native value system counters the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]]. The proletarian culture will increase [[class consciousness]], teach [[revolution]]ary theory and historical analysis, and thus further develop revolutionary organisation among the social classes.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Badino|first=Massimiliano|title=Cultural Hegemony in a Scientific World|publisher=Brill|year=2020}}</ref> After winning the war of position, socialist leaders would then have the necessary political power and popular support to realise the [[maneuver warfare|war of manœuvre]], the political praxis of [[revolutionary socialism]].


===Political economy===
The initial, theoretical application of cultural domination was as a Marxist analysis of "economic class" ([[base and superstructure]]), which Antonio Gramsci developed to comprehend "social class"; hence, cultural hegemony proposes that the prevailing cultural norms of a society, which are imposed by the ruling class ([[bourgeoisie|bourgeois cultural hegemony]]), must not be perceived as natural and inevitable, but must be recognized as artificial [[social construct]]s ([[institutions]], [[convention (norm)|practices]], [[beliefs]], et cetera) that must be investigated to discover their philosophic roots as instruments of social-class domination. That such praxis of knowledge is indispensable for the intellectual and political [[liberty|liberation]] of the [[proletariat]], so that workers and peasants, the people of town and country, can create their own [[working-class culture]], which specifically addresses their social and economic needs as social classes.
As Marxist philosophy, cultural hegemony analyses the functions of economic class within the [[base and superstructure]], from which Gramsci developed the functions of social class within the social structures created for and by [[Dominance hierarchy|cultural domination]]. In the practise of imperialism, cultural hegemony occurs when the working and the peasant classes believe and accept that the prevailing cultural norms of a society (the [[dominant ideology]] imposed by the ruling class) realistically describes the natural order of things in society.


In the war for position, the working-class [[intelligentsia]] politically educate the working classes to perceive that the ''prevailing cultural norms'' are not natural and inevitable social conditions, and to recognize that the [[social construct]]s of bourgeois culture function as instruments of socio-economic domination, e.g. the [[institutions]] (state, church, and social strata), the [[convention (norm)|conventions]] (custom and tradition), and [[beliefs]] (religions and ideologies), etc. That to realise their own [[working-class culture]] the workers and the peasants, by way of their own intellectuals, must perform the necessary analyses of their culture and their national history in order for the [[proletariat]] to transcend the old ways of thinking about the order of things in a society under the cultural hegemony of an imperial power.
In a society, cultural hegemony is neither monolithic intellectual praxis, nor a unified system of values, but a complex of [[Social stratification|stratified]] [[social structure]]s, wherein each social and economic class has a social purpose and an internal class-logic that allows its members to behave in a way that is particular and different from the behaviours of the members of other social classes, whilst co-existing with them as constituents of the society.


===Social domination===
⚫
As a result of their different social purposes, the classes will be able to coalesce into a [[society]] with a greater social mission. When a person perceives the social structures of bourgeois cultural hegemony, personal [[common sense]] performs a dual, structural role (private and public) whereby the individual person applies common sense to cope with daily life, which explains to them the small segment of the [[social order]] stratum that each experiences as the ''status quo'' of life in society; "the way things are". Publicly, the emergence of the perceptual limitations of personal common sense inhibit the individual person's perception of the greater nature of the systematic socio-economic [[exploitation of labour|exploitation]] made possible by cultural hegemony. Because of the discrepancy in perceiving the ''status quo''—the socio-economic hierarchy of bourgeois culture—most people concern themselves with their immediate (private) personal concerns, rather than with distant (public) concerns, and so do not think about and question the fundamental sources of their socio-economic [[oppression]], and its discontents, social, personal, and political.<ref>{{cite journal |doi= 10.1177/019685998601000203 |title= The Problem of Ideology — Marxism without Guarantees |year= 1986 |first= Stuart |last= Hall |author-link= Stuart Hall (cultural theorist) |journal= Journal of Communication Inquiry |volume= 10 |issue= 2 |pages= 28–44 |url= https://archive.org/details/HallS |citeseerx= 10.1.1.1033.1130 |s2cid= 144448154 }}</ref>
Cultural hegemony is neither a monolithic intellectual praxis (politics and policies), nor a unified system of [[values]] (ideology), but a complex of social relations produced by the [[social stratification]] of the individual [[social structure]]s of a society; the social class system and the social strata of each class. Social cohesion arises from each social and economic class having a specific societal purpose, and each class has an [[in-group]] subculture that allows social behaviours particular to and different from the behaviours of other social classes; the social structures establish and demarcate the cohesive social order. Consequent to their assigned socio-economic purposes, the social classes will intellectually coalesce into a [[society]] with a greater sense of [[Nationalism|national purpose]], determined in the dominant ideology of the ruling class.


⚫
Gramsci said that cultural and historical analyses of the “natural order of things in society” established by the dominant ideology, would allow [[common sense|common-sense]] men and women to intellectually perceive the social structures of bourgeois cultural hegemony. In each sphere of life (private and public) common sense is the [[intellectualism]] with which people cope with and explain their daily life within their social stratum within the greater [[social order]]; yet the limits of common sense inhibit a person's intellectual perception of the [[exploitation of labour]] made possible with cultural hegemony. Given the difficulty in perceiving the ''status quo'' hierarchy of bourgeois culture (social and economic classes), most people concern themselves with private matters, and so do not question the fundamental sources of their socio-economic [[oppression]], individual and collective.<ref>{{cite journal |doi= 10.1177/019685998601000203 |title= The Problem of Ideology — Marxism without Guarantees |year= 1986 |first= Stuart |last= Hall |author-link= Stuart Hall (cultural theorist) |journal= Journal of Communication Inquiry |volume= 10 |issue= 2 |pages= 28–44 |url= https://archive.org/details/HallS |citeseerx= 10.1.1.1033.1130 |s2cid= 144448154 }}</ref>
The effects of cultural hegemony are perceptible at the personal level; although each person in a society lives a meaningful life in their social class, to them the discrete social classes might appear to have little in common with the private life of individual people. Yet, when perceived as a whole society, the life of each person does contribute to the greater social hegemony. Although social diversity, economic variety, and political freedom appear to exist—because most people ''see'' different life-circumstances—they are incapable of perceiving the greater hegemonic pattern created when the lives they witness coalesce as a society. The cultural hegemony is manifested in and maintained by an existence of minor, different circumstances that are not always fully perceived by the people living the culture.<ref>{{cite book |first=Antonio |last=Gramsci |author-link=Antonio Gramsci |editor-first=Joseph A |editor-last=Buttigieg |title=Prison Notebooks |publisher=Columbia University Press |location=New York City |year=1992 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram/page/233 233–38] |isbn=978-0-231-10592-7 |oclc=24009547 |url=https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram/page/233 }}</ref>


==Intellectuals==
==Intelligentsia==
In perceiving and combating cultural hegemony, the working class and the peasantry depend upon the intellectuals produced by their society, to which ends Antonio Gramsci distinguished between bourgeois-class intellectuals and working-class intellectuals, the proponents and the opponents of the imposed, normative culture, and thus of the social ''[[status quo]]'':
To perceive and combat ruling-class cultural hegemony, the working class and the peasant class depend upon the moral and political leadership of their native [[intelligentsia]], the scholars, academics, and teachers, scientists, philosophers, administrators ''et al'' from their specific social classes; thus Gramsci's political distinction between the intellectuals of the [[bourgeoisie]] and the intellectuals of the [[working class]], respectively, the men and women who are the proponents and the opponents of the cultural ''status quo'':


{{Quotation| Since these various categories of traditional [[intellectual]]s [administrators, [[scholar]]s and [[scientist]]s, theorists, non-ecclesiastical philosophers, etc.] experience through an ''esprit de corps'' their uninterrupted historical continuity, and their special qualifications, they thus put themselves forward as autonomous and independent of the [[Ruling class|dominant social group]]. This self-assessment is not without consequences in the [[Ideology|ideological]] and [[Politics|political]] fields, consequences of wide-ranging import. The whole of [[Idealism|idealist philosophy]] can easily be connected with this position, assumed by the social complex of intellectuals, and can be defined as the expression of that social utopia by which the intellectuals think of themselves as "independent" [and] autonomous, [and] endowed with a character of their own, etc.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 7–8.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 7–8.</ref>}}
{{Quotation| Since these various categories of traditional intellectuals experience through an ''esprit de corps'' their uninterrupted historical continuity, and their special qualifications, they thus put themselves forward as autonomous and independent of the [[Ruling class|dominant social group]]. This self-assessment is not without consequences in the ideological and political fields; consequences of wide-ranging import. The whole of [[Idealism|idealist philosophy]] can easily be connected with this position, assumed by the social complex of intellectuals, and can be defined as the expression of that social utopia, by which the intellectuals think of themselves as "independent" [and] autonomous, [and] endowed with a character of their own, etc.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 7–8.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 7–8.</ref>}}


{{Quotation| The traditional and vulgarized type of the intellectual is given by the Man of Letters, the [[philosopher]], and the [[artist]]. Therefore, journalists, who claim to be men of letters, philosophers, artists, also regard themselves as the "true" intellectuals. In the modern world, [[technical education]], closely bound to industrial labor, even at the most primitive and unqualified level, must form the basis of the new type of intellectual. ...
{{Quotation| The traditional and vulgarized type of the intellectual is given by the Man of Letters, the philosopher, and the artist. Therefore, journalists, who claim to be men of letters, philosophers, artists, also regard themselves as the "true" intellectuals. In the modern world, [[technical education]], closely bound to industrial labour, even at the most primitive and unqualified level, must form the basis of the new type of intellectual. . . . The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist of eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor [and] organizer, as "permanent persuader", not just simple orator.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 9–10.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 9–10.</ref>}}

The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist of eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor [and] organizer, as "permanent persuader", not just simple orator.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 9–10.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 9–10.</ref>}}


==Gramsci's influence==
==Gramsci's influence==
[[File:Rudi.jpg|thumb|right|300px|In 1968, [[Rudi Dutschke]], a leader of the [[German student movement]], the "68er-Bewegung", said that changing the bourgeois society of West Germany required a long march through the society's institutions, in order to identify and combat cultural hegemony.<ref name=JaButt>{{cite journal|last1=Buttigieg|first1=J. A.|title=The Contemporary Discourse on Civil Society: A Gramscian Critique|journal=Boundary 2|date= 2005|volume=32|issue=1|pages=33–52|doi=10.1215/01903659-32-1-33|url=https://ausm.community/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Buttigieg-Gramsci-and-hegemony-in-civil-society.pdf}}</ref>]]
[[File:Rudi.jpg|thumb|right|300px|In 1968, [[Rudi Dutschke]], a leader of the [[German student movement]], the "68er-Bewegung", said that changing the bourgeois society of West Germany required a long march through the society's institutions, in order to identify and combat cultural hegemony.<ref name=JaButt>{{cite journal|last1=Buttigieg|first1=J. A.|title=The Contemporary Discourse on Civil Society: A Gramscian Critique|journal=Boundary 2|date= 2005|volume=32|issue=1|pages=33–52|doi=10.1215/01903659-32-1-33|url=https://ausm.community/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Buttigieg-Gramsci-and-hegemony-in-civil-society.pdf}}</ref>]]


===German student movement===
Cultural hegemony has philosophically influenced [[Eurocommunism]], the [[social sciences]], and the [[activist]] politics of socially [[Liberalism|liberal]] and [[Progressivism|progressive]] politicians. The analytic [[discourse]] of cultural hegemony is important to research and synthesis in [[anthropology]], political science, sociology, and [[cultural studies]]; in [[education]], cultural hegemony developed [[critical pedagogy]], by which the root causes of political and social discontent can be identified, and so resolved.
⚫
In 1967, the [[German student movement]] leader [[Rudi Dutschke]] applied Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony with the phrase ''The [[long march through the institutions|Long march through the Institutions]]'' (''Marsch durch die Institutionen'') to identify the political war of position, a European Communist allusion to the [[Long March]] (1934–35) of the [[People's Liberation Army]], by means of which the working-class intellectuals would produce the popular culture to replace the [[dominant ideology]] imposed by the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]].<ref>{{Citation | url = http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | editor1-first = Joseph A | editor1-last = Buttigieg | edition = English critical | last = Gramsci | title = Prison Notebooks | at = p 50 footnote 21 | quote = Long March Through the Institutions<sup>21</sup> | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20100616163619/http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | archive-date = 2010-06-16 }}</ref><ref name=JaButt/><ref name= "davidson">{{Citation | format = web log | url = http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-hegemony-long-march.html | title = Strategy, Hegemony & 'The Long March': Gramsci's Lessons for the Antiwar Movement | first = Carl | last = Davidson | date = 6 April 2006}}.</ref><ref>[[:de:Marsch durch die Institutionen|Marsch durch die Institutionen]] at German Wikipedia.{{Circular reference|date=May 2019}}</ref><ref>[[wikiquote:Antonio Gramsci#Misattributed|Antonio Gramsci: Misattributed]] at English Wikiquote for the origin of "The Long March Through the Institutions" quotation.</ref>

⚫
In 1967, the [[German student movement]] leader [[Rudi Dutschke]] reformulated Antonio Gramsci's philosophy of hegemony with the phrase ''the [[long march through the institutions]]'' (German: ''Marsch durch die Institutionen'') to identify the political war of position, an allusion to the [[Long March]] (1934–35) of the [[Communist Party of China|Communist Chinese]] [[People's Liberation Army]], by means of which the working class would produce their own organic intellectuals and culture ([[dominant ideology]]) to replace those imposed by the [[bourgeoisie]].<ref>{{Citation | url = http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | editor1-first = Joseph A | editor1-last = Buttigieg | edition = English critical | last = Gramsci | title = Prison Notebooks | at = p 50 footnote 21 | quote = Long March Through the Institutions<sup>21</sup> | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20100616163619/http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | archive-date = 2010-06-16 }}</ref><ref name=JaButt/><ref name= "davidson">{{Citation | format = web log | url = http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-hegemony-long-march.html | title = Strategy, Hegemony & 'The Long March': Gramsci's Lessons for the Antiwar Movement | first = Carl | last = Davidson | date = 6 April 2006}}.</ref><ref>[[:de:Marsch durch die Institutionen|Marsch durch die Institutionen]] at German Wikipedia.{{Circular reference|date=May 2019}}</ref><ref>[[wikiquote:Antonio Gramsci#Misattributed|Antonio Gramsci: Misattributed]] at English Wikiquote for the origin of "The Long March Through the Institutions" quotation.</ref>


===The ideological apparatuses of the State===
===State apparatuses of ideology===
The [[Structural Marxism|structuralist]] philosopher [[Louis Althusser]] presented the theory of the [[Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses|ideological state apparatus]] to describe the structure of complex relationships among the different organs of the State, by which ideology is transmitted and disseminated to the populations of a society.<ref>{{Cite book|title=On The Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|pages=74–75; 103–47; 177, 180, 198–206; 218–31; 242–6}}</ref> Althusser draws from the concepts of hegemony present in ''cultural hegemony'', yet rejects the [[historicism]]. He argues that the ideological state apparatuses (ISA) are the sites of ideological conflict among the social classes of a society. That, in contrast to the repressive state apparatuses (RSA), such as the military and the police forces, the ISA exist as a plurality. While the ruling class in power can readily control the repressive state apparatuses, the ISA are both the sites and the stakes (the objects) of class struggle. Moreover, the ISA are not monolithic social entities, and are distributed throughout the society, as public and as private sites of continual [[class struggle]].
In [[Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses]], [[Louis Althusser]] describes the complex of social relationships among the different organs of the State that transmit and disseminate the [[dominant ideology]] to the populations of a society.<ref>{{Cite book|title=On The Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|pages=74–75; 103–47; 177, 180, 198–206; 218–31; 242–6}}</ref> The ideological state apparatuses (ISA) are the sites of ideological conflict among the social classes of a society; and, unlike the military and police forces, the repressive state apparatuses (RSA), the ISA exist as a plurality throughout society.


In ''On the Reproduction of Capitalism'' (1968), Louis Althusser said that the ideological apparatuses of the State are [[overdetermination|overdetermined]] zones of society that comprise complex elements of the ideologies of previous [[modes of production]], thus, are sites of continual political activity in a society, which are:<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|page=243}}</ref>
Despite the ruling-class control of the RSA, the ideological apparatuses of the state are both the sites and the stakes (the objects) of [[class struggle]], because the ISA are not monolithic social entities, and exist amongst society. As the public and the private sites of continual class struggle, the ideological apparatuses of the state (ISA) are [[overdetermination|overdetermined zones]] of society that are composed of elements of the dominant ideologies of previous [[modes of production]], hence the continual political activity in:


* the religious ISA (the clergy)
* the religious ISA (the clergy)
* the educational ISA (the systems of state and private schools)
* the educational ISA (the public and private school systems)
* the family ISA
* the family ISA (patriarchal family)
* the legal ISA (the courts)
* the legal ISA (police and legal, court and penal systems)
* the political ISA (the political system, e.g. political parties)
* the political ISA (political parties)
* the company union ISA
* the company union ISA
* the communications ISA (press, radio, television, etc.)
* the mass communications ISA (print, radio, television, internet, cinema)
* the cultural ISA (literature, the arts, sport, etc.)
* the cultural ISA (literature, the arts, sport, etc.)<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|page=243}}</ref>


Althusser said that the [[parliament]]ary structures of the State, by which the "will of the people" is represented by elected delegates, are an ideological apparatus of the State. That the political system, itself, is an ideological apparatus, because it involves the "fiction, corresponding to a 'certain' reality, that the component parts of the [political] system, as well as the principle of its functioning, are based on the ideology of the 'freedom' and 'equality' of the individual voters and the 'free choice' of the people's representatives, by the individuals that 'make up' the people".<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|location=London/New York|pages=222–223}}</ref>
The [[parliament]]ary structures of the State, by which elected politicians exercise ''the will of the people'' also are an ideological apparatus of the State, given the State's control of which populations are allowed to participate as political parties. In itself, the political system is an ideological apparatus, because citizens' participation involves intellectually accepting the ideological "fiction, corresponding to a 'certain' reality, that the component parts of the [political] system, as well as the principle of its functioning, are based on the ideology of the 'freedom' and 'equality' of the individual voters and the 'free choice' of the people's representatives, by the individuals that 'make up' the people".<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|location=London/New York|pages=222–223}}</ref>


==See also==
==See also==

Action parameters

VariableValue
Edit count of the user (user_editcount)
null
Name of the user account (user_name)
'2601:240:E181:E880:5C4:D49A:8E26:6C78'
Age of the user account (user_age)
0
Groups (including implicit) the user is in (user_groups)
[ 0 => '*' ]
Rights that the user has (user_rights)
[ 0 => 'createaccount', 1 => 'read', 2 => 'edit', 3 => 'createtalk', 4 => 'writeapi', 5 => 'viewmywatchlist', 6 => 'editmywatchlist', 7 => 'viewmyprivateinfo', 8 => 'editmyprivateinfo', 9 => 'editmyoptions', 10 => 'abusefilter-log-detail', 11 => 'urlshortener-create-url', 12 => 'centralauth-merge', 13 => 'abusefilter-view', 14 => 'abusefilter-log', 15 => 'vipsscaler-test' ]
Whether the user is editing from mobile app (user_app)
false
Whether or not a user is editing through the mobile interface (user_mobile)
false
Page ID (page_id)
410722
Page namespace (page_namespace)
0
Page title without namespace (page_title)
'Cultural hegemony'
Full page title (page_prefixedtitle)
'Cultural hegemony'
Edit protection level of the page (page_restrictions_edit)
[]
Last ten users to contribute to the page (page_recent_contributors)
[ 0 => 'Acousmana', 1 => '2601:240:E181:E880:5C4:D49A:8E26:6C78', 2 => '2601:240:E181:E880:9097:FD5D:5C49:7277', 3 => '2601:240:E181:E880:7CE9:53B:B29A:2DF', 4 => '2601:240:E181:E880:9DB4:6F22:CE08:A190', 5 => '2601:240:E181:E880:E18D:5FCD:D27A:F099', 6 => '5.25.162.35', 7 => 'GreenC bot', 8 => 'Tymon.r', 9 => '66.177.49.62' ]
Page age in seconds (page_age)
564439749
Action (action)
'edit'
Edit summary/reason (summary)
'/* Political economy */ ce. flow.'
Old content model (old_content_model)
'wikitext'
New content model (new_content_model)
'wikitext'
Old page wikitext, before the edit (old_wikitext)
'{{Short description|Marxist notion of cultural dominance}}[[File:Gramsci.png|thumb| The Marxist intellectual [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937) developed the notion of hegemony and advocated the establishment of a working-class intelligentsia.]] {{Marxism|expanded=Sociology}} In [[Marxist philosophy]], '''cultural hegemony''' is the [[Dominance hierarchy| domination]] of a culturally diverse society by the [[ruling class]] which manipulates the [[culture]] of that society—the [[belief]]s and [[explanation]]s, [[perception]]s, [[Value system|values]], and [[mores]]—so that the imposed, ruling-class [[worldview]] becomes the accepted cultural [[norm (sociology) |norm]];<ref>Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, Editors (1999), ''The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought'' Third Edition, pp. 387–88.</ref>{{qn|date=October 2020}}<ref> Compare: {{cite book | last1 = Comaroff | first1 = Jean | author-link1 = Jean Comaroff | last2 = Comaroff | first2 = John L. | author-link2 = John Comaroff | year = 1991 | title = Of Revelation and Revolution | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=M_RaDwAAQBAJ | series = ATLA Special Series | volume = 1: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa | location = Chicago | publisher = University of Chicago Press | publication-date = 2008 | page = 25 | isbn = 9780226114477 | access-date = 7 October 2020 | quote = Typically [...] the making of hegemony involves the assertion of control over various modes of symbolic production: over such things as educational and ritual processses, patterns of socialization, political and legal procedures, canons of style and self-representation, public communication, health and bodily discipline, and so on. }} </ref> the universally valid [[dominant ideology]], which justifies the social, political, and economic ''status quo'' as natural and inevitable, perpetual and beneficial for every social class, rather than as artificial [[Social constructionism |social constructs]] that benefit only the ruling class.<ref name = "TheColumbia">''The Columbia Encyclopedia'', Fifth Edition. (1994), p. 1215.</ref> This Marxist analysis of how the ruling [[capitalist]] class (the [[bourgeoisie]]) establishes and maintains its control was originally developed by the Italian philosopher and politician [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937). In [[philosophy]] and in [[sociology]], the term ''cultural hegemony'' has denotations and connotations derived from the Ancient Greek word ''hegemonia'' (ἡγεμονία) indicating [[leadership]] and [[rule (disambiguation) | rule]]. In [[political science]], [[hegemony]] implies geopolitical [[Empire|imperial]] dominance with a component of indirect influence, whereby the ''hegemon'' (leader state) rules subordinate states through the threat of intervention, an implied means of [[Power (social and political) |power]], rather than merely through the threat of direct rule—military [[invasion]], [[Military occupation|occupation]], and [[annexation]].<ref> Compare: {{cite book | last1 = Hassig | first1 = Ross | year = 1994 | chapter = Mesoamerica and the Aztecs | title = Mexico and the Spanish Conquest | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=BK05BAAAQBAJ | edition = 2 | location = Norman | publisher = University of Oklahoma Press | publication-date = 2014 | page = 28 | isbn = 9780806182087 | access-date = 7 October 2020 | quote = The more a hegemonic empire relies on power (the perception that one can enforce one's desired goals) rather than force (direct physical action to compel one's goals, the more efficient it is, because the subordinates police themselves. }} </ref><ref> Ross Hassig, ''Mexico and the Spanish Conquest'' (1994), pp. 23–24. </ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=L. Adamson|first=Walter|title=Hegemony and Revolution|publisher=Echo Point Books & Media|year=2014}}</ref> ==Background== ===Historical=== In 1848, [[Karl Marx]] proposed that the [[economic recession]]s and practical contradictions of a capitalist economy would provoke the [[working class]] to [[proletarian revolution]], depose [[capitalism]], restructure social institutions (economic, political, social) per the rational models of [[socialism]], and thus begin the transition to a [[communist]] society. Therefore, the [[dialectics|dialectical]] changes to the functioning of the [[economy]] of a society determine its social [[Base and superstructure|superstructures]] (culture and politics). To that end, [[Antonio Gramsci]] proposed a ''strategic distinction'' between a War of Position and a War of Manœuvre. The war of position is an intellectual and cultural struggle wherein the [[anti-capitalist]] revolutionary creates a [[proletarian culture]] whose native value system counters the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]]. The proletarian culture will increase [[class consciousness]], teach [[revolution]]ary theory and historical analysis, and thus propagate further revolutionary organisation among the social classes.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Badino|first=Massimiliano|title=Cultural Hegemony in a Scientific World|publisher=Brill|year=2020}}</ref> On winning the war of position, socialist leaders would then have the necessary political power and popular support to begin the political [[maneuver warfare|manœuvre warfare]] of [[revolutionary socialism]]. The initial, theoretical application of cultural domination was as a Marxist analysis of "economic class" ([[base and superstructure]]), which Antonio Gramsci developed to comprehend "social class"; hence, cultural hegemony proposes that the prevailing cultural norms of a society, which are imposed by the ruling class ([[bourgeoisie|bourgeois cultural hegemony]]), must not be perceived as natural and inevitable, but must be recognized as artificial [[social construct]]s ([[institutions]], [[convention (norm)|practices]], [[beliefs]], et cetera) that must be investigated to discover their philosophic roots as instruments of social-class domination. That such praxis of knowledge is indispensable for the intellectual and political [[liberty|liberation]] of the [[proletariat]], so that workers and peasants, the people of town and country, can create their own [[working-class culture]], which specifically addresses their social and economic needs as social classes. In a society, cultural hegemony is neither monolithic intellectual praxis, nor a unified system of values, but a complex of [[Social stratification|stratified]] [[social structure]]s, wherein each social and economic class has a social purpose and an internal class-logic that allows its members to behave in a way that is particular and different from the behaviours of the members of other social classes, whilst co-existing with them as constituents of the society. As a result of their different social purposes, the classes will be able to coalesce into a [[society]] with a greater social mission. When a person perceives the social structures of bourgeois cultural hegemony, personal [[common sense]] performs a dual, structural role (private and public) whereby the individual person applies common sense to cope with daily life, which explains to them the small segment of the [[social order]] stratum that each experiences as the ''status quo'' of life in society; "the way things are". Publicly, the emergence of the perceptual limitations of personal common sense inhibit the individual person's perception of the greater nature of the systematic socio-economic [[exploitation of labour|exploitation]] made possible by cultural hegemony. Because of the discrepancy in perceiving the ''status quo''—the socio-economic hierarchy of bourgeois culture—most people concern themselves with their immediate (private) personal concerns, rather than with distant (public) concerns, and so do not think about and question the fundamental sources of their socio-economic [[oppression]], and its discontents, social, personal, and political.<ref>{{cite journal |doi= 10.1177/019685998601000203 |title= The Problem of Ideology — Marxism without Guarantees |year= 1986 |first= Stuart |last= Hall |author-link= Stuart Hall (cultural theorist) |journal= Journal of Communication Inquiry |volume= 10 |issue= 2 |pages= 28–44 |url= https://archive.org/details/HallS |citeseerx= 10.1.1.1033.1130 |s2cid= 144448154 }}</ref> The effects of cultural hegemony are perceptible at the personal level; although each person in a society lives a meaningful life in their social class, to them the discrete social classes might appear to have little in common with the private life of individual people. Yet, when perceived as a whole society, the life of each person does contribute to the greater social hegemony. Although social diversity, economic variety, and political freedom appear to exist—because most people ''see'' different life-circumstances—they are incapable of perceiving the greater hegemonic pattern created when the lives they witness coalesce as a society. The cultural hegemony is manifested in and maintained by an existence of minor, different circumstances that are not always fully perceived by the people living the culture.<ref>{{cite book |first=Antonio |last=Gramsci |author-link=Antonio Gramsci |editor-first=Joseph A |editor-last=Buttigieg |title=Prison Notebooks |publisher=Columbia University Press |location=New York City |year=1992 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram/page/233 233–38] |isbn=978-0-231-10592-7 |oclc=24009547 |url=https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram/page/233 }}</ref> ==Intellectuals== In perceiving and combating cultural hegemony, the working class and the peasantry depend upon the intellectuals produced by their society, to which ends Antonio Gramsci distinguished between bourgeois-class intellectuals and working-class intellectuals, the proponents and the opponents of the imposed, normative culture, and thus of the social ''[[status quo]]'': {{Quotation| Since these various categories of traditional [[intellectual]]s [administrators, [[scholar]]s and [[scientist]]s, theorists, non-ecclesiastical philosophers, etc.] experience through an ''esprit de corps'' their uninterrupted historical continuity, and their special qualifications, they thus put themselves forward as autonomous and independent of the [[Ruling class|dominant social group]]. This self-assessment is not without consequences in the [[Ideology|ideological]] and [[Politics|political]] fields, consequences of wide-ranging import. The whole of [[Idealism|idealist philosophy]] can easily be connected with this position, assumed by the social complex of intellectuals, and can be defined as the expression of that social utopia by which the intellectuals think of themselves as "independent" [and] autonomous, [and] endowed with a character of their own, etc.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 7–8.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 7–8.</ref>}} {{Quotation| The traditional and vulgarized type of the intellectual is given by the Man of Letters, the [[philosopher]], and the [[artist]]. Therefore, journalists, who claim to be men of letters, philosophers, artists, also regard themselves as the "true" intellectuals. In the modern world, [[technical education]], closely bound to industrial labor, even at the most primitive and unqualified level, must form the basis of the new type of intellectual. ... The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist of eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor [and] organizer, as "permanent persuader", not just simple orator.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 9–10.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 9–10.</ref>}} ==Gramsci's influence== [[File:Rudi.jpg|thumb|right|300px|In 1968, [[Rudi Dutschke]], a leader of the [[German student movement]], the "68er-Bewegung", said that changing the bourgeois society of West Germany required a long march through the society's institutions, in order to identify and combat cultural hegemony.<ref name=JaButt>{{cite journal|last1=Buttigieg|first1=J. A.|title=The Contemporary Discourse on Civil Society: A Gramscian Critique|journal=Boundary 2|date= 2005|volume=32|issue=1|pages=33–52|doi=10.1215/01903659-32-1-33|url=https://ausm.community/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Buttigieg-Gramsci-and-hegemony-in-civil-society.pdf}}</ref>]] Cultural hegemony has philosophically influenced [[Eurocommunism]], the [[social sciences]], and the [[activist]] politics of socially [[Liberalism|liberal]] and [[Progressivism|progressive]] politicians. The analytic [[discourse]] of cultural hegemony is important to research and synthesis in [[anthropology]], political science, sociology, and [[cultural studies]]; in [[education]], cultural hegemony developed [[critical pedagogy]], by which the root causes of political and social discontent can be identified, and so resolved. In 1967, the [[German student movement]] leader [[Rudi Dutschke]] reformulated Antonio Gramsci's philosophy of hegemony with the phrase ''the [[long march through the institutions]]'' (German: ''Marsch durch die Institutionen'') to identify the political war of position, an allusion to the [[Long March]] (1934–35) of the [[Communist Party of China|Communist Chinese]] [[People's Liberation Army]], by means of which the working class would produce their own organic intellectuals and culture ([[dominant ideology]]) to replace those imposed by the [[bourgeoisie]].<ref>{{Citation | url = http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | editor1-first = Joseph A | editor1-last = Buttigieg | edition = English critical | last = Gramsci | title = Prison Notebooks | at = p 50 footnote 21 | quote = Long March Through the Institutions<sup>21</sup> | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20100616163619/http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | archive-date = 2010-06-16 }}</ref><ref name=JaButt/><ref name= "davidson">{{Citation | format = web log | url = http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-hegemony-long-march.html | title = Strategy, Hegemony & 'The Long March': Gramsci's Lessons for the Antiwar Movement | first = Carl | last = Davidson | date = 6 April 2006}}.</ref><ref>[[:de:Marsch durch die Institutionen|Marsch durch die Institutionen]] at German Wikipedia.{{Circular reference|date=May 2019}}</ref><ref>[[wikiquote:Antonio Gramsci#Misattributed|Antonio Gramsci: Misattributed]] at English Wikiquote for the origin of "The Long March Through the Institutions" quotation.</ref> ===The ideological apparatuses of the State=== The [[Structural Marxism|structuralist]] philosopher [[Louis Althusser]] presented the theory of the [[Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses|ideological state apparatus]] to describe the structure of complex relationships among the different organs of the State, by which ideology is transmitted and disseminated to the populations of a society.<ref>{{Cite book|title=On The Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|pages=74–75; 103–47; 177, 180, 198–206; 218–31; 242–6}}</ref> Althusser draws from the concepts of hegemony present in ''cultural hegemony'', yet rejects the [[historicism]]. He argues that the ideological state apparatuses (ISA) are the sites of ideological conflict among the social classes of a society. That, in contrast to the repressive state apparatuses (RSA), such as the military and the police forces, the ISA exist as a plurality. While the ruling class in power can readily control the repressive state apparatuses, the ISA are both the sites and the stakes (the objects) of class struggle. Moreover, the ISA are not monolithic social entities, and are distributed throughout the society, as public and as private sites of continual [[class struggle]]. In ''On the Reproduction of Capitalism'' (1968), Louis Althusser said that the ideological apparatuses of the State are [[overdetermination|overdetermined]] zones of society that comprise complex elements of the ideologies of previous [[modes of production]], thus, are sites of continual political activity in a society, which are:<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|page=243}}</ref> * the religious ISA (the clergy) * the educational ISA (the systems of state and private schools) * the family ISA * the legal ISA (the courts) * the political ISA (the political system, e.g. political parties) * the company union ISA * the communications ISA (press, radio, television, etc.) * the cultural ISA (literature, the arts, sport, etc.) Althusser said that the [[parliament]]ary structures of the State, by which the "will of the people" is represented by elected delegates, are an ideological apparatus of the State. That the political system, itself, is an ideological apparatus, because it involves the "fiction, corresponding to a 'certain' reality, that the component parts of the [political] system, as well as the principle of its functioning, are based on the ideology of the 'freedom' and 'equality' of the individual voters and the 'free choice' of the people's representatives, by the individuals that 'make up' the people".<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|location=London/New York|pages=222–223}}</ref> ==See also== * [[Behavioral contagion]] * [[Collective action problem]] * [[Cultural capital]] * [[Cultural conflict]] * ''Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts'' (1990), by [[James C. Scott]] * [[Focal point (game theory)]] * [[Hegemonic masculinity]] * ''[[Hegemony and Socialist Strategy]]'' (1985), by [[Ernesto Laclau]] and [[Chantal Mouffe]] * [[Herd behaviour]] * "[[Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses]]" (1970), by [[Louis Althusser]] * [[Marxist cultural analysis]] * [[Marx's theory of alienation]] * [[Nicos Poulantzas]] * [[Political consciousness]] * [[Post-hegemony]] * [[Herd_behavior#Sheeple|Sheeple]] * [[Social capital]] * [[Soft power]] * [[Southern strategy]] * [[Subaltern (postcolonialism)]] * ''[[The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society]]'' (1962), by [[Jürgen Habermas]] == References == {{Reflist}} == Further reading == *{{cite book |title=The Free Art Collective Manifesto for a Counter-Hegemonic Art |year=2007 |first=Dave |last= Beech |author2=Andy Hewitt |author3=Mel Jordan | isbn = 978-0-9554748-0-4 |oclc=269432294 |publisher=Free Publishing |location=England}} * {{Citation | editor1-first = Alan | editor1-last = Bullock | editor2-first = Stephen | editor2-last = Trombley | title = The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought | edition = 3rd | year = 1999}}. *{{cite book |first=Lenny |last=Flank |title=Hegemony and Counter-Hegemony: Marxism, Capitalism, and Their Relation to Sexism, Racism, Nationalism, and Authoritarianism |year=2007 |location=[[St. Petersburg, Florida]] |publisher=Red and Black Publishers |isbn=978-0-9791813-7-5 |oclc=191763227}} * {{Citation |first=Antonio |last=Gramsci |author-link=Antonio Gramsci |editor-first=Joseph A |editor-last=Buttigieg |title=Prison notebooks |publisher=Columbia University Press |location=New York City |year=1992 |isbn=978-0-231-10592-7 |oclc=24009547 |url-access=registration |url=https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram }} * {{Cite journal |title= The Dominant Ideology Thesis |first1= Nicholas |last1= Abercrombie |first2= Bryan S. |last2= Turner |journal= The British Journal of Sociology |volume= 29 |issue= 2 |date= June 1978 |pages= 149–70 |jstor= 589886 |doi=10.2307/589886}} * {{cite magazine|last=Anderson|first= Perry |year=1977| title=The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci|magazine= New Left Review| url=http://newleftreview.org/enwiki/static/assets/archive/pdf/NLR09801.pdf|issue=100|archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20150518080712/http://newleftreview.org/enwiki/static/assets/archive/pdf/NLR09801.pdf |archive-date= 2015-05-18 }} == External links == * {{Citation | url = http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/ | publisher = Marxists | format = archive | title = Gramsci}}. * {{Citation | url = http://www.internationalgramscisociety.org/ | title = International Gramsci society}}. * {{Citation | url = http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/gramsci-journal/ | title = journal | last = Gramsci | place = AU | publisher = UOW | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://archive.today/20121128022033/http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/gramsci-journal/ | archive-date = 2012-11-28 }}. * {{Citation | url = http://rethinkingmarxism.org/cms/ | title = Rethinking Marxism}}. * {{Citation | url = http://www.einet.net/review/1302-869793/Rethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm | publisher = EI Net | format = review | title = Rethinking Marxism: Association for economic & social analysis | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://archive.today/20130221181041/http://www.einet.net/review/1302-869793/Rethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm | archive-date = 2013-02-21 }} * {{Citation | url = http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/selections.htm | publisher = Marxists | title = Prison notebooks | last = Gramsci | contribution = Selections}}. * {{Citation | url = http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/ | publisher = Marxists | title = Prison notebooks | last = Gramsci}}. {{DEFAULTSORT:Cultural Hegemony}} [[Category:Cultural hegemony| ]] [[Category:Anti-corporate activism]] [[Category:Conflict theory]] [[Category:Antonio Gramsci]] [[Category:Marxist terminology]] [[Category:Marxist theory]] [[Category:Postcolonialism]] [[Category:Postmodern theory]] [[Category:Social concepts]] [[Category:Socialism]]'
New page wikitext, after the edit (new_wikitext)
'{{Short description|Marxist theory of cultural dominance}}[[File:Gramsci.png|thumb|right|300px| The Marxist intellectual [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937) developed cultural hegemony to explain the social-control structures of society, and said that the working-class [[intelligentsia]] must generate a working-class ideology to counter the worldview (cultural hegemony) of the ruling class.]] In [[Marxist philosophy]], '''cultural hegemony''' is the [[Dominance hierarchy|dominance]] of a culturally diverse society by the [[ruling class]] who manipulate the [[culture]] of that society—the [[belief]]s and [[explanation]]s, [[perception]]s, [[Value system|values]], and [[mores]]—so that the [[worldview]] of the ruling class becomes the accepted cultural [[norm (sociology) |norm]].<ref>Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, Editors (1999), ''The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought'' Third Edition, pp. 387–88.</ref> As the universal [[dominant ideology]], the ruling-class worldview misrepresents the social, political, and economic ''status quo'' as natural, inevitable, and perpetual social conditions that benefit every social class, rather than as artificial [[Social constructionism |social constructs]] that benefit only the ruling class.<ref name = "TheColumbia">''The Columbia Encyclopedia'', Fifth Edition. (1994), p. 1215.</ref><ref>{{cite book | last1 = Comaroff | first1 = Jean | author-link1 = Jean Comaroff | last2 = Comaroff | first2 = John L. | author-link2 = John Comaroff | year = 1991 | title = Of Revelation and Revolution | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=M_RaDwAAQBAJ | series = ATLA Special Series | volume = 1: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa| location = Chicago | publisher = University of Chicago Press | publication-date = 2008| page = 25 | isbn = 9780226114477| access-date = 7 October 2020| quote = Typically . . . the making of hegemony involves the assertion of control over various modes of symbolic production: over such things as educational and ritual processes, patterns of socialization, political and legal procedures, canons of style and self-representation, public communication, health and bodily discipline, and so on.}}</ref> In philosophy and in sociology, the denotations and the connotations of term ''cultural hegemony'' derive from the Ancient Greek word ''hegemonia'' (ἡγεμονία), which indicates the [[leadership]] and the [[Regime|régime]] of the hegemon.<ref>{{cite book | last1 = Hassig | first1 = Ross| year = 1994| chapter = Mesoamerica and the Aztecs | title = Mexico and the Spanish Conquest| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=BK05BAAAQBAJ | edition = 2 | location = Norman | publisher = University of Oklahoma Press | publication-date = 2014 | page = 28| isbn = 9780806182087 | access-date = 7 October 2020 | quote = The more a hegemonic empire relies on power (the perception that one can enforce one's desired goals) rather than force (direct physical action to compel one's goals), the more efficient it is, because the subordinates police themselves.}}</ref> In political science, [[hegemony]] is the [[Geopolitics|geopolitical]] dominance exercised by an empire, the ''hegemon'' (leader state) that rules the subordinate states of the empire by the threat of intervention, an implied means of [[Power (social and political) |power]], rather than by threat of direct rule—military [[invasion]], [[Military occupation|occupation]], and territorial [[annexation]].<ref>Ross Hassig, ''Mexico and the Spanish Conquest'' (1994), pp. 23–24.</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=L. Adamson|first=Walter|title=Hegemony and Revolution|publisher=Echo Point Books & Media|year=2014}}</ref> ==Background== ===Historical=== {{Marxism|expanded=Sociology}} In 1848, [[Karl Marx]] proposed that the [[economic recession]]s and practical contradictions of a capitalist economy would provoke the [[working class]] to [[proletarian revolution]], depose [[capitalism]], restructure social institutions (economic, political, social) per the rational models of [[socialism]], and thus begin the transition to a [[communist]] society. Therefore, the [[dialectics|dialectical]] changes to the functioning of the [[economy]] of a society determine its social [[Base and superstructure|superstructures]] (culture and politics). To that end, [[Antonio Gramsci]] proposed a ''strategic distinction'' between the politics for a War of Position and for a War of Manœuvre. The war of position is an intellectual and cultural struggle wherein the [[anti-capitalist]] revolutionary creates a [[proletarian culture]] whose native value system counters the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]]. The proletarian culture will increase [[class consciousness]], teach [[revolution]]ary theory and historical analysis, and thus further develop revolutionary organisation among the social classes.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Badino|first=Massimiliano|title=Cultural Hegemony in a Scientific World|publisher=Brill|year=2020}}</ref> After winning the war of position, socialist leaders would then have the necessary political power and popular support to realise the [[maneuver warfare|war of manœuvre]], the political praxis of [[revolutionary socialism]]. ===Political economy=== As Marxist philosophy, cultural hegemony analyses the functions of economic class within the [[base and superstructure]], from which Gramsci developed the functions of social class within the social structures created for and by [[Dominance hierarchy|cultural domination]]. In the practise of imperialism, cultural hegemony occurs when the working and the peasant classes believe and accept that the prevailing cultural norms of a society (the [[dominant ideology]] imposed by the ruling class) realistically describes the natural order of things in society. In the war for position, the working-class [[intelligentsia]] politically educate the working classes to perceive that the ''prevailing cultural norms'' are not natural and inevitable social conditions, and to recognize that the [[social construct]]s of bourgeois culture function as instruments of socio-economic domination, e.g. the [[institutions]] (state, church, and social strata), the [[convention (norm)|conventions]] (custom and tradition), and [[beliefs]] (religions and ideologies), etc. That to realise their own [[working-class culture]] the workers and the peasants, by way of their own intellectuals, must perform the necessary analyses of their culture and their national history in order for the [[proletariat]] to transcend the old ways of thinking about the order of things in a society under the cultural hegemony of an imperial power. ===Social domination=== Cultural hegemony is neither a monolithic intellectual praxis (politics and policies), nor a unified system of [[values]] (ideology), but a complex of social relations produced by the [[social stratification]] of the individual [[social structure]]s of a society; the social class system and the social strata of each class. Social cohesion arises from each social and economic class having a specific societal purpose, and each class has an [[in-group]] subculture that allows social behaviours particular to and different from the behaviours of other social classes; the social structures establish and demarcate the cohesive social order. Consequent to their assigned socio-economic purposes, the social classes will intellectually coalesce into a [[society]] with a greater sense of [[Nationalism|national purpose]], determined in the dominant ideology of the ruling class. Gramsci said that cultural and historical analyses of the “natural order of things in society” established by the dominant ideology, would allow [[common sense|common-sense]] men and women to intellectually perceive the social structures of bourgeois cultural hegemony. In each sphere of life (private and public) common sense is the [[intellectualism]] with which people cope with and explain their daily life within their social stratum within the greater [[social order]]; yet the limits of common sense inhibit a person's intellectual perception of the [[exploitation of labour]] made possible with cultural hegemony. Given the difficulty in perceiving the ''status quo'' hierarchy of bourgeois culture (social and economic classes), most people concern themselves with private matters, and so do not question the fundamental sources of their socio-economic [[oppression]], individual and collective.<ref>{{cite journal |doi= 10.1177/019685998601000203 |title= The Problem of Ideology — Marxism without Guarantees |year= 1986 |first= Stuart |last= Hall |author-link= Stuart Hall (cultural theorist) |journal= Journal of Communication Inquiry |volume= 10 |issue= 2 |pages= 28–44 |url= https://archive.org/details/HallS |citeseerx= 10.1.1.1033.1130 |s2cid= 144448154 }}</ref> ==Intelligentsia== To perceive and combat ruling-class cultural hegemony, the working class and the peasant class depend upon the moral and political leadership of their native [[intelligentsia]], the scholars, academics, and teachers, scientists, philosophers, administrators ''et al'' from their specific social classes; thus Gramsci's political distinction between the intellectuals of the [[bourgeoisie]] and the intellectuals of the [[working class]], respectively, the men and women who are the proponents and the opponents of the cultural ''status quo'': {{Quotation| Since these various categories of traditional intellectuals experience through an ''esprit de corps'' their uninterrupted historical continuity, and their special qualifications, they thus put themselves forward as autonomous and independent of the [[Ruling class|dominant social group]]. This self-assessment is not without consequences in the ideological and political fields; consequences of wide-ranging import. The whole of [[Idealism|idealist philosophy]] can easily be connected with this position, assumed by the social complex of intellectuals, and can be defined as the expression of that social utopia, by which the intellectuals think of themselves as "independent" [and] autonomous, [and] endowed with a character of their own, etc.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 7–8.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 7–8.</ref>}} {{Quotation| The traditional and vulgarized type of the intellectual is given by the Man of Letters, the philosopher, and the artist. Therefore, journalists, who claim to be men of letters, philosophers, artists, also regard themselves as the "true" intellectuals. In the modern world, [[technical education]], closely bound to industrial labour, even at the most primitive and unqualified level, must form the basis of the new type of intellectual. . . . The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist of eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor [and] organizer, as "permanent persuader", not just simple orator.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 9–10.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 9–10.</ref>}} ==Gramsci's influence== [[File:Rudi.jpg|thumb|right|300px|In 1968, [[Rudi Dutschke]], a leader of the [[German student movement]], the "68er-Bewegung", said that changing the bourgeois society of West Germany required a long march through the society's institutions, in order to identify and combat cultural hegemony.<ref name=JaButt>{{cite journal|last1=Buttigieg|first1=J. A.|title=The Contemporary Discourse on Civil Society: A Gramscian Critique|journal=Boundary 2|date= 2005|volume=32|issue=1|pages=33–52|doi=10.1215/01903659-32-1-33|url=https://ausm.community/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Buttigieg-Gramsci-and-hegemony-in-civil-society.pdf}}</ref>]] ===German student movement=== In 1967, the [[German student movement]] leader [[Rudi Dutschke]] applied Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony with the phrase ''The [[long march through the institutions|Long march through the Institutions]]'' (''Marsch durch die Institutionen'') to identify the political war of position, a European Communist allusion to the [[Long March]] (1934–35) of the [[People's Liberation Army]], by means of which the working-class intellectuals would produce the popular culture to replace the [[dominant ideology]] imposed by the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]].<ref>{{Citation | url = http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | editor1-first = Joseph A | editor1-last = Buttigieg | edition = English critical | last = Gramsci | title = Prison Notebooks | at = p 50 footnote 21 | quote = Long March Through the Institutions<sup>21</sup> | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20100616163619/http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | archive-date = 2010-06-16 }}</ref><ref name=JaButt/><ref name= "davidson">{{Citation | format = web log | url = http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-hegemony-long-march.html | title = Strategy, Hegemony & 'The Long March': Gramsci's Lessons for the Antiwar Movement | first = Carl | last = Davidson | date = 6 April 2006}}.</ref><ref>[[:de:Marsch durch die Institutionen|Marsch durch die Institutionen]] at German Wikipedia.{{Circular reference|date=May 2019}}</ref><ref>[[wikiquote:Antonio Gramsci#Misattributed|Antonio Gramsci: Misattributed]] at English Wikiquote for the origin of "The Long March Through the Institutions" quotation.</ref> ===State apparatuses of ideology=== In [[Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses]], [[Louis Althusser]] describes the complex of social relationships among the different organs of the State that transmit and disseminate the [[dominant ideology]] to the populations of a society.<ref>{{Cite book|title=On The Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|pages=74–75; 103–47; 177, 180, 198–206; 218–31; 242–6}}</ref> The ideological state apparatuses (ISA) are the sites of ideological conflict among the social classes of a society; and, unlike the military and police forces, the repressive state apparatuses (RSA), the ISA exist as a plurality throughout society. Despite the ruling-class control of the RSA, the ideological apparatuses of the state are both the sites and the stakes (the objects) of [[class struggle]], because the ISA are not monolithic social entities, and exist amongst society. As the public and the private sites of continual class struggle, the ideological apparatuses of the state (ISA) are [[overdetermination|overdetermined zones]] of society that are composed of elements of the dominant ideologies of previous [[modes of production]], hence the continual political activity in: * the religious ISA (the clergy) * the educational ISA (the public and private school systems) * the family ISA (patriarchal family) * the legal ISA (police and legal, court and penal systems) * the political ISA (political parties) * the company union ISA * the mass communications ISA (print, radio, television, internet, cinema) * the cultural ISA (literature, the arts, sport, etc.)<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|page=243}}</ref> The [[parliament]]ary structures of the State, by which elected politicians exercise ''the will of the people'' also are an ideological apparatus of the State, given the State's control of which populations are allowed to participate as political parties. In itself, the political system is an ideological apparatus, because citizens' participation involves intellectually accepting the ideological "fiction, corresponding to a 'certain' reality, that the component parts of the [political] system, as well as the principle of its functioning, are based on the ideology of the 'freedom' and 'equality' of the individual voters and the 'free choice' of the people's representatives, by the individuals that 'make up' the people".<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|location=London/New York|pages=222–223}}</ref> ==See also== * [[Behavioral contagion]] * [[Collective action problem]] * [[Cultural capital]] * [[Cultural conflict]] * ''Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts'' (1990), by [[James C. Scott]] * [[Focal point (game theory)]] * [[Hegemonic masculinity]] * ''[[Hegemony and Socialist Strategy]]'' (1985), by [[Ernesto Laclau]] and [[Chantal Mouffe]] * [[Herd behaviour]] * "[[Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses]]" (1970), by [[Louis Althusser]] * [[Marxist cultural analysis]] * [[Marx's theory of alienation]] * [[Nicos Poulantzas]] * [[Political consciousness]] * [[Post-hegemony]] * [[Herd_behavior#Sheeple|Sheeple]] * [[Social capital]] * [[Soft power]] * [[Southern strategy]] * [[Subaltern (postcolonialism)]] * ''[[The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society]]'' (1962), by [[Jürgen Habermas]] == References == {{Reflist}} == Further reading == *{{cite book |title=The Free Art Collective Manifesto for a Counter-Hegemonic Art |year=2007 |first=Dave |last= Beech |author2=Andy Hewitt |author3=Mel Jordan | isbn = 978-0-9554748-0-4 |oclc=269432294 |publisher=Free Publishing |location=England}} * {{Citation | editor1-first = Alan | editor1-last = Bullock | editor2-first = Stephen | editor2-last = Trombley | title = The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought | edition = 3rd | year = 1999}}. *{{cite book |first=Lenny |last=Flank |title=Hegemony and Counter-Hegemony: Marxism, Capitalism, and Their Relation to Sexism, Racism, Nationalism, and Authoritarianism |year=2007 |location=[[St. Petersburg, Florida]] |publisher=Red and Black Publishers |isbn=978-0-9791813-7-5 |oclc=191763227}} * {{Citation |first=Antonio |last=Gramsci |author-link=Antonio Gramsci |editor-first=Joseph A |editor-last=Buttigieg |title=Prison notebooks |publisher=Columbia University Press |location=New York City |year=1992 |isbn=978-0-231-10592-7 |oclc=24009547 |url-access=registration |url=https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram }} * {{Cite journal |title= The Dominant Ideology Thesis |first1= Nicholas |last1= Abercrombie |first2= Bryan S. |last2= Turner |journal= The British Journal of Sociology |volume= 29 |issue= 2 |date= June 1978 |pages= 149–70 |jstor= 589886 |doi=10.2307/589886}} * {{cite magazine|last=Anderson|first= Perry |year=1977| title=The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci|magazine= New Left Review| url=http://newleftreview.org/enwiki/static/assets/archive/pdf/NLR09801.pdf|issue=100|archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20150518080712/http://newleftreview.org/enwiki/static/assets/archive/pdf/NLR09801.pdf |archive-date= 2015-05-18 }} == External links == * {{Citation | url = http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/ | publisher = Marxists | format = archive | title = Gramsci}}. * {{Citation | url = http://www.internationalgramscisociety.org/ | title = International Gramsci society}}. * {{Citation | url = http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/gramsci-journal/ | title = journal | last = Gramsci | place = AU | publisher = UOW | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://archive.today/20121128022033/http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/gramsci-journal/ | archive-date = 2012-11-28 }}. * {{Citation | url = http://rethinkingmarxism.org/cms/ | title = Rethinking Marxism}}. * {{Citation | url = http://www.einet.net/review/1302-869793/Rethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm | publisher = EI Net | format = review | title = Rethinking Marxism: Association for economic & social analysis | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://archive.today/20130221181041/http://www.einet.net/review/1302-869793/Rethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm | archive-date = 2013-02-21 }} * {{Citation | url = http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/selections.htm | publisher = Marxists | title = Prison notebooks | last = Gramsci | contribution = Selections}}. * {{Citation | url = http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/ | publisher = Marxists | title = Prison notebooks | last = Gramsci}}. {{DEFAULTSORT:Cultural Hegemony}} [[Category:Cultural hegemony| ]] [[Category:Anti-corporate activism]] [[Category:Conflict theory]] [[Category:Antonio Gramsci]] [[Category:Marxist terminology]] [[Category:Marxist theory]] [[Category:Postcolonialism]] [[Category:Postmodern theory]] [[Category:Social concepts]] [[Category:Socialism]]'
Unified diff of changes made by edit (edit_diff)
'@@ -1,96 +1,54 @@ -{{Short description|Marxist notion of cultural dominance}}[[File:Gramsci.png|thumb| The Marxist intellectual [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937) developed the notion of hegemony and advocated the establishment of a working-class intelligentsia.]] -{{Marxism|expanded=Sociology}} -In [[Marxist philosophy]], '''cultural hegemony''' is the [[Dominance hierarchy| domination]] of a culturally diverse society by the [[ruling class]] which manipulates the [[culture]] of that society—the [[belief]]s and [[explanation]]s, [[perception]]s, [[Value system|values]], and [[mores]]—so that the imposed, ruling-class [[worldview]] becomes the accepted cultural [[norm (sociology) |norm]];<ref>Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, Editors (1999), ''The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought'' Third Edition, pp. 387–88.</ref>{{qn|date=October 2020}}<ref> -Compare: -{{cite book - | last1 = Comaroff - | first1 = Jean - | author-link1 = Jean Comaroff - | last2 = Comaroff - | first2 = John L. - | author-link2 = John Comaroff - | year = 1991 - | title = Of Revelation and Revolution - | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=M_RaDwAAQBAJ - | series = ATLA Special Series - | volume = 1: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa - | location = Chicago - | publisher = University of Chicago Press - | publication-date = 2008 - | page = 25 - | isbn = 9780226114477 - | access-date = 7 October 2020 - | quote = Typically [...] the making of hegemony involves the assertion of control over various modes of symbolic production: over such things as educational and ritual processses, patterns of socialization, political and legal procedures, canons of style and self-representation, public communication, health and bodily discipline, and so on. -}} -</ref> the universally valid [[dominant ideology]], which justifies the social, political, and economic ''status quo'' as natural and inevitable, perpetual and beneficial for every social class, rather than as artificial [[Social constructionism |social constructs]] that benefit only the ruling class.<ref name = "TheColumbia">''The Columbia Encyclopedia'', Fifth Edition. (1994), p. 1215.</ref> This Marxist analysis of how the ruling [[capitalist]] class (the [[bourgeoisie]]) establishes and maintains its control was originally developed by the Italian philosopher and politician [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937). +{{Short description|Marxist theory of cultural dominance}}[[File:Gramsci.png|thumb|right|300px| The Marxist intellectual [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937) developed cultural hegemony to explain the social-control structures of society, and said that the working-class [[intelligentsia]] must generate a working-class ideology to counter the worldview (cultural hegemony) of the ruling class.]] + +In [[Marxist philosophy]], '''cultural hegemony''' is the [[Dominance hierarchy|dominance]] of a culturally diverse society by the [[ruling class]] who manipulate the [[culture]] of that society—the [[belief]]s and [[explanation]]s, [[perception]]s, [[Value system|values]], and [[mores]]—so that the [[worldview]] of the ruling class becomes the accepted cultural [[norm (sociology) |norm]].<ref>Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, Editors (1999), ''The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought'' Third Edition, pp. 387–88.</ref> As the universal [[dominant ideology]], the ruling-class worldview misrepresents the social, political, and economic ''status quo'' as natural, inevitable, and perpetual social conditions that benefit every social class, rather than as artificial [[Social constructionism |social constructs]] that benefit only the ruling class.<ref name = "TheColumbia">''The Columbia Encyclopedia'', Fifth Edition. (1994), p. 1215.</ref><ref>{{cite book | last1 = Comaroff | first1 = Jean | author-link1 = Jean Comaroff | last2 = Comaroff | first2 = John L. | author-link2 = John Comaroff | year = 1991 | title = Of Revelation and Revolution | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=M_RaDwAAQBAJ | series = ATLA Special Series | volume = 1: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa| location = Chicago | publisher = University of Chicago Press | publication-date = 2008| page = 25 | isbn = 9780226114477| access-date = 7 October 2020| quote = Typically . . . the making of hegemony involves the assertion of control over various modes of symbolic production: over such things as educational and ritual processes, patterns of socialization, political and legal procedures, canons of style and self-representation, public communication, health and bodily discipline, and so on.}}</ref> -In [[philosophy]] and in [[sociology]], the term ''cultural hegemony'' has denotations and connotations derived from the Ancient Greek word ''hegemonia'' (ἡγεμονία) indicating [[leadership]] and [[rule (disambiguation) | rule]]. In [[political science]], [[hegemony]] implies geopolitical [[Empire|imperial]] dominance with a component of indirect influence, whereby the ''hegemon'' (leader state) rules subordinate states through the threat of intervention, an implied means of [[Power (social and political) |power]], rather than merely through the threat of direct rule—military [[invasion]], [[Military occupation|occupation]], and [[annexation]].<ref> -Compare: -{{cite book - | last1 = Hassig - | first1 = Ross - | year = 1994 - | chapter = Mesoamerica and the Aztecs - | title = Mexico and the Spanish Conquest - | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=BK05BAAAQBAJ - | edition = 2 - | location = Norman - | publisher = University of Oklahoma Press - | publication-date = 2014 - | page = 28 - | isbn = 9780806182087 - | access-date = 7 October 2020 - | quote = The more a hegemonic empire relies on power (the perception that one can enforce one's desired goals) rather than force (direct physical action to compel one's goals, the more efficient it is, because the subordinates police themselves. -}} -</ref><ref> -Ross Hassig, ''Mexico and the Spanish Conquest'' (1994), pp. 23–24. -</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=L. Adamson|first=Walter|title=Hegemony and Revolution|publisher=Echo Point Books & Media|year=2014}}</ref> +In philosophy and in sociology, the denotations and the connotations of term ''cultural hegemony'' derive from the Ancient Greek word ''hegemonia'' (ἡγεμονία), which indicates the [[leadership]] and the [[Regime|régime]] of the hegemon.<ref>{{cite book | last1 = Hassig | first1 = Ross| year = 1994| chapter = Mesoamerica and the Aztecs | title = Mexico and the Spanish Conquest| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=BK05BAAAQBAJ | edition = 2 | location = Norman | publisher = University of Oklahoma Press | publication-date = 2014 | page = 28| isbn = 9780806182087 | access-date = 7 October 2020 | quote = The more a hegemonic empire relies on power (the perception that one can enforce one's desired goals) rather than force (direct physical action to compel one's goals), the more efficient it is, because the subordinates police themselves.}}</ref> In political science, [[hegemony]] is the [[Geopolitics|geopolitical]] dominance exercised by an empire, the ''hegemon'' (leader state) that rules the subordinate states of the empire by the threat of intervention, an implied means of [[Power (social and political) |power]], rather than by threat of direct rule—military [[invasion]], [[Military occupation|occupation]], and territorial [[annexation]].<ref>Ross Hassig, ''Mexico and the Spanish Conquest'' (1994), pp. 23–24.</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=L. Adamson|first=Walter|title=Hegemony and Revolution|publisher=Echo Point Books & Media|year=2014}}</ref> ==Background== +===Historical=== +{{Marxism|expanded=Sociology}} -===Historical=== In 1848, [[Karl Marx]] proposed that the [[economic recession]]s and practical contradictions of a capitalist economy would provoke the [[working class]] to [[proletarian revolution]], depose [[capitalism]], restructure social institutions (economic, political, social) per the rational models of [[socialism]], and thus begin the transition to a [[communist]] society. Therefore, the [[dialectics|dialectical]] changes to the functioning of the [[economy]] of a society determine its social [[Base and superstructure|superstructures]] (culture and politics). -To that end, [[Antonio Gramsci]] proposed a ''strategic distinction'' between a War of Position and a War of Manœuvre. The war of position is an intellectual and cultural struggle wherein the [[anti-capitalist]] revolutionary creates a [[proletarian culture]] whose native value system counters the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]]. The proletarian culture will increase [[class consciousness]], teach [[revolution]]ary theory and historical analysis, and thus propagate further revolutionary organisation among the social classes.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Badino|first=Massimiliano|title=Cultural Hegemony in a Scientific World|publisher=Brill|year=2020}}</ref> On winning the war of position, socialist leaders would then have the necessary political power and popular support to begin the political [[maneuver warfare|manœuvre warfare]] of [[revolutionary socialism]]. +To that end, [[Antonio Gramsci]] proposed a ''strategic distinction'' between the politics for a War of Position and for a War of Manœuvre. The war of position is an intellectual and cultural struggle wherein the [[anti-capitalist]] revolutionary creates a [[proletarian culture]] whose native value system counters the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]]. The proletarian culture will increase [[class consciousness]], teach [[revolution]]ary theory and historical analysis, and thus further develop revolutionary organisation among the social classes.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Badino|first=Massimiliano|title=Cultural Hegemony in a Scientific World|publisher=Brill|year=2020}}</ref> After winning the war of position, socialist leaders would then have the necessary political power and popular support to realise the [[maneuver warfare|war of manœuvre]], the political praxis of [[revolutionary socialism]]. -The initial, theoretical application of cultural domination was as a Marxist analysis of "economic class" ([[base and superstructure]]), which Antonio Gramsci developed to comprehend "social class"; hence, cultural hegemony proposes that the prevailing cultural norms of a society, which are imposed by the ruling class ([[bourgeoisie|bourgeois cultural hegemony]]), must not be perceived as natural and inevitable, but must be recognized as artificial [[social construct]]s ([[institutions]], [[convention (norm)|practices]], [[beliefs]], et cetera) that must be investigated to discover their philosophic roots as instruments of social-class domination. That such praxis of knowledge is indispensable for the intellectual and political [[liberty|liberation]] of the [[proletariat]], so that workers and peasants, the people of town and country, can create their own [[working-class culture]], which specifically addresses their social and economic needs as social classes. +===Political economy=== +As Marxist philosophy, cultural hegemony analyses the functions of economic class within the [[base and superstructure]], from which Gramsci developed the functions of social class within the social structures created for and by [[Dominance hierarchy|cultural domination]]. In the practise of imperialism, cultural hegemony occurs when the working and the peasant classes believe and accept that the prevailing cultural norms of a society (the [[dominant ideology]] imposed by the ruling class) realistically describes the natural order of things in society. -In a society, cultural hegemony is neither monolithic intellectual praxis, nor a unified system of values, but a complex of [[Social stratification|stratified]] [[social structure]]s, wherein each social and economic class has a social purpose and an internal class-logic that allows its members to behave in a way that is particular and different from the behaviours of the members of other social classes, whilst co-existing with them as constituents of the society. +In the war for position, the working-class [[intelligentsia]] politically educate the working classes to perceive that the ''prevailing cultural norms'' are not natural and inevitable social conditions, and to recognize that the [[social construct]]s of bourgeois culture function as instruments of socio-economic domination, e.g. the [[institutions]] (state, church, and social strata), the [[convention (norm)|conventions]] (custom and tradition), and [[beliefs]] (religions and ideologies), etc. That to realise their own [[working-class culture]] the workers and the peasants, by way of their own intellectuals, must perform the necessary analyses of their culture and their national history in order for the [[proletariat]] to transcend the old ways of thinking about the order of things in a society under the cultural hegemony of an imperial power. -As a result of their different social purposes, the classes will be able to coalesce into a [[society]] with a greater social mission. When a person perceives the social structures of bourgeois cultural hegemony, personal [[common sense]] performs a dual, structural role (private and public) whereby the individual person applies common sense to cope with daily life, which explains to them the small segment of the [[social order]] stratum that each experiences as the ''status quo'' of life in society; "the way things are". Publicly, the emergence of the perceptual limitations of personal common sense inhibit the individual person's perception of the greater nature of the systematic socio-economic [[exploitation of labour|exploitation]] made possible by cultural hegemony. Because of the discrepancy in perceiving the ''status quo''—the socio-economic hierarchy of bourgeois culture—most people concern themselves with their immediate (private) personal concerns, rather than with distant (public) concerns, and so do not think about and question the fundamental sources of their socio-economic [[oppression]], and its discontents, social, personal, and political.<ref>{{cite journal |doi= 10.1177/019685998601000203 |title= The Problem of Ideology — Marxism without Guarantees |year= 1986 |first= Stuart |last= Hall |author-link= Stuart Hall (cultural theorist) |journal= Journal of Communication Inquiry |volume= 10 |issue= 2 |pages= 28–44 |url= https://archive.org/details/HallS |citeseerx= 10.1.1.1033.1130 |s2cid= 144448154 }}</ref> +===Social domination=== +Cultural hegemony is neither a monolithic intellectual praxis (politics and policies), nor a unified system of [[values]] (ideology), but a complex of social relations produced by the [[social stratification]] of the individual [[social structure]]s of a society; the social class system and the social strata of each class. Social cohesion arises from each social and economic class having a specific societal purpose, and each class has an [[in-group]] subculture that allows social behaviours particular to and different from the behaviours of other social classes; the social structures establish and demarcate the cohesive social order. Consequent to their assigned socio-economic purposes, the social classes will intellectually coalesce into a [[society]] with a greater sense of [[Nationalism|national purpose]], determined in the dominant ideology of the ruling class. -The effects of cultural hegemony are perceptible at the personal level; although each person in a society lives a meaningful life in their social class, to them the discrete social classes might appear to have little in common with the private life of individual people. Yet, when perceived as a whole society, the life of each person does contribute to the greater social hegemony. Although social diversity, economic variety, and political freedom appear to exist—because most people ''see'' different life-circumstances—they are incapable of perceiving the greater hegemonic pattern created when the lives they witness coalesce as a society. The cultural hegemony is manifested in and maintained by an existence of minor, different circumstances that are not always fully perceived by the people living the culture.<ref>{{cite book |first=Antonio |last=Gramsci |author-link=Antonio Gramsci |editor-first=Joseph A |editor-last=Buttigieg |title=Prison Notebooks |publisher=Columbia University Press |location=New York City |year=1992 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram/page/233 233–38] |isbn=978-0-231-10592-7 |oclc=24009547 |url=https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram/page/233 }}</ref> +Gramsci said that cultural and historical analyses of the “natural order of things in society” established by the dominant ideology, would allow [[common sense|common-sense]] men and women to intellectually perceive the social structures of bourgeois cultural hegemony. In each sphere of life (private and public) common sense is the [[intellectualism]] with which people cope with and explain their daily life within their social stratum within the greater [[social order]]; yet the limits of common sense inhibit a person's intellectual perception of the [[exploitation of labour]] made possible with cultural hegemony. Given the difficulty in perceiving the ''status quo'' hierarchy of bourgeois culture (social and economic classes), most people concern themselves with private matters, and so do not question the fundamental sources of their socio-economic [[oppression]], individual and collective.<ref>{{cite journal |doi= 10.1177/019685998601000203 |title= The Problem of Ideology — Marxism without Guarantees |year= 1986 |first= Stuart |last= Hall |author-link= Stuart Hall (cultural theorist) |journal= Journal of Communication Inquiry |volume= 10 |issue= 2 |pages= 28–44 |url= https://archive.org/details/HallS |citeseerx= 10.1.1.1033.1130 |s2cid= 144448154 }}</ref> -==Intellectuals== -In perceiving and combating cultural hegemony, the working class and the peasantry depend upon the intellectuals produced by their society, to which ends Antonio Gramsci distinguished between bourgeois-class intellectuals and working-class intellectuals, the proponents and the opponents of the imposed, normative culture, and thus of the social ''[[status quo]]'': +==Intelligentsia== +To perceive and combat ruling-class cultural hegemony, the working class and the peasant class depend upon the moral and political leadership of their native [[intelligentsia]], the scholars, academics, and teachers, scientists, philosophers, administrators ''et al'' from their specific social classes; thus Gramsci's political distinction between the intellectuals of the [[bourgeoisie]] and the intellectuals of the [[working class]], respectively, the men and women who are the proponents and the opponents of the cultural ''status quo'': -{{Quotation| Since these various categories of traditional [[intellectual]]s [administrators, [[scholar]]s and [[scientist]]s, theorists, non-ecclesiastical philosophers, etc.] experience through an ''esprit de corps'' their uninterrupted historical continuity, and their special qualifications, they thus put themselves forward as autonomous and independent of the [[Ruling class|dominant social group]]. This self-assessment is not without consequences in the [[Ideology|ideological]] and [[Politics|political]] fields, consequences of wide-ranging import. The whole of [[Idealism|idealist philosophy]] can easily be connected with this position, assumed by the social complex of intellectuals, and can be defined as the expression of that social utopia by which the intellectuals think of themselves as "independent" [and] autonomous, [and] endowed with a character of their own, etc.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 7–8.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 7–8.</ref>}} +{{Quotation| Since these various categories of traditional intellectuals experience through an ''esprit de corps'' their uninterrupted historical continuity, and their special qualifications, they thus put themselves forward as autonomous and independent of the [[Ruling class|dominant social group]]. This self-assessment is not without consequences in the ideological and political fields; consequences of wide-ranging import. The whole of [[Idealism|idealist philosophy]] can easily be connected with this position, assumed by the social complex of intellectuals, and can be defined as the expression of that social utopia, by which the intellectuals think of themselves as "independent" [and] autonomous, [and] endowed with a character of their own, etc.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 7–8.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 7–8.</ref>}} -{{Quotation| The traditional and vulgarized type of the intellectual is given by the Man of Letters, the [[philosopher]], and the [[artist]]. Therefore, journalists, who claim to be men of letters, philosophers, artists, also regard themselves as the "true" intellectuals. In the modern world, [[technical education]], closely bound to industrial labor, even at the most primitive and unqualified level, must form the basis of the new type of intellectual. ... - -The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist of eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor [and] organizer, as "permanent persuader", not just simple orator.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 9–10.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 9–10.</ref>}} +{{Quotation| The traditional and vulgarized type of the intellectual is given by the Man of Letters, the philosopher, and the artist. Therefore, journalists, who claim to be men of letters, philosophers, artists, also regard themselves as the "true" intellectuals. In the modern world, [[technical education]], closely bound to industrial labour, even at the most primitive and unqualified level, must form the basis of the new type of intellectual. . . . The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist of eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor [and] organizer, as "permanent persuader", not just simple orator.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 9–10.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 9–10.</ref>}} ==Gramsci's influence== [[File:Rudi.jpg|thumb|right|300px|In 1968, [[Rudi Dutschke]], a leader of the [[German student movement]], the "68er-Bewegung", said that changing the bourgeois society of West Germany required a long march through the society's institutions, in order to identify and combat cultural hegemony.<ref name=JaButt>{{cite journal|last1=Buttigieg|first1=J. A.|title=The Contemporary Discourse on Civil Society: A Gramscian Critique|journal=Boundary 2|date= 2005|volume=32|issue=1|pages=33–52|doi=10.1215/01903659-32-1-33|url=https://ausm.community/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Buttigieg-Gramsci-and-hegemony-in-civil-society.pdf}}</ref>]] -Cultural hegemony has philosophically influenced [[Eurocommunism]], the [[social sciences]], and the [[activist]] politics of socially [[Liberalism|liberal]] and [[Progressivism|progressive]] politicians. The analytic [[discourse]] of cultural hegemony is important to research and synthesis in [[anthropology]], political science, sociology, and [[cultural studies]]; in [[education]], cultural hegemony developed [[critical pedagogy]], by which the root causes of political and social discontent can be identified, and so resolved. - -In 1967, the [[German student movement]] leader [[Rudi Dutschke]] reformulated Antonio Gramsci's philosophy of hegemony with the phrase ''the [[long march through the institutions]]'' (German: ''Marsch durch die Institutionen'') to identify the political war of position, an allusion to the [[Long March]] (1934–35) of the [[Communist Party of China|Communist Chinese]] [[People's Liberation Army]], by means of which the working class would produce their own organic intellectuals and culture ([[dominant ideology]]) to replace those imposed by the [[bourgeoisie]].<ref>{{Citation | url = http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | editor1-first = Joseph A | editor1-last = Buttigieg | edition = English critical | last = Gramsci | title = Prison Notebooks | at = p 50 footnote 21 | quote = Long March Through the Institutions<sup>21</sup> | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20100616163619/http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | archive-date = 2010-06-16 }}</ref><ref name=JaButt/><ref name= "davidson">{{Citation | format = web log | url = http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-hegemony-long-march.html | title = Strategy, Hegemony & 'The Long March': Gramsci's Lessons for the Antiwar Movement | first = Carl | last = Davidson | date = 6 April 2006}}.</ref><ref>[[:de:Marsch durch die Institutionen|Marsch durch die Institutionen]] at German Wikipedia.{{Circular reference|date=May 2019}}</ref><ref>[[wikiquote:Antonio Gramsci#Misattributed|Antonio Gramsci: Misattributed]] at English Wikiquote for the origin of "The Long March Through the Institutions" quotation.</ref> +===German student movement=== +In 1967, the [[German student movement]] leader [[Rudi Dutschke]] applied Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony with the phrase ''The [[long march through the institutions|Long march through the Institutions]]'' (''Marsch durch die Institutionen'') to identify the political war of position, a European Communist allusion to the [[Long March]] (1934–35) of the [[People's Liberation Army]], by means of which the working-class intellectuals would produce the popular culture to replace the [[dominant ideology]] imposed by the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]].<ref>{{Citation | url = http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | editor1-first = Joseph A | editor1-last = Buttigieg | edition = English critical | last = Gramsci | title = Prison Notebooks | at = p 50 footnote 21 | quote = Long March Through the Institutions<sup>21</sup> | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20100616163619/http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | archive-date = 2010-06-16 }}</ref><ref name=JaButt/><ref name= "davidson">{{Citation | format = web log | url = http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-hegemony-long-march.html | title = Strategy, Hegemony & 'The Long March': Gramsci's Lessons for the Antiwar Movement | first = Carl | last = Davidson | date = 6 April 2006}}.</ref><ref>[[:de:Marsch durch die Institutionen|Marsch durch die Institutionen]] at German Wikipedia.{{Circular reference|date=May 2019}}</ref><ref>[[wikiquote:Antonio Gramsci#Misattributed|Antonio Gramsci: Misattributed]] at English Wikiquote for the origin of "The Long March Through the Institutions" quotation.</ref> -===The ideological apparatuses of the State=== -The [[Structural Marxism|structuralist]] philosopher [[Louis Althusser]] presented the theory of the [[Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses|ideological state apparatus]] to describe the structure of complex relationships among the different organs of the State, by which ideology is transmitted and disseminated to the populations of a society.<ref>{{Cite book|title=On The Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|pages=74–75; 103–47; 177, 180, 198–206; 218–31; 242–6}}</ref> Althusser draws from the concepts of hegemony present in ''cultural hegemony'', yet rejects the [[historicism]]. He argues that the ideological state apparatuses (ISA) are the sites of ideological conflict among the social classes of a society. That, in contrast to the repressive state apparatuses (RSA), such as the military and the police forces, the ISA exist as a plurality. While the ruling class in power can readily control the repressive state apparatuses, the ISA are both the sites and the stakes (the objects) of class struggle. Moreover, the ISA are not monolithic social entities, and are distributed throughout the society, as public and as private sites of continual [[class struggle]]. +===State apparatuses of ideology=== +In [[Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses]], [[Louis Althusser]] describes the complex of social relationships among the different organs of the State that transmit and disseminate the [[dominant ideology]] to the populations of a society.<ref>{{Cite book|title=On The Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|pages=74–75; 103–47; 177, 180, 198–206; 218–31; 242–6}}</ref> The ideological state apparatuses (ISA) are the sites of ideological conflict among the social classes of a society; and, unlike the military and police forces, the repressive state apparatuses (RSA), the ISA exist as a plurality throughout society. -In ''On the Reproduction of Capitalism'' (1968), Louis Althusser said that the ideological apparatuses of the State are [[overdetermination|overdetermined]] zones of society that comprise complex elements of the ideologies of previous [[modes of production]], thus, are sites of continual political activity in a society, which are:<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|page=243}}</ref> +Despite the ruling-class control of the RSA, the ideological apparatuses of the state are both the sites and the stakes (the objects) of [[class struggle]], because the ISA are not monolithic social entities, and exist amongst society. As the public and the private sites of continual class struggle, the ideological apparatuses of the state (ISA) are [[overdetermination|overdetermined zones]] of society that are composed of elements of the dominant ideologies of previous [[modes of production]], hence the continual political activity in: * the religious ISA (the clergy) -* the educational ISA (the systems of state and private schools) -* the family ISA -* the legal ISA (the courts) -* the political ISA (the political system, e.g. political parties) +* the educational ISA (the public and private school systems) +* the family ISA (patriarchal family) +* the legal ISA (police and legal, court and penal systems) +* the political ISA (political parties) * the company union ISA -* the communications ISA (press, radio, television, etc.) -* the cultural ISA (literature, the arts, sport, etc.) +* the mass communications ISA (print, radio, television, internet, cinema) +* the cultural ISA (literature, the arts, sport, etc.)<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|page=243}}</ref> -Althusser said that the [[parliament]]ary structures of the State, by which the "will of the people" is represented by elected delegates, are an ideological apparatus of the State. That the political system, itself, is an ideological apparatus, because it involves the "fiction, corresponding to a 'certain' reality, that the component parts of the [political] system, as well as the principle of its functioning, are based on the ideology of the 'freedom' and 'equality' of the individual voters and the 'free choice' of the people's representatives, by the individuals that 'make up' the people".<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|location=London/New York|pages=222–223}}</ref> +The [[parliament]]ary structures of the State, by which elected politicians exercise ''the will of the people'' also are an ideological apparatus of the State, given the State's control of which populations are allowed to participate as political parties. In itself, the political system is an ideological apparatus, because citizens' participation involves intellectually accepting the ideological "fiction, corresponding to a 'certain' reality, that the component parts of the [political] system, as well as the principle of its functioning, are based on the ideology of the 'freedom' and 'equality' of the individual voters and the 'free choice' of the people's representatives, by the individuals that 'make up' the people".<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|location=London/New York|pages=222–223}}</ref> ==See also== '
New page size (new_size)
20887
Old page size (old_size)
22249
Size change in edit (edit_delta)
-1362
Lines added in edit (added_lines)
[ 0 => '{{Short description|Marxist theory of cultural dominance}}[[File:Gramsci.png|thumb|right|300px| The Marxist intellectual [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937) developed cultural hegemony to explain the social-control structures of society, and said that the working-class [[intelligentsia]] must generate a working-class ideology to counter the worldview (cultural hegemony) of the ruling class.]]', 1 => '', 2 => 'In [[Marxist philosophy]], '''cultural hegemony''' is the [[Dominance hierarchy|dominance]] of a culturally diverse society by the [[ruling class]] who manipulate the [[culture]] of that society—the [[belief]]s and [[explanation]]s, [[perception]]s, [[Value system|values]], and [[mores]]—so that the [[worldview]] of the ruling class becomes the accepted cultural [[norm (sociology) |norm]].<ref>Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, Editors (1999), ''The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought'' Third Edition, pp. 387–88.</ref> As the universal [[dominant ideology]], the ruling-class worldview misrepresents the social, political, and economic ''status quo'' as natural, inevitable, and perpetual social conditions that benefit every social class, rather than as artificial [[Social constructionism |social constructs]] that benefit only the ruling class.<ref name = "TheColumbia">''The Columbia Encyclopedia'', Fifth Edition. (1994), p. 1215.</ref><ref>{{cite book | last1 = Comaroff | first1 = Jean | author-link1 = Jean Comaroff | last2 = Comaroff | first2 = John L. | author-link2 = John Comaroff | year = 1991 | title = Of Revelation and Revolution | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=M_RaDwAAQBAJ | series = ATLA Special Series | volume = 1: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa| location = Chicago | publisher = University of Chicago Press | publication-date = 2008| page = 25 | isbn = 9780226114477| access-date = 7 October 2020| quote = Typically . . . the making of hegemony involves the assertion of control over various modes of symbolic production: over such things as educational and ritual processes, patterns of socialization, political and legal procedures, canons of style and self-representation, public communication, health and bodily discipline, and so on.}}</ref>', 3 => 'In philosophy and in sociology, the denotations and the connotations of term ''cultural hegemony'' derive from the Ancient Greek word ''hegemonia'' (ἡγεμονία), which indicates the [[leadership]] and the [[Regime|régime]] of the hegemon.<ref>{{cite book | last1 = Hassig | first1 = Ross| year = 1994| chapter = Mesoamerica and the Aztecs | title = Mexico and the Spanish Conquest| url = https://books.google.com/books?id=BK05BAAAQBAJ | edition = 2 | location = Norman | publisher = University of Oklahoma Press | publication-date = 2014 | page = 28| isbn = 9780806182087 | access-date = 7 October 2020 | quote = The more a hegemonic empire relies on power (the perception that one can enforce one's desired goals) rather than force (direct physical action to compel one's goals), the more efficient it is, because the subordinates police themselves.}}</ref> In political science, [[hegemony]] is the [[Geopolitics|geopolitical]] dominance exercised by an empire, the ''hegemon'' (leader state) that rules the subordinate states of the empire by the threat of intervention, an implied means of [[Power (social and political) |power]], rather than by threat of direct rule—military [[invasion]], [[Military occupation|occupation]], and territorial [[annexation]].<ref>Ross Hassig, ''Mexico and the Spanish Conquest'' (1994), pp. 23–24.</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=L. Adamson|first=Walter|title=Hegemony and Revolution|publisher=Echo Point Books & Media|year=2014}}</ref>', 4 => '===Historical===', 5 => '{{Marxism|expanded=Sociology}}', 6 => 'To that end, [[Antonio Gramsci]] proposed a ''strategic distinction'' between the politics for a War of Position and for a War of Manœuvre. The war of position is an intellectual and cultural struggle wherein the [[anti-capitalist]] revolutionary creates a [[proletarian culture]] whose native value system counters the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]]. The proletarian culture will increase [[class consciousness]], teach [[revolution]]ary theory and historical analysis, and thus further develop revolutionary organisation among the social classes.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Badino|first=Massimiliano|title=Cultural Hegemony in a Scientific World|publisher=Brill|year=2020}}</ref> After winning the war of position, socialist leaders would then have the necessary political power and popular support to realise the [[maneuver warfare|war of manœuvre]], the political praxis of [[revolutionary socialism]].', 7 => '===Political economy===', 8 => 'As Marxist philosophy, cultural hegemony analyses the functions of economic class within the [[base and superstructure]], from which Gramsci developed the functions of social class within the social structures created for and by [[Dominance hierarchy|cultural domination]]. In the practise of imperialism, cultural hegemony occurs when the working and the peasant classes believe and accept that the prevailing cultural norms of a society (the [[dominant ideology]] imposed by the ruling class) realistically describes the natural order of things in society.', 9 => 'In the war for position, the working-class [[intelligentsia]] politically educate the working classes to perceive that the ''prevailing cultural norms'' are not natural and inevitable social conditions, and to recognize that the [[social construct]]s of bourgeois culture function as instruments of socio-economic domination, e.g. the [[institutions]] (state, church, and social strata), the [[convention (norm)|conventions]] (custom and tradition), and [[beliefs]] (religions and ideologies), etc. That to realise their own [[working-class culture]] the workers and the peasants, by way of their own intellectuals, must perform the necessary analyses of their culture and their national history in order for the [[proletariat]] to transcend the old ways of thinking about the order of things in a society under the cultural hegemony of an imperial power.', 10 => '===Social domination===', 11 => 'Cultural hegemony is neither a monolithic intellectual praxis (politics and policies), nor a unified system of [[values]] (ideology), but a complex of social relations produced by the [[social stratification]] of the individual [[social structure]]s of a society; the social class system and the social strata of each class. Social cohesion arises from each social and economic class having a specific societal purpose, and each class has an [[in-group]] subculture that allows social behaviours particular to and different from the behaviours of other social classes; the social structures establish and demarcate the cohesive social order. Consequent to their assigned socio-economic purposes, the social classes will intellectually coalesce into a [[society]] with a greater sense of [[Nationalism|national purpose]], determined in the dominant ideology of the ruling class.', 12 => 'Gramsci said that cultural and historical analyses of the “natural order of things in society” established by the dominant ideology, would allow [[common sense|common-sense]] men and women to intellectually perceive the social structures of bourgeois cultural hegemony. In each sphere of life (private and public) common sense is the [[intellectualism]] with which people cope with and explain their daily life within their social stratum within the greater [[social order]]; yet the limits of common sense inhibit a person's intellectual perception of the [[exploitation of labour]] made possible with cultural hegemony. Given the difficulty in perceiving the ''status quo'' hierarchy of bourgeois culture (social and economic classes), most people concern themselves with private matters, and so do not question the fundamental sources of their socio-economic [[oppression]], individual and collective.<ref>{{cite journal |doi= 10.1177/019685998601000203 |title= The Problem of Ideology — Marxism without Guarantees |year= 1986 |first= Stuart |last= Hall |author-link= Stuart Hall (cultural theorist) |journal= Journal of Communication Inquiry |volume= 10 |issue= 2 |pages= 28–44 |url= https://archive.org/details/HallS |citeseerx= 10.1.1.1033.1130 |s2cid= 144448154 }}</ref>', 13 => '==Intelligentsia==', 14 => 'To perceive and combat ruling-class cultural hegemony, the working class and the peasant class depend upon the moral and political leadership of their native [[intelligentsia]], the scholars, academics, and teachers, scientists, philosophers, administrators ''et al'' from their specific social classes; thus Gramsci's political distinction between the intellectuals of the [[bourgeoisie]] and the intellectuals of the [[working class]], respectively, the men and women who are the proponents and the opponents of the cultural ''status quo'':', 15 => '{{Quotation| Since these various categories of traditional intellectuals experience through an ''esprit de corps'' their uninterrupted historical continuity, and their special qualifications, they thus put themselves forward as autonomous and independent of the [[Ruling class|dominant social group]]. This self-assessment is not without consequences in the ideological and political fields; consequences of wide-ranging import. The whole of [[Idealism|idealist philosophy]] can easily be connected with this position, assumed by the social complex of intellectuals, and can be defined as the expression of that social utopia, by which the intellectuals think of themselves as "independent" [and] autonomous, [and] endowed with a character of their own, etc.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 7–8.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 7–8.</ref>}}', 16 => '{{Quotation| The traditional and vulgarized type of the intellectual is given by the Man of Letters, the philosopher, and the artist. Therefore, journalists, who claim to be men of letters, philosophers, artists, also regard themselves as the "true" intellectuals. In the modern world, [[technical education]], closely bound to industrial labour, even at the most primitive and unqualified level, must form the basis of the new type of intellectual. . . . The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist of eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor [and] organizer, as "permanent persuader", not just simple orator.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 9–10.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 9–10.</ref>}}', 17 => '===German student movement===', 18 => 'In 1967, the [[German student movement]] leader [[Rudi Dutschke]] applied Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony with the phrase ''The [[long march through the institutions|Long march through the Institutions]]'' (''Marsch durch die Institutionen'') to identify the political war of position, a European Communist allusion to the [[Long March]] (1934–35) of the [[People's Liberation Army]], by means of which the working-class intellectuals would produce the popular culture to replace the [[dominant ideology]] imposed by the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]].<ref>{{Citation | url = http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | editor1-first = Joseph A | editor1-last = Buttigieg | edition = English critical | last = Gramsci | title = Prison Notebooks | at = p 50 footnote 21 | quote = Long March Through the Institutions<sup>21</sup> | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20100616163619/http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | archive-date = 2010-06-16 }}</ref><ref name=JaButt/><ref name= "davidson">{{Citation | format = web log | url = http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-hegemony-long-march.html | title = Strategy, Hegemony & 'The Long March': Gramsci's Lessons for the Antiwar Movement | first = Carl | last = Davidson | date = 6 April 2006}}.</ref><ref>[[:de:Marsch durch die Institutionen|Marsch durch die Institutionen]] at German Wikipedia.{{Circular reference|date=May 2019}}</ref><ref>[[wikiquote:Antonio Gramsci#Misattributed|Antonio Gramsci: Misattributed]] at English Wikiquote for the origin of "The Long March Through the Institutions" quotation.</ref>', 19 => '===State apparatuses of ideology===', 20 => 'In [[Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses]], [[Louis Althusser]] describes the complex of social relationships among the different organs of the State that transmit and disseminate the [[dominant ideology]] to the populations of a society.<ref>{{Cite book|title=On The Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|pages=74–75; 103–47; 177, 180, 198–206; 218–31; 242–6}}</ref> The ideological state apparatuses (ISA) are the sites of ideological conflict among the social classes of a society; and, unlike the military and police forces, the repressive state apparatuses (RSA), the ISA exist as a plurality throughout society.', 21 => 'Despite the ruling-class control of the RSA, the ideological apparatuses of the state are both the sites and the stakes (the objects) of [[class struggle]], because the ISA are not monolithic social entities, and exist amongst society. As the public and the private sites of continual class struggle, the ideological apparatuses of the state (ISA) are [[overdetermination|overdetermined zones]] of society that are composed of elements of the dominant ideologies of previous [[modes of production]], hence the continual political activity in:', 22 => '* the educational ISA (the public and private school systems)', 23 => '* the family ISA (patriarchal family)', 24 => '* the legal ISA (police and legal, court and penal systems)', 25 => '* the political ISA (political parties)', 26 => '* the mass communications ISA (print, radio, television, internet, cinema)', 27 => '* the cultural ISA (literature, the arts, sport, etc.)<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|page=243}}</ref>', 28 => 'The [[parliament]]ary structures of the State, by which elected politicians exercise ''the will of the people'' also are an ideological apparatus of the State, given the State's control of which populations are allowed to participate as political parties. In itself, the political system is an ideological apparatus, because citizens' participation involves intellectually accepting the ideological "fiction, corresponding to a 'certain' reality, that the component parts of the [political] system, as well as the principle of its functioning, are based on the ideology of the 'freedom' and 'equality' of the individual voters and the 'free choice' of the people's representatives, by the individuals that 'make up' the people".<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|location=London/New York|pages=222–223}}</ref>' ]
Lines removed in edit (removed_lines)
[ 0 => '{{Short description|Marxist notion of cultural dominance}}[[File:Gramsci.png|thumb| The Marxist intellectual [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937) developed the notion of hegemony and advocated the establishment of a working-class intelligentsia.]]', 1 => '{{Marxism|expanded=Sociology}}', 2 => 'In [[Marxist philosophy]], '''cultural hegemony''' is the [[Dominance hierarchy| domination]] of a culturally diverse society by the [[ruling class]] which manipulates the [[culture]] of that society—the [[belief]]s and [[explanation]]s, [[perception]]s, [[Value system|values]], and [[mores]]—so that the imposed, ruling-class [[worldview]] becomes the accepted cultural [[norm (sociology) |norm]];<ref>Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, Editors (1999), ''The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought'' Third Edition, pp. 387–88.</ref>{{qn|date=October 2020}}<ref>', 3 => 'Compare:', 4 => '{{cite book', 5 => ' | last1 = Comaroff', 6 => ' | first1 = Jean', 7 => ' | author-link1 = Jean Comaroff', 8 => ' | last2 = Comaroff', 9 => ' | first2 = John L.', 10 => ' | author-link2 = John Comaroff', 11 => ' | year = 1991', 12 => ' | title = Of Revelation and Revolution', 13 => ' | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=M_RaDwAAQBAJ', 14 => ' | series = ATLA Special Series', 15 => ' | volume = 1: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa', 16 => ' | location = Chicago', 17 => ' | publisher = University of Chicago Press', 18 => ' | publication-date = 2008', 19 => ' | page = 25', 20 => ' | isbn = 9780226114477', 21 => ' | access-date = 7 October 2020', 22 => ' | quote = Typically [...] the making of hegemony involves the assertion of control over various modes of symbolic production: over such things as educational and ritual processses, patterns of socialization, political and legal procedures, canons of style and self-representation, public communication, health and bodily discipline, and so on.', 23 => '}}', 24 => '</ref> the universally valid [[dominant ideology]], which justifies the social, political, and economic ''status quo'' as natural and inevitable, perpetual and beneficial for every social class, rather than as artificial [[Social constructionism |social constructs]] that benefit only the ruling class.<ref name = "TheColumbia">''The Columbia Encyclopedia'', Fifth Edition. (1994), p. 1215.</ref> This Marxist analysis of how the ruling [[capitalist]] class (the [[bourgeoisie]]) establishes and maintains its control was originally developed by the Italian philosopher and politician [[Antonio Gramsci]] (1891–1937).', 25 => 'In [[philosophy]] and in [[sociology]], the term ''cultural hegemony'' has denotations and connotations derived from the Ancient Greek word ''hegemonia'' (ἡγεμονία) indicating [[leadership]] and [[rule (disambiguation) | rule]]. In [[political science]], [[hegemony]] implies geopolitical [[Empire|imperial]] dominance with a component of indirect influence, whereby the ''hegemon'' (leader state) rules subordinate states through the threat of intervention, an implied means of [[Power (social and political) |power]], rather than merely through the threat of direct rule—military [[invasion]], [[Military occupation|occupation]], and [[annexation]].<ref>', 26 => 'Compare:', 27 => '{{cite book', 28 => ' | last1 = Hassig', 29 => ' | first1 = Ross', 30 => ' | year = 1994', 31 => ' | chapter = Mesoamerica and the Aztecs', 32 => ' | title = Mexico and the Spanish Conquest', 33 => ' | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=BK05BAAAQBAJ', 34 => ' | edition = 2', 35 => ' | location = Norman', 36 => ' | publisher = University of Oklahoma Press', 37 => ' | publication-date = 2014', 38 => ' | page = 28', 39 => ' | isbn = 9780806182087', 40 => ' | access-date = 7 October 2020', 41 => ' | quote = The more a hegemonic empire relies on power (the perception that one can enforce one's desired goals) rather than force (direct physical action to compel one's goals, the more efficient it is, because the subordinates police themselves.', 42 => '}}', 43 => '</ref><ref>', 44 => 'Ross Hassig, ''Mexico and the Spanish Conquest'' (1994), pp. 23–24.', 45 => '</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=L. Adamson|first=Walter|title=Hegemony and Revolution|publisher=Echo Point Books & Media|year=2014}}</ref>', 46 => '===Historical===', 47 => 'To that end, [[Antonio Gramsci]] proposed a ''strategic distinction'' between a War of Position and a War of Manœuvre. The war of position is an intellectual and cultural struggle wherein the [[anti-capitalist]] revolutionary creates a [[proletarian culture]] whose native value system counters the cultural hegemony of the [[bourgeoisie]]. The proletarian culture will increase [[class consciousness]], teach [[revolution]]ary theory and historical analysis, and thus propagate further revolutionary organisation among the social classes.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Badino|first=Massimiliano|title=Cultural Hegemony in a Scientific World|publisher=Brill|year=2020}}</ref> On winning the war of position, socialist leaders would then have the necessary political power and popular support to begin the political [[maneuver warfare|manœuvre warfare]] of [[revolutionary socialism]].', 48 => 'The initial, theoretical application of cultural domination was as a Marxist analysis of "economic class" ([[base and superstructure]]), which Antonio Gramsci developed to comprehend "social class"; hence, cultural hegemony proposes that the prevailing cultural norms of a society, which are imposed by the ruling class ([[bourgeoisie|bourgeois cultural hegemony]]), must not be perceived as natural and inevitable, but must be recognized as artificial [[social construct]]s ([[institutions]], [[convention (norm)|practices]], [[beliefs]], et cetera) that must be investigated to discover their philosophic roots as instruments of social-class domination. That such praxis of knowledge is indispensable for the intellectual and political [[liberty|liberation]] of the [[proletariat]], so that workers and peasants, the people of town and country, can create their own [[working-class culture]], which specifically addresses their social and economic needs as social classes.', 49 => 'In a society, cultural hegemony is neither monolithic intellectual praxis, nor a unified system of values, but a complex of [[Social stratification|stratified]] [[social structure]]s, wherein each social and economic class has a social purpose and an internal class-logic that allows its members to behave in a way that is particular and different from the behaviours of the members of other social classes, whilst co-existing with them as constituents of the society.', 50 => 'As a result of their different social purposes, the classes will be able to coalesce into a [[society]] with a greater social mission. When a person perceives the social structures of bourgeois cultural hegemony, personal [[common sense]] performs a dual, structural role (private and public) whereby the individual person applies common sense to cope with daily life, which explains to them the small segment of the [[social order]] stratum that each experiences as the ''status quo'' of life in society; "the way things are". Publicly, the emergence of the perceptual limitations of personal common sense inhibit the individual person's perception of the greater nature of the systematic socio-economic [[exploitation of labour|exploitation]] made possible by cultural hegemony. Because of the discrepancy in perceiving the ''status quo''—the socio-economic hierarchy of bourgeois culture—most people concern themselves with their immediate (private) personal concerns, rather than with distant (public) concerns, and so do not think about and question the fundamental sources of their socio-economic [[oppression]], and its discontents, social, personal, and political.<ref>{{cite journal |doi= 10.1177/019685998601000203 |title= The Problem of Ideology — Marxism without Guarantees |year= 1986 |first= Stuart |last= Hall |author-link= Stuart Hall (cultural theorist) |journal= Journal of Communication Inquiry |volume= 10 |issue= 2 |pages= 28–44 |url= https://archive.org/details/HallS |citeseerx= 10.1.1.1033.1130 |s2cid= 144448154 }}</ref>', 51 => 'The effects of cultural hegemony are perceptible at the personal level; although each person in a society lives a meaningful life in their social class, to them the discrete social classes might appear to have little in common with the private life of individual people. Yet, when perceived as a whole society, the life of each person does contribute to the greater social hegemony. Although social diversity, economic variety, and political freedom appear to exist—because most people ''see'' different life-circumstances—they are incapable of perceiving the greater hegemonic pattern created when the lives they witness coalesce as a society. The cultural hegemony is manifested in and maintained by an existence of minor, different circumstances that are not always fully perceived by the people living the culture.<ref>{{cite book |first=Antonio |last=Gramsci |author-link=Antonio Gramsci |editor-first=Joseph A |editor-last=Buttigieg |title=Prison Notebooks |publisher=Columbia University Press |location=New York City |year=1992 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram/page/233 233–38] |isbn=978-0-231-10592-7 |oclc=24009547 |url=https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram/page/233 }}</ref>', 52 => '==Intellectuals==', 53 => 'In perceiving and combating cultural hegemony, the working class and the peasantry depend upon the intellectuals produced by their society, to which ends Antonio Gramsci distinguished between bourgeois-class intellectuals and working-class intellectuals, the proponents and the opponents of the imposed, normative culture, and thus of the social ''[[status quo]]'':', 54 => '{{Quotation| Since these various categories of traditional [[intellectual]]s [administrators, [[scholar]]s and [[scientist]]s, theorists, non-ecclesiastical philosophers, etc.] experience through an ''esprit de corps'' their uninterrupted historical continuity, and their special qualifications, they thus put themselves forward as autonomous and independent of the [[Ruling class|dominant social group]]. This self-assessment is not without consequences in the [[Ideology|ideological]] and [[Politics|political]] fields, consequences of wide-ranging import. The whole of [[Idealism|idealist philosophy]] can easily be connected with this position, assumed by the social complex of intellectuals, and can be defined as the expression of that social utopia by which the intellectuals think of themselves as "independent" [and] autonomous, [and] endowed with a character of their own, etc.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 7–8.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 7–8.</ref>}}', 55 => '{{Quotation| The traditional and vulgarized type of the intellectual is given by the Man of Letters, the [[philosopher]], and the [[artist]]. Therefore, journalists, who claim to be men of letters, philosophers, artists, also regard themselves as the "true" intellectuals. In the modern world, [[technical education]], closely bound to industrial labor, even at the most primitive and unqualified level, must form the basis of the new type of intellectual. ...', 56 => '', 57 => 'The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist of eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor [and] organizer, as "permanent persuader", not just simple orator.|''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), pp. 9–10.<ref>''Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci'' (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 9–10.</ref>}}', 58 => 'Cultural hegemony has philosophically influenced [[Eurocommunism]], the [[social sciences]], and the [[activist]] politics of socially [[Liberalism|liberal]] and [[Progressivism|progressive]] politicians. The analytic [[discourse]] of cultural hegemony is important to research and synthesis in [[anthropology]], political science, sociology, and [[cultural studies]]; in [[education]], cultural hegemony developed [[critical pedagogy]], by which the root causes of political and social discontent can be identified, and so resolved.', 59 => '', 60 => 'In 1967, the [[German student movement]] leader [[Rudi Dutschke]] reformulated Antonio Gramsci's philosophy of hegemony with the phrase ''the [[long march through the institutions]]'' (German: ''Marsch durch die Institutionen'') to identify the political war of position, an allusion to the [[Long March]] (1934–35) of the [[Communist Party of China|Communist Chinese]] [[People's Liberation Army]], by means of which the working class would produce their own organic intellectuals and culture ([[dominant ideology]]) to replace those imposed by the [[bourgeoisie]].<ref>{{Citation | url = http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | editor1-first = Joseph A | editor1-last = Buttigieg | edition = English critical | last = Gramsci | title = Prison Notebooks | at = p 50 footnote 21 | quote = Long March Through the Institutions<sup>21</sup> | url-status = dead | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20100616163619/http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/ | archive-date = 2010-06-16 }}</ref><ref name=JaButt/><ref name= "davidson">{{Citation | format = web log | url = http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-hegemony-long-march.html | title = Strategy, Hegemony & 'The Long March': Gramsci's Lessons for the Antiwar Movement | first = Carl | last = Davidson | date = 6 April 2006}}.</ref><ref>[[:de:Marsch durch die Institutionen|Marsch durch die Institutionen]] at German Wikipedia.{{Circular reference|date=May 2019}}</ref><ref>[[wikiquote:Antonio Gramsci#Misattributed|Antonio Gramsci: Misattributed]] at English Wikiquote for the origin of "The Long March Through the Institutions" quotation.</ref>', 61 => '===The ideological apparatuses of the State===', 62 => 'The [[Structural Marxism|structuralist]] philosopher [[Louis Althusser]] presented the theory of the [[Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses|ideological state apparatus]] to describe the structure of complex relationships among the different organs of the State, by which ideology is transmitted and disseminated to the populations of a society.<ref>{{Cite book|title=On The Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|pages=74–75; 103–47; 177, 180, 198–206; 218–31; 242–6}}</ref> Althusser draws from the concepts of hegemony present in ''cultural hegemony'', yet rejects the [[historicism]]. He argues that the ideological state apparatuses (ISA) are the sites of ideological conflict among the social classes of a society. That, in contrast to the repressive state apparatuses (RSA), such as the military and the police forces, the ISA exist as a plurality. While the ruling class in power can readily control the repressive state apparatuses, the ISA are both the sites and the stakes (the objects) of class struggle. Moreover, the ISA are not monolithic social entities, and are distributed throughout the society, as public and as private sites of continual [[class struggle]].', 63 => 'In ''On the Reproduction of Capitalism'' (1968), Louis Althusser said that the ideological apparatuses of the State are [[overdetermination|overdetermined]] zones of society that comprise complex elements of the ideologies of previous [[modes of production]], thus, are sites of continual political activity in a society, which are:<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|isbn=9781781681640|location=London/ New York|page=243}}</ref>', 64 => '* the educational ISA (the systems of state and private schools)', 65 => '* the family ISA', 66 => '* the legal ISA (the courts)', 67 => '* the political ISA (the political system, e.g. political parties)', 68 => '* the communications ISA (press, radio, television, etc.)', 69 => '* the cultural ISA (literature, the arts, sport, etc.)', 70 => 'Althusser said that the [[parliament]]ary structures of the State, by which the "will of the people" is represented by elected delegates, are an ideological apparatus of the State. That the political system, itself, is an ideological apparatus, because it involves the "fiction, corresponding to a 'certain' reality, that the component parts of the [political] system, as well as the principle of its functioning, are based on the ideology of the 'freedom' and 'equality' of the individual voters and the 'free choice' of the people's representatives, by the individuals that 'make up' the people".<ref>{{Cite book|title=On the Reproduction of Capitalism|last=Althusser|first=Louis|publisher=Verso|year=2014|location=London/New York|pages=222–223}}</ref>' ]
All external links added in the edit (added_links)
[]
All external links removed in the edit (removed_links)
[ 0 => 'https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram/page/233' ]
All external links in the new text (all_links)
[ 0 => 'https://books.google.com/books?id=M_RaDwAAQBAJ', 1 => 'https://books.google.com/books?id=BK05BAAAQBAJ', 2 => 'https://archive.org/details/HallS', 3 => '//citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.1033.1130', 4 => '//doi.org/10.1177%2F019685998601000203', 5 => 'https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:144448154', 6 => 'https://ausm.community/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Buttigieg-Gramsci-and-hegemony-in-civil-society.pdf', 7 => '//doi.org/10.1215%2F01903659-32-1-33', 8 => 'https://web.archive.org/web/20100616163619/http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/', 9 => 'http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/', 10 => 'http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-hegemony-long-march.html', 11 => '//www.worldcat.org/oclc/269432294', 12 => '//www.worldcat.org/oclc/191763227', 13 => 'https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram', 14 => '//www.worldcat.org/oclc/24009547', 15 => '//doi.org/10.2307%2F589886', 16 => '//www.jstor.org/stable/589886', 17 => 'https://web.archive.org/web/20150518080712/http://newleftreview.org/enwiki/static/assets/archive/pdf/NLR09801.pdf', 18 => 'http://newleftreview.org/enwiki/static/assets/archive/pdf/NLR09801.pdf', 19 => 'http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/', 20 => 'http://www.internationalgramscisociety.org/', 21 => 'https://archive.today/20121128022033/http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/gramsci-journal/', 22 => 'http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/gramsci-journal/', 23 => 'http://rethinkingmarxism.org/cms/', 24 => 'https://archive.today/20130221181041/http://www.einet.net/review/1302-869793/Rethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm', 25 => 'http://www.einet.net/review/1302-869793/Rethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm', 26 => 'http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/selections.htm', 27 => 'http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/' ]
Links in the page, before the edit (old_links)
[ 0 => '//citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.1033.1130', 1 => '//citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.1033.1130', 2 => '//doi.org/10.1177%2F019685998601000203', 3 => '//doi.org/10.1177%2F019685998601000203', 4 => '//doi.org/10.1215%2F01903659-32-1-33', 5 => '//doi.org/10.1215%2F01903659-32-1-33', 6 => '//doi.org/10.2307%2F589886', 7 => '//doi.org/10.2307%2F589886', 8 => '//www.jstor.org/stable/589886', 9 => '//www.jstor.org/stable/589886', 10 => '//www.worldcat.org/oclc/191763227', 11 => '//www.worldcat.org/oclc/191763227', 12 => '//www.worldcat.org/oclc/24009547', 13 => '//www.worldcat.org/oclc/24009547', 14 => '//www.worldcat.org/oclc/269432294', 15 => '//www.worldcat.org/oclc/269432294', 16 => 'http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-hegemony-long-march.html', 17 => 'http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/', 18 => 'http://newleftreview.org/enwiki/static/assets/archive/pdf/NLR09801.pdf', 19 => 'http://rethinkingmarxism.org/cms/', 20 => 'http://www.einet.net/review/1302-869793/Rethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm', 21 => 'http://www.internationalgramscisociety.org/', 22 => 'http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/selections.htm', 23 => 'http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/', 24 => 'http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/', 25 => 'http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/gramsci-journal/', 26 => 'https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:144448154', 27 => 'https://archive.org/details/HallS', 28 => 'https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram', 29 => 'https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram/page/233', 30 => 'https://archive.today/20121128022033/http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/gramsci-journal/', 31 => 'https://archive.today/20130221181041/http://www.einet.net/review/1302-869793/Rethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm', 32 => 'https://ausm.community/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Buttigieg-Gramsci-and-hegemony-in-civil-society.pdf', 33 => 'https://books.google.com/books?id=BK05BAAAQBAJ', 34 => 'https://books.google.com/books?id=M_RaDwAAQBAJ', 35 => 'https://web.archive.org/web/20100616163619/http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/', 36 => 'https://web.archive.org/web/20150518080712/http://newleftreview.org/enwiki/static/assets/archive/pdf/NLR09801.pdf' ]
Parsed HTML source of the new revision (new_html)
'<div class="mw-parser-output"><div class="shortdescription nomobile noexcerpt noprint searchaux" style="display:none">Marxist theory of cultural dominance</div><div class="thumb tright"><div class="thumbinner" style="width:290px;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/File:Gramsci.png" class="image"><img alt="" src="/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/e/e6/Gramsci.png" decoding="async" width="288" height="408" class="thumbimage" data-file-width="288" data-file-height="408" /></a> <div class="thumbcaption"><div class="magnify"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/File:Gramsci.png" class="internal" title="Enlarge"></a></div>The Marxist intellectual <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Antonio_Gramsci" title="Antonio Gramsci">Antonio Gramsci</a> (1891–1937) developed cultural hegemony to explain the social-control structures of society, and said that the working-class <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Intelligentsia" title="Intelligentsia">intelligentsia</a> must generate a working-class ideology to counter the worldview (cultural hegemony) of the ruling class.</div></div></div> <p>In <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_philosophy" title="Marxist philosophy">Marxist philosophy</a>, <b>cultural hegemony</b> is the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Dominance_hierarchy" title="Dominance hierarchy">dominance</a> of a culturally diverse society by the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Ruling_class" title="Ruling class">ruling class</a> who manipulate the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Culture" title="Culture">culture</a> of that society—the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Belief" title="Belief">beliefs</a> and <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Explanation" title="Explanation">explanations</a>, <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Perception" title="Perception">perceptions</a>, <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Value_system" class="mw-redirect" title="Value system">values</a>, and <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Mores" title="Mores">mores</a>—so that the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Worldview" title="Worldview">worldview</a> of the ruling class becomes the accepted cultural <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Norm_(sociology)" class="mw-redirect" title="Norm (sociology)">norm</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-1">&#91;1&#93;</a></sup> As the universal <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Dominant_ideology" title="Dominant ideology">dominant ideology</a>, the ruling-class worldview misrepresents the social, political, and economic <i>status quo</i> as natural, inevitable, and perpetual social conditions that benefit every social class, rather than as artificial <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Social_constructionism" title="Social constructionism">social constructs</a> that benefit only the ruling class.<sup id="cite_ref-TheColumbia_2-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-TheColumbia-2">&#91;2&#93;</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-3" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-3">&#91;3&#93;</a></sup> </p><p>In philosophy and in sociology, the denotations and the connotations of term <i>cultural hegemony</i> derive from the Ancient Greek word <i>hegemonia</i> (ἡγεμονία), which indicates the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Leadership" title="Leadership">leadership</a> and the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Regime" title="Regime">régime</a> of the hegemon.<sup id="cite_ref-4" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-4">&#91;4&#93;</a></sup> In political science, <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Hegemony" title="Hegemony">hegemony</a> is the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Geopolitics" title="Geopolitics">geopolitical</a> dominance exercised by an empire, the <i>hegemon</i> (leader state) that rules the subordinate states of the empire by the threat of intervention, an implied means of <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Power_(social_and_political)" title="Power (social and political)">power</a>, rather than by threat of direct rule—military <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Invasion" title="Invasion">invasion</a>, <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Military_occupation" title="Military occupation">occupation</a>, and territorial <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Annexation" title="Annexation">annexation</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-5" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-5">&#91;5&#93;</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-6" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-6">&#91;6&#93;</a></sup> </p> <div id="toc" class="toc" role="navigation" aria-labelledby="mw-toc-heading"><input type="checkbox" role="button" id="toctogglecheckbox" class="toctogglecheckbox" style="display:none" /><div class="toctitle" lang="en" dir="ltr"><h2 id="mw-toc-heading">Contents</h2><span class="toctogglespan"><label class="toctogglelabel" for="toctogglecheckbox"></label></span></div> <ul> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-1"><a href="#Background"><span class="tocnumber">1</span> <span class="toctext">Background</span></a> <ul> <li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-2"><a href="#Historical"><span class="tocnumber">1.1</span> <span class="toctext">Historical</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-3"><a href="#Political_economy"><span class="tocnumber">1.2</span> <span class="toctext">Political economy</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-4"><a href="#Social_domination"><span class="tocnumber">1.3</span> <span class="toctext">Social domination</span></a></li> </ul> </li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-5"><a href="#Intelligentsia"><span class="tocnumber">2</span> <span class="toctext">Intelligentsia</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-6"><a href="#Gramsci&#39;s_influence"><span class="tocnumber">3</span> <span class="toctext">Gramsci's influence</span></a> <ul> <li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-7"><a href="#German_student_movement"><span class="tocnumber">3.1</span> <span class="toctext">German student movement</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-8"><a href="#State_apparatuses_of_ideology"><span class="tocnumber">3.2</span> <span class="toctext">State apparatuses of ideology</span></a></li> </ul> </li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-9"><a href="#See_also"><span class="tocnumber">4</span> <span class="toctext">See also</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-10"><a href="#References"><span class="tocnumber">5</span> <span class="toctext">References</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-11"><a href="#Further_reading"><span class="tocnumber">6</span> <span class="toctext">Further reading</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-12"><a href="#External_links"><span class="tocnumber">7</span> <span class="toctext">External links</span></a></li> </ul> </div> <h2><span class="mw-headline" id="Background">Background</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=1" title="Edit section: Background">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h2> <h3><span class="mw-headline" id="Historical">Historical</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=2" title="Edit section: Historical">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h3> <style data-mw-deduplicate="TemplateStyles:r1045330069">.mw-parser-output .sidebar{width:22em;float:right;clear:right;margin:0.5em 0 1em 1em;background:#f8f9fa;border:1px solid #aaa;padding:0.2em;text-align:center;line-height:1.4em;font-size:88%;border-collapse:collapse;display:table}body.skin-minerva .mw-parser-output .sidebar{display:table!important;float:right!important;margin:0.5em 0 1em 1em!important}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-subgroup{width:100%;margin:0;border-spacing:0}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-left{float:left;clear:left;margin:0.5em 1em 1em 0}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-none{float:none;clear:both;margin:0.5em 1em 1em 0}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-outer-title{padding:0 0.4em 0.2em;font-size:125%;line-height:1.2em;font-weight:bold}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-top-image{padding:0.4em}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-top-caption,.mw-parser-output .sidebar-pretitle-with-top-image,.mw-parser-output .sidebar-caption{padding:0.2em 0.4em 0;line-height:1.2em}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-pretitle{padding:0.4em 0.4em 0;line-height:1.2em}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-title,.mw-parser-output .sidebar-title-with-pretitle{padding:0.2em 0.8em;font-size:145%;line-height:1.2em}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-title-with-pretitle{padding:0.1em 0.4em}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-image{padding:0.2em 0.4em 0.4em}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-heading{padding:0.1em 0.4em}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-content{padding:0 0.5em 0.4em}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-content-with-subgroup{padding:0.1em 0.4em 0.2em}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-above,.mw-parser-output .sidebar-below{padding:0.3em 0.8em;font-weight:bold}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-collapse .sidebar-above,.mw-parser-output .sidebar-collapse .sidebar-below{border-top:1px solid #aaa;border-bottom:1px solid #aaa}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-navbar{text-align:right;font-size:115%;padding:0 0.4em 0.4em}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-list-title{padding:0 0.4em;text-align:left;font-weight:bold;line-height:1.6em;font-size:105%}.mw-parser-output .sidebar-list-title-c{padding:0 0.4em;text-align:center;margin:0 3.3em}@media(max-width:720px){body.mediawiki .mw-parser-output .sidebar{width:100%!important;clear:both;float:none!important;margin-left:0!important;margin-right:0!important}}</style><table class="sidebar sidebar-collapse nomobile nowraplinks"><tbody><tr><td class="sidebar-pretitle">Part of <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Category:Marxism" title="Category:Marxism">a series</a> on</td></tr><tr><th class="sidebar-title-with-pretitle" style="font-size:175%;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxism" title="Marxism">Marxism</a></th></tr><tr><td class="sidebar-image"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/File:Marx_and_Engels.jpg" class="image" title="Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels"><img alt="Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels" src="/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/79/Marx_and_Engels.jpg/180px-Marx_and_Engels.jpg" decoding="async" width="180" height="158" srcset="/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/79/Marx_and_Engels.jpg/270px-Marx_and_Engels.jpg 1.5x, /upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/79/Marx_and_Engels.jpg/360px-Marx_and_Engels.jpg 2x" data-file-width="500" data-file-height="438" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content"> <div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible mw-collapsed"><div class="sidebar-list-title" style="background:transparent;border-top:1px solid #aaa;text-align:center;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_bibliography" title="Marxist bibliography">Theoretical works</a></div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content" style="font-style:italic;"><div class="plainlist"> <ul><li><div style="display:inline-block; padding:0.2em 0.4em; line-height:1.2em;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Economic_and_Philosophic_Manuscripts_of_1844" title="Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844">Economic and Philosophic<br />Manuscripts of 1844</a></div></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Theses_on_Feuerbach" title="Theses on Feuerbach">Theses on Feuerbach</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/The_German_Ideology" title="The German Ideology">The German Ideology</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Wage_Labour_and_Capital" title="Wage Labour and Capital">Wage Labour and Capital</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/The_Communist_Manifesto" title="The Communist Manifesto">The Communist Manifesto</a></li> <li><div style="display:inline-block; padding:0.2em 0.4em; line-height:1.2em;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/The_Eighteenth_Brumaire_of_Louis_Bonaparte" title="The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte">The Eighteenth Brumaire of<br />Louis Bonaparte</a></div></li> <li><div style="display:inline-block; padding:0.2em 0.4em; line-height:1.2em;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Grundrisse" title="Grundrisse">Grundrisse der Kritik<br />der Politischen Ökonomie</a></div></li> <li><div style="display:inline-block; padding:0.2em 0.4em; line-height:1.2em;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/A_Contribution_to_the_Critique_of_Political_Economy" title="A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy">A Contribution to the<br />Critique of Political Economy</a></div></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Das_Kapital" title="Das Kapital">Das Kapital</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Critique_of_the_Gotha_Programme" title="Critique of the Gotha Programme">Critique of the Gotha Programme</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Dialectics_of_Nature" title="Dialectics of Nature">Dialectics of Nature</a></li></ul> </div></div></div></td> </tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content"> <div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible mw-collapsed"><div class="sidebar-list-title" style="background:transparent;border-top:1px solid #aaa;text-align:center;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_philosophy" title="Marxist philosophy">Philosophy</a></div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content"><div class="hlist"> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Economic_determinism" title="Economic determinism">Economic determinism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Historical_materialism" title="Historical materialism">Historical materialism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Dialectic#Marxist_dialectic" title="Dialectic">Marx's dialectic</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marx%27s_method" title="Marx&#39;s method">Marx's method</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_philosophy_of_nature" title="Marxist philosophy of nature">Philosophy of nature</a></li></ul> </div></div></div></td> </tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content"> <div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible mw-collapsed"><div class="sidebar-list-title" style="background:transparent;border-top:1px solid #aaa;text-align:center;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxian_economics" title="Marxian economics">Economics</a></div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content"><div class="hlist"> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Capital_(economics)" title="Capital (economics)">Capital</a> (<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Capital_accumulation" title="Capital accumulation">accumulation</a>)</li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Crisis_theory" title="Crisis theory">Crisis theory</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Commodity_(Marxism)" title="Commodity (Marxism)">Commodity</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Critique_of_political_economy" title="Critique of political economy">Critique of political economy</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Exploitation_of_labour#Marxist_theory" title="Exploitation of labour">Exploitation</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Factors_of_production#Marxism" title="Factors of production">Factors of production</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Means_of_labor" title="Means of labor">Means of labor</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Means_of_production" title="Means of production">Means of production</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Mode_of_production" title="Mode of production">Mode of production</a> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Asiatic_mode_of_production" title="Asiatic mode of production">Asiatic</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Capitalist_mode_of_production_(Marxist_theory)" title="Capitalist mode of production (Marxist theory)">Capitalist</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Socialist_mode_of_production" title="Socialist mode of production">Socialist</a></li></ul></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Law_of_value" title="Law of value">Law of value</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Productive_forces" title="Productive forces">Productive forces</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Scientific_socialism" title="Scientific socialism">Scientific socialism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Surplus_product" title="Surplus product">Surplus product</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Surplus_value" title="Surplus value">Surplus value</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Value-form" title="Value-form">Value-form</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Wage_labour" title="Wage labour">Wage labour</a></li></ul> </div></div></div></td> </tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content"> <div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible mw-collapsed"><div class="sidebar-list-title" style="background:transparent;border-top:1px solid #aaa;text-align:center;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_sociology" title="Marxist sociology">Sociology</a></div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content"><div class="hlist"> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marx%27s_theory_of_alienation" title="Marx&#39;s theory of alienation">Alienation</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Base_and_superstructure" title="Base and superstructure">Base and superstructure</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Bourgeoisie#Marxist_theory" title="Bourgeoisie">Bourgeoisie</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxian_class_theory" title="Marxian class theory">Class</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Class_consciousness" title="Class consciousness">Class consciousness</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Class_conflict" title="Class conflict">Class struggle</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Classless_society" title="Classless society">Classless society</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Commodity_fetishism" title="Commodity fetishism">Commodity fetishism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Communist_society" title="Communist society">Communist society</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Critique_of_political_economy" title="Critique of political economy">Critique of political economy</a></li> <li><a class="mw-selflink selflink">Cultural hegemony</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Dictatorship_of_the_proletariat" title="Dictatorship of the proletariat">Dictatorship of the proletariat</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Exploitation_of_labour#Marxist_theory" title="Exploitation of labour">Exploitation</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Free_association_(Marxism_and_anarchism)" title="Free association (Marxism and anarchism)">Free association</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/General_intellect" title="General intellect">General intellect</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marx%27s_theory_of_human_nature" title="Marx&#39;s theory of human nature">Human nature</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Ideology#Marxist_interpretation" title="Ideology">Ideology</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Immiseration_thesis" title="Immiseration thesis">Immiseration</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Theory_of_imperialism#Marx" class="mw-redirect" title="Theory of imperialism">Imperialism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Lumpenproletariat" title="Lumpenproletariat">Lumpenproletariat</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Metabolic_rift" title="Metabolic rift">Metabolic rift</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Proletariat" title="Proletariat">Proletariat</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Private_property" title="Private property">Private property</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Relations_of_production" title="Relations of production">Relations of production</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Reification_(Marxism)" title="Reification (Marxism)">Reification</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marx%27s_theory_of_the_state" title="Marx&#39;s theory of the state">State theory</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Social_metabolism" title="Social metabolism">Social metabolism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Working_class" title="Working class">Working class</a></li></ul> </div></div></div></td> </tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content"> <div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible mw-collapsed"><div class="sidebar-list-title" style="background:transparent;border-top:1px solid #aaa;text-align:center;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Historical_materialism" title="Historical materialism">History</a></div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content"><div class="plainlist"> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Issues_in_anarchism#Marxism" title="Issues in anarchism">Anarchism and Marxism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Philosophy_in_the_Soviet_Union" title="Philosophy in the Soviet Union">Philosophy in the Soviet Union</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Primitive_accumulation_of_capital" title="Primitive accumulation of capital">Primitive accumulation</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Proletarian_revolution" title="Proletarian revolution">Proletarian revolution</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Proletarian_internationalism" title="Proletarian internationalism">Proletarian internationalism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/World_revolution" title="World revolution">World revolution</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Young_Marx" title="Young Marx">Young Marx</a></li></ul> </div></div></div></td> </tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content"> <div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible mw-collapsed"><div class="sidebar-list-title" style="background:transparent;border-top:1px solid #aaa;text-align:center;">Aspects</div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content"><div class="hlist"> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_aesthetics" title="Marxist aesthetics">Aesthetics</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_archaeology" title="Marxist archaeology">Archaeology</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_criminology" title="Marxist criminology">Criminology</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_cultural_analysis" title="Marxist cultural analysis">Cultural analysis</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_feminism" title="Marxist feminism">Feminism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_film_theory" title="Marxist film theory">Film theory</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_geography" title="Marxist geography">Geography</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_historiography" title="Marxist historiography">Historiography</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_literary_criticism" title="Marxist literary criticism">Literary criticism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxism_and_religion" title="Marxism and religion">Marxism and religion</a></li></ul> </div></div></div></td> </tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content"> <div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible mw-collapsed"><div class="sidebar-list-title" style="background:transparent;border-top:1px solid #aaa;text-align:center;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_schools_of_thought" title="Marxist schools of thought">Variants</a></div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content"><div class="hlist"> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Analytical_Marxism" title="Analytical Marxism">Analytical</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Austromarxism" title="Austromarxism">Austro</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Budapest_School" title="Budapest School">Budapest School</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Centrist_Marxism" title="Centrist Marxism">Centrist</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Classical_Marxism" title="Classical Marxism">Classical</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Democratic_socialism" title="Democratic socialism">Democratic socialism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Eurocommunism" title="Eurocommunism">Eurocommunism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Frankfurt_School" title="Frankfurt School">Frankfurt School</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Freudo-Marxism" title="Freudo-Marxism">Freudian</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/History_and_Class_Consciousness#Summary" title="History and Class Consciousness">Hegelian</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_humanism" title="Marxist humanism">Humanist</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Impossibilism" title="Impossibilism">Impossibilism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Instrumental_Marxism" title="Instrumental Marxism">Instrumental</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Libertarian_Marxism" title="Libertarian Marxism">Libertarian</a> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Autonomism" title="Autonomism">Autonomism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Council_communism" title="Council communism">Council communism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/De_Leonism" title="De Leonism">De Leonism</a></li></ul></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Left_communism" title="Left communism">Left communism</a> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Amadeo_Bordiga#Theories_and_beliefs" title="Amadeo Bordiga">Bordigism</a></li></ul></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Leninism" title="Leninism">Leninism</a> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxism%E2%80%93Leninism" title="Marxism–Leninism">Marxism–Leninism</a> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Maoism" title="Maoism">Maoism</a></li></ul></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Trotskyism" title="Trotskyism">Trotskyism</a></li></ul></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Neo-Gramscianism" title="Neo-Gramscianism">Neo-Gramscianism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Neo-Marxism" title="Neo-Marxism">Neo-</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Neue_Marx-Lekt%C3%BCre" title="Neue Marx-Lektüre">Neue Marx-Lektüre</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Open_Marxism" title="Open Marxism">Open</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Orthodox_Marxism" title="Orthodox Marxism">Orthodox</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Political_Marxism" title="Political Marxism">Political</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Post-Marxism" title="Post-Marxism">Post-</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Praxis_School" title="Praxis School">Praxis School</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Revisionism_(Marxism)" title="Revisionism (Marxism)">Revisionist</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Shachtmanism" title="Shachtmanism">Shachtmanism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Structural_Marxism" title="Structural Marxism">Structural</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Western_Marxism" title="Western Marxism">Western</a></li></ul> </div></div></div></td> </tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content"> <div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible mw-collapsed"><div class="sidebar-list-title" style="background:transparent;border-top:1px solid #aaa;text-align:center;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Category:Marxists" title="Category:Marxists">People</a></div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content"><div class="hlist"> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Karl_Marx" title="Karl Marx">Karl Marx</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Friedrich_Engels" title="Friedrich Engels">Engels</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/August_Bebel" title="August Bebel">Bebel</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Eduard_Bernstein" title="Eduard Bernstein">Bernstein</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Daniel_De_Leon" title="Daniel De Leon">De Leon</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Karl_Kautsky" title="Karl Kautsky">Kautsky</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Eleanor_Marx" title="Eleanor Marx">Eleanor Marx</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Eugene_V._Debs" title="Eugene V. Debs">Debs</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Keir_Hardie" title="Keir Hardie">Hardie</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Georgi_Plekhanov" title="Georgi Plekhanov">Plekhanov</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Clara_Zetkin" title="Clara Zetkin">Zetkin</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Maxim_Gorky" title="Maxim Gorky">Gorky</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/James_Connolly" title="James Connolly">Connolly</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Vladimir_Lenin" title="Vladimir Lenin">Lenin</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Rosa_Luxemburg" title="Rosa Luxemburg">Luxemburg</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Karl_Liebknecht" title="Karl Liebknecht">Liebknecht</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Alexandra_Kollontai" title="Alexandra Kollontai">Kollontai</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Antonie_Pannekoek" title="Antonie Pannekoek">Pannekoek</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Nikolai_Bukharin" title="Nikolai Bukharin">Bukharin</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Joseph_Stalin" title="Joseph Stalin">Stalin</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Leon_Trotsky" title="Leon Trotsky">Trotsky</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Ber_Borochov" title="Ber Borochov">Borochov</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Gy%C3%B6rgy_Luk%C3%A1cs" title="György Lukács">Lukács</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Karl_Korsch" title="Karl Korsch">Korsch</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Ho_Chi_Minh" title="Ho Chi Minh">Ho</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Antonio_Gramsci" title="Antonio Gramsci">Gramsci</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Walter_Benjamin" title="Walter Benjamin">Benjamin</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Mao_Zedong" title="Mao Zedong">Mao</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Max_Horkheimer" title="Max Horkheimer">Horkheimer</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Dolores_Ib%C3%A1rruri" title="Dolores Ibárruri">Ibárruri</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Wilhelm_Reich" title="Wilhelm Reich">Reich</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Louis_Aragon" title="Louis Aragon">Aragon</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Bertolt_Brecht" title="Bertolt Brecht">Brecht</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Herbert_Marcuse" title="Herbert Marcuse">Marcuse</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Erich_Fromm" title="Erich Fromm">Fromm</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Henri_Lefebvre" title="Henri Lefebvre">Lefebvre</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Theodor_W._Adorno" title="Theodor W. Adorno">Adorno</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Jean-Paul_Sartre" title="Jean-Paul Sartre">Sartre</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Maximilien_Rubel" title="Maximilien Rubel">Rubel</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Simone_de_Beauvoir" title="Simone de Beauvoir">Beauvoir</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Salvador_Allende" title="Salvador Allende">Allende</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Raya_Dunayevskaya" title="Raya Dunayevskaya">Dunayevskaya</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/C._Wright_Mills" title="C. Wright Mills">Mills</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Eric_Hobsbawm" title="Eric Hobsbawm">Hobsbawm</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Louis_Althusser" title="Louis Althusser">Althusser</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Pier_Paolo_Pasolini" title="Pier Paolo Pasolini">Pasolini</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Howard_Zinn" title="Howard Zinn">Zinn</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Ralph_Miliband" title="Ralph Miliband">Miliband</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Michael_Parenti" title="Michael Parenti">Parenti</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Zygmunt_Bauman" title="Zygmunt Bauman">Bauman</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Che_Guevara" title="Che Guevara">Guevara</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Fidel_Castro" title="Fidel Castro">Castro</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Guy_Debord" title="Guy Debord">Debord</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Frantz_Fanon" title="Frantz Fanon">Fanon</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/David_Harvey" title="David Harvey">Harvey</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Richard_D._Wolff" title="Richard D. Wolff">Wolff</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Thomas_Sankara" title="Thomas Sankara">Sankara</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Slavoj_%C5%BDi%C5%BEek" title="Slavoj Žižek">Žižek</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Domenico_Losurdo" title="Domenico Losurdo">Losurdo</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Ellen_Meiksins_Wood" title="Ellen Meiksins Wood">Wood</a></li></ul> </div></div></div></td> </tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content"> <div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible mw-collapsed"><div class="sidebar-list-title" style="background:transparent;border-top:1px solid #aaa;text-align:center;">Related topics</div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content"><div class="hlist"> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Critical_theory" title="Critical theory">Critical theory</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Criticism_of_Marxism" title="Criticism of Marxism">Criticism of Marxism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Communism" title="Communism">Communism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/History_of_communism" title="History of communism">History of communism</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Left-wing_politics" title="Left-wing politics">Left-wing politics</a> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/New_Left" title="New Left">New Left</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Old_Left" title="Old Left">Old Left</a></li></ul></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Social_democracy" title="Social democracy">Social democracy</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Social_anarchism" title="Social anarchism">Social anarchism</a> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Anarcho-communism" title="Anarcho-communism">Anarcho-communism</a></li></ul></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Socialism" title="Socialism">Socialism</a> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Libertarian_socialism" title="Libertarian socialism">Libertarian</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Revolutionary_socialism" title="Revolutionary socialism">Revolutionary</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Utopian_socialism" title="Utopian socialism">Utopian</a></li></ul></li></ul> </div></div></div></td> </tr><tr><td class="sidebar-content"> <div class="sidebar-list mw-collapsible mw-collapsed"><div class="sidebar-list-title" style="background:transparent;border-top:1px solid #aaa;text-align:center;">Related categories</div><div class="sidebar-list-content mw-collapsible-content"><div class="hlist"> <div class="CategoryTreeTag" data-ct-mode="20" data-ct-options="{&quot;mode&quot;:20,&quot;hideprefix&quot;:20,&quot;showcount&quot;:false,&quot;namespaces&quot;:false,&quot;notranslations&quot;:false}"><div class="CategoryTreeSection"><div class="CategoryTreeItem"><span class="CategoryTreeBullet"><span class="CategoryTreeToggle" data-ct-title="Karl_Marx" data-ct-state="collapsed"></span> </span> <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Category:Karl_Marx" title="Category:Karl Marx">Karl Marx</a></div><div class="CategoryTreeChildren" style="display:none"></div></div></div> </div></div></div></td> </tr><tr><td class="sidebar-below plainlist" style="line-height:1.6em;"> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Outline_of_Marxism" title="Outline of Marxism">Outline</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/File:Symbol-hammer-and-sickle.svg" class="image"><img alt="Symbol-hammer-and-sickle.svg" src="/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/6e/Symbol-hammer-and-sickle.svg/16px-Symbol-hammer-and-sickle.svg.png" decoding="async" width="16" height="16" class="noviewer" srcset="/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/6e/Symbol-hammer-and-sickle.svg/24px-Symbol-hammer-and-sickle.svg.png 1.5x, /upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/6/6e/Symbol-hammer-and-sickle.svg/32px-Symbol-hammer-and-sickle.svg.png 2x" data-file-width="48" data-file-height="48" /></a>&#160;<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Portal:Communism" title="Portal:Communism">Communism&#32;portal</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/File:Socrates.png" class="image"><img alt="Socrates.png" src="/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/cd/Socrates.png/10px-Socrates.png" decoding="async" width="10" height="16" class="noviewer" srcset="/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/cd/Socrates.png/15px-Socrates.png 1.5x, /upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/cd/Socrates.png/21px-Socrates.png 2x" data-file-width="326" data-file-height="500" /></a>&#160;<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Portal:Philosophy" title="Portal:Philosophy">Philosophy&#32;portal</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/File:Red_flag_II.svg" class="image"><img alt="Red flag II.svg" src="/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/52/Red_flag_II.svg/16px-Red_flag_II.svg.png" decoding="async" width="16" height="14" class="noviewer" srcset="/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/52/Red_flag_II.svg/24px-Red_flag_II.svg.png 1.5x, /upwiki/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/52/Red_flag_II.svg/32px-Red_flag_II.svg.png 2x" data-file-width="466" data-file-height="411" /></a>&#160;<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Portal:Socialism" title="Portal:Socialism">Socialism&#32;portal</a></li></ul></td></tr><tr><td class="sidebar-navbar"><style data-mw-deduplicate="TemplateStyles:r992953826">.mw-parser-output .navbar{display:inline;font-size:88%;font-weight:normal}.mw-parser-output .navbar-collapse{float:left;text-align:left}.mw-parser-output .navbar-boxtext{word-spacing:0}.mw-parser-output .navbar ul{display:inline-block;white-space:nowrap;line-height:inherit}.mw-parser-output .navbar-brackets::before{margin-right:-0.125em;content:"[ "}.mw-parser-output .navbar-brackets::after{margin-left:-0.125em;content:" ]"}.mw-parser-output .navbar li{word-spacing:-0.125em}.mw-parser-output .navbar-mini abbr{font-variant:small-caps;border-bottom:none;text-decoration:none;cursor:inherit}.mw-parser-output .navbar-ct-full{font-size:114%;margin:0 7em}.mw-parser-output .navbar-ct-mini{font-size:114%;margin:0 4em}.mw-parser-output .infobox .navbar{font-size:100%}.mw-parser-output .navbox .navbar{display:block;font-size:100%}.mw-parser-output .navbox-title .navbar{float:left;text-align:left;margin-right:0.5em}</style><div class="navbar plainlinks hlist navbar-mini"><ul><li class="nv-view"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Template:Marxism_sidebar" title="Template:Marxism sidebar"><abbr title="View this template" style=";text-decoration:inherit;">v</abbr></a></li><li class="nv-talk"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Template_talk:Marxism_sidebar" title="Template talk:Marxism sidebar"><abbr title="Discuss this template" style=";text-decoration:inherit;">t</abbr></a></li><li class="nv-edit"><a class="external text" href="https://en.wikipedia.org/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Template:Marxism_sidebar&amp;action=edit"><abbr title="Edit this template" style=";text-decoration:inherit;">e</abbr></a></li></ul></div></td></tr></tbody></table> <p>In 1848, <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Karl_Marx" title="Karl Marx">Karl Marx</a> proposed that the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Economic_recession" class="mw-redirect" title="Economic recession">economic recessions</a> and practical contradictions of a capitalist economy would provoke the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Working_class" title="Working class">working class</a> to <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Proletarian_revolution" title="Proletarian revolution">proletarian revolution</a>, depose <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Capitalism" title="Capitalism">capitalism</a>, restructure social institutions (economic, political, social) per the rational models of <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Socialism" title="Socialism">socialism</a>, and thus begin the transition to a <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Communist" class="mw-redirect" title="Communist">communist</a> society. Therefore, the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Dialectics" class="mw-redirect" title="Dialectics">dialectical</a> changes to the functioning of the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Economy" title="Economy">economy</a> of a society determine its social <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Base_and_superstructure" title="Base and superstructure">superstructures</a> (culture and politics). </p><p>To that end, <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Antonio_Gramsci" title="Antonio Gramsci">Antonio Gramsci</a> proposed a <i>strategic distinction</i> between the politics for a War of Position and for a War of Manœuvre. The war of position is an intellectual and cultural struggle wherein the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Anti-capitalist" class="mw-redirect" title="Anti-capitalist">anti-capitalist</a> revolutionary creates a <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Proletarian_culture" class="mw-redirect" title="Proletarian culture">proletarian culture</a> whose native value system counters the cultural hegemony of the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Bourgeoisie" title="Bourgeoisie">bourgeoisie</a>. The proletarian culture will increase <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Class_consciousness" title="Class consciousness">class consciousness</a>, teach <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Revolution" title="Revolution">revolutionary</a> theory and historical analysis, and thus further develop revolutionary organisation among the social classes.<sup id="cite_ref-7" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-7">&#91;7&#93;</a></sup> After winning the war of position, socialist leaders would then have the necessary political power and popular support to realise the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Maneuver_warfare" title="Maneuver warfare">war of manœuvre</a>, the political praxis of <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Revolutionary_socialism" title="Revolutionary socialism">revolutionary socialism</a>. </p> <h3><span class="mw-headline" id="Political_economy">Political economy</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=3" title="Edit section: Political economy">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h3> <p>As Marxist philosophy, cultural hegemony analyses the functions of economic class within the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Base_and_superstructure" title="Base and superstructure">base and superstructure</a>, from which Gramsci developed the functions of social class within the social structures created for and by <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Dominance_hierarchy" title="Dominance hierarchy">cultural domination</a>. In the practise of imperialism, cultural hegemony occurs when the working and the peasant classes believe and accept that the prevailing cultural norms of a society (the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Dominant_ideology" title="Dominant ideology">dominant ideology</a> imposed by the ruling class) realistically describes the natural order of things in society. </p><p>In the war for position, the working-class <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Intelligentsia" title="Intelligentsia">intelligentsia</a> politically educate the working classes to perceive that the <i>prevailing cultural norms</i> are not natural and inevitable social conditions, and to recognize that the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Social_construct" class="mw-redirect" title="Social construct">social constructs</a> of bourgeois culture function as instruments of socio-economic domination, e.g. the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Institutions" class="mw-redirect" title="Institutions">institutions</a> (state, church, and social strata), the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Convention_(norm)" title="Convention (norm)">conventions</a> (custom and tradition), and <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Beliefs" class="mw-redirect" title="Beliefs">beliefs</a> (religions and ideologies), etc. That to realise their own <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Working-class_culture" title="Working-class culture">working-class culture</a> the workers and the peasants, by way of their own intellectuals, must perform the necessary analyses of their culture and their national history in order for the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Proletariat" title="Proletariat">proletariat</a> to transcend the old ways of thinking about the order of things in a society under the cultural hegemony of an imperial power. </p> <h3><span class="mw-headline" id="Social_domination">Social domination</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=4" title="Edit section: Social domination">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h3> <p>Cultural hegemony is neither a monolithic intellectual praxis (politics and policies), nor a unified system of <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Values" class="mw-redirect" title="Values">values</a> (ideology), but a complex of social relations produced by the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Social_stratification" title="Social stratification">social stratification</a> of the individual <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Social_structure" title="Social structure">social structures</a> of a society; the social class system and the social strata of each class. Social cohesion arises from each social and economic class having a specific societal purpose, and each class has an <a href="/enwiki/wiki/In-group" class="mw-redirect" title="In-group">in-group</a> subculture that allows social behaviours particular to and different from the behaviours of other social classes; the social structures establish and demarcate the cohesive social order. Consequent to their assigned socio-economic purposes, the social classes will intellectually coalesce into a <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Society" title="Society">society</a> with a greater sense of <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Nationalism" title="Nationalism">national purpose</a>, determined in the dominant ideology of the ruling class. </p><p>Gramsci said that cultural and historical analyses of the “natural order of things in society” established by the dominant ideology, would allow <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Common_sense" title="Common sense">common-sense</a> men and women to intellectually perceive the social structures of bourgeois cultural hegemony. In each sphere of life (private and public) common sense is the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Intellectualism" title="Intellectualism">intellectualism</a> with which people cope with and explain their daily life within their social stratum within the greater <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Social_order" title="Social order">social order</a>; yet the limits of common sense inhibit a person's intellectual perception of the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Exploitation_of_labour" title="Exploitation of labour">exploitation of labour</a> made possible with cultural hegemony. Given the difficulty in perceiving the <i>status quo</i> hierarchy of bourgeois culture (social and economic classes), most people concern themselves with private matters, and so do not question the fundamental sources of their socio-economic <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Oppression" title="Oppression">oppression</a>, individual and collective.<sup id="cite_ref-8" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-8">&#91;8&#93;</a></sup> </p> <h2><span class="mw-headline" id="Intelligentsia">Intelligentsia</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=5" title="Edit section: Intelligentsia">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h2> <p>To perceive and combat ruling-class cultural hegemony, the working class and the peasant class depend upon the moral and political leadership of their native <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Intelligentsia" title="Intelligentsia">intelligentsia</a>, the scholars, academics, and teachers, scientists, philosophers, administrators <i>et al</i> from their specific social classes; thus Gramsci's political distinction between the intellectuals of the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Bourgeoisie" title="Bourgeoisie">bourgeoisie</a> and the intellectuals of the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Working_class" title="Working class">working class</a>, respectively, the men and women who are the proponents and the opponents of the cultural <i>status quo</i>: </p> <style data-mw-deduplicate="TemplateStyles:r996844942">.mw-parser-output .templatequote{overflow:hidden;margin:1em 0;padding:0 40px}.mw-parser-output .templatequote .templatequotecite{line-height:1.5em;text-align:left;padding-left:1.6em;margin-top:0}</style><blockquote class="templatequote"><p> Since these various categories of traditional intellectuals experience through an <i>esprit de corps</i> their uninterrupted historical continuity, and their special qualifications, they thus put themselves forward as autonomous and independent of the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Ruling_class" title="Ruling class">dominant social group</a>. This self-assessment is not without consequences in the ideological and political fields; consequences of wide-ranging import. The whole of <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Idealism" title="Idealism">idealist philosophy</a> can easily be connected with this position, assumed by the social complex of intellectuals, and can be defined as the expression of that social utopia, by which the intellectuals think of themselves as "independent" [and] autonomous, [and] endowed with a character of their own, etc.</p><div class="templatequotecite">—&#8201;<cite><i>Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci</i> (1971), pp. 7–8.<sup id="cite_ref-9" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-9">&#91;9&#93;</a></sup></cite></div></blockquote> <link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r996844942"/><blockquote class="templatequote"><p> The traditional and vulgarized type of the intellectual is given by the Man of Letters, the philosopher, and the artist. Therefore, journalists, who claim to be men of letters, philosophers, artists, also regard themselves as the "true" intellectuals. In the modern world, <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Technical_education" class="mw-redirect" title="Technical education">technical education</a>, closely bound to industrial labour, even at the most primitive and unqualified level, must form the basis of the new type of intellectual. . . . The mode of being of the new intellectual can no longer consist of eloquence, which is an exterior and momentary mover of feelings and passions, but in active participation in practical life, as constructor [and] organizer, as "permanent persuader", not just simple orator.</p><div class="templatequotecite">—&#8201;<cite><i>Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci</i> (1971), pp. 9–10.<sup id="cite_ref-10" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-10">&#91;10&#93;</a></sup></cite></div></blockquote> <h2><span id="Gramsci.27s_influence"></span><span class="mw-headline" id="Gramsci's_influence">Gramsci's influence</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=6" title="Edit section: Gramsci&#039;s influence">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h2> <div class="thumb tright"><div class="thumbinner" style="width:211px;"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/File:Rudi.jpg" class="image"><img alt="" src="/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/0/04/Rudi.jpg" decoding="async" width="209" height="268" class="thumbimage" data-file-width="209" data-file-height="268" /></a> <div class="thumbcaption"><div class="magnify"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/File:Rudi.jpg" class="internal" title="Enlarge"></a></div>In 1968, <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Rudi_Dutschke" title="Rudi Dutschke">Rudi Dutschke</a>, a leader of the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/German_student_movement" class="mw-redirect" title="German student movement">German student movement</a>, the "68er-Bewegung", said that changing the bourgeois society of West Germany required a long march through the society's institutions, in order to identify and combat cultural hegemony.<sup id="cite_ref-JaButt_11-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-JaButt-11">&#91;11&#93;</a></sup></div></div></div> <h3><span class="mw-headline" id="German_student_movement">German student movement</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=7" title="Edit section: German student movement">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h3> <p>In 1967, the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/German_student_movement" class="mw-redirect" title="German student movement">German student movement</a> leader <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Rudi_Dutschke" title="Rudi Dutschke">Rudi Dutschke</a> applied Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony with the phrase <i>The <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Long_march_through_the_institutions" title="Long march through the institutions">Long march through the Institutions</a></i> (<i>Marsch durch die Institutionen</i>) to identify the political war of position, a European Communist allusion to the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Long_March" title="Long March">Long March</a> (1934–35) of the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/People%27s_Liberation_Army" title="People&#39;s Liberation Army">People's Liberation Army</a>, by means of which the working-class intellectuals would produce the popular culture to replace the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Dominant_ideology" title="Dominant ideology">dominant ideology</a> imposed by the cultural hegemony of the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Bourgeoisie" title="Bourgeoisie">bourgeoisie</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-12" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-12">&#91;12&#93;</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-JaButt_11-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-JaButt-11">&#91;11&#93;</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-davidson_13-0" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-davidson-13">&#91;13&#93;</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-14" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-14">&#91;14&#93;</a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-15" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-15">&#91;15&#93;</a></sup> </p> <h3><span class="mw-headline" id="State_apparatuses_of_ideology">State apparatuses of ideology</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=8" title="Edit section: State apparatuses of ideology">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h3> <p>In <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Ideology_and_Ideological_State_Apparatuses" title="Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses">Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses</a>, <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Louis_Althusser" title="Louis Althusser">Louis Althusser</a> describes the complex of social relationships among the different organs of the State that transmit and disseminate the <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Dominant_ideology" title="Dominant ideology">dominant ideology</a> to the populations of a society.<sup id="cite_ref-16" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-16">&#91;16&#93;</a></sup> The ideological state apparatuses (ISA) are the sites of ideological conflict among the social classes of a society; and, unlike the military and police forces, the repressive state apparatuses (RSA), the ISA exist as a plurality throughout society. </p><p>Despite the ruling-class control of the RSA, the ideological apparatuses of the state are both the sites and the stakes (the objects) of <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Class_struggle" class="mw-redirect" title="Class struggle">class struggle</a>, because the ISA are not monolithic social entities, and exist amongst society. As the public and the private sites of continual class struggle, the ideological apparatuses of the state (ISA) are <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Overdetermination" title="Overdetermination">overdetermined zones</a> of society that are composed of elements of the dominant ideologies of previous <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Modes_of_production" class="mw-redirect" title="Modes of production">modes of production</a>, hence the continual political activity in: </p> <ul><li>the religious ISA (the clergy)</li> <li>the educational ISA (the public and private school systems)</li> <li>the family ISA (patriarchal family)</li> <li>the legal ISA (police and legal, court and penal systems)</li> <li>the political ISA (political parties)</li> <li>the company union ISA</li> <li>the mass communications ISA (print, radio, television, internet, cinema)</li> <li>the cultural ISA (literature, the arts, sport, etc.)<sup id="cite_ref-17" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-17">&#91;17&#93;</a></sup></li></ul> <p>The <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Parliament" title="Parliament">parliamentary</a> structures of the State, by which elected politicians exercise <i>the will of the people</i> also are an ideological apparatus of the State, given the State's control of which populations are allowed to participate as political parties. In itself, the political system is an ideological apparatus, because citizens' participation involves intellectually accepting the ideological "fiction, corresponding to a 'certain' reality, that the component parts of the [political] system, as well as the principle of its functioning, are based on the ideology of the 'freedom' and 'equality' of the individual voters and the 'free choice' of the people's representatives, by the individuals that 'make up' the people".<sup id="cite_ref-18" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-18">&#91;18&#93;</a></sup> </p> <h2><span class="mw-headline" id="See_also">See also</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=9" title="Edit section: See also">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h2> <ul><li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Behavioral_contagion" title="Behavioral contagion">Behavioral contagion</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Collective_action_problem" title="Collective action problem">Collective action problem</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Cultural_capital" title="Cultural capital">Cultural capital</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Cultural_conflict" title="Cultural conflict">Cultural conflict</a></li> <li><i>Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts</i> (1990), by <a href="/enwiki/wiki/James_C._Scott" title="James C. Scott">James C. Scott</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Focal_point_(game_theory)" title="Focal point (game theory)">Focal point (game theory)</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Hegemonic_masculinity" title="Hegemonic masculinity">Hegemonic masculinity</a></li> <li><i><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Hegemony_and_Socialist_Strategy" title="Hegemony and Socialist Strategy">Hegemony and Socialist Strategy</a></i> (1985), by <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Ernesto_Laclau" title="Ernesto Laclau">Ernesto Laclau</a> and <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Chantal_Mouffe" title="Chantal Mouffe">Chantal Mouffe</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Herd_behaviour" class="mw-redirect" title="Herd behaviour">Herd behaviour</a></li> <li>"<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Ideology_and_Ideological_State_Apparatuses" title="Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses">Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses</a>" (1970), by <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Louis_Althusser" title="Louis Althusser">Louis Althusser</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marxist_cultural_analysis" title="Marxist cultural analysis">Marxist cultural analysis</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Marx%27s_theory_of_alienation" title="Marx&#39;s theory of alienation">Marx's theory of alienation</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Nicos_Poulantzas" title="Nicos Poulantzas">Nicos Poulantzas</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Political_consciousness" title="Political consciousness">Political consciousness</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Post-hegemony" class="mw-redirect" title="Post-hegemony">Post-hegemony</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Herd_behavior#Sheeple" title="Herd behavior">Sheeple</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Social_capital" title="Social capital">Social capital</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Soft_power" title="Soft power">Soft power</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Southern_strategy" title="Southern strategy">Southern strategy</a></li> <li><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Subaltern_(postcolonialism)" title="Subaltern (postcolonialism)">Subaltern (postcolonialism)</a></li> <li><i><a href="/enwiki/wiki/The_Structural_Transformation_of_the_Public_Sphere:_An_Inquiry_into_a_Category_of_Bourgeois_Society" class="mw-redirect" title="The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society">The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society</a></i> (1962), by <a href="/enwiki/wiki/J%C3%BCrgen_Habermas" title="Jürgen Habermas">Jürgen Habermas</a></li></ul> <h2><span class="mw-headline" id="References">References</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=10" title="Edit section: References">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h2> <style data-mw-deduplicate="TemplateStyles:r1011085734">.mw-parser-output .reflist{font-size:90%;margin-bottom:0.5em;list-style-type:decimal}.mw-parser-output .reflist .references{font-size:100%;margin-bottom:0;list-style-type:inherit}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns-2{column-width:30em}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns-3{column-width:25em}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns{margin-top:0.3em}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns ol{margin-top:0}.mw-parser-output .reflist-columns li{page-break-inside:avoid;break-inside:avoid-column}.mw-parser-output .reflist-upper-alpha{list-style-type:upper-alpha}.mw-parser-output .reflist-upper-roman{list-style-type:upper-roman}.mw-parser-output .reflist-lower-alpha{list-style-type:lower-alpha}.mw-parser-output .reflist-lower-greek{list-style-type:lower-greek}.mw-parser-output .reflist-lower-roman{list-style-type:lower-roman}</style><div class="reflist"> <div class="mw-references-wrap mw-references-columns"><ol class="references"> <li id="cite_note-1"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-1">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, Editors (1999), <i>The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought</i> Third Edition, pp. 387–88.</span> </li> <li id="cite_note-TheColumbia-2"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-TheColumbia_2-0">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><i>The Columbia Encyclopedia</i>, Fifth Edition. (1994), p. 1215.</span> </li> <li id="cite_note-3"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-3">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><style data-mw-deduplicate="TemplateStyles:r999302996">.mw-parser-output cite.citation{font-style:inherit}.mw-parser-output .citation q{quotes:"\"""\"""'""'"}.mw-parser-output .id-lock-free a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-free a{background:linear-gradient(transparent,transparent),url("/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/6/65/Lock-green.svg")right 0.1em center/9px no-repeat}.mw-parser-output .id-lock-limited a,.mw-parser-output .id-lock-registration a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-limited a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-registration a{background:linear-gradient(transparent,transparent),url("/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/d/d6/Lock-gray-alt-2.svg")right 0.1em center/9px no-repeat}.mw-parser-output .id-lock-subscription a,.mw-parser-output .citation .cs1-lock-subscription a{background:linear-gradient(transparent,transparent),url("/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/a/aa/Lock-red-alt-2.svg")right 0.1em center/9px no-repeat}.mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration{color:#555}.mw-parser-output .cs1-subscription span,.mw-parser-output .cs1-registration span{border-bottom:1px dotted;cursor:help}.mw-parser-output .cs1-ws-icon a{background:linear-gradient(transparent,transparent),url("/upwiki/wikipedia/commons/4/4c/Wikisource-logo.svg")right 0.1em center/12px no-repeat}.mw-parser-output code.cs1-code{color:inherit;background:inherit;border:none;padding:inherit}.mw-parser-output .cs1-hidden-error{display:none;font-size:100%}.mw-parser-output .cs1-visible-error{font-size:100%}.mw-parser-output .cs1-maint{display:none;color:#33aa33;margin-left:0.3em}.mw-parser-output .cs1-format{font-size:95%}.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-left,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-left{padding-left:0.2em}.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-right,.mw-parser-output .cs1-kern-wl-right{padding-right:0.2em}.mw-parser-output .citation .mw-selflink{font-weight:inherit}</style><cite id="CITEREFComaroffComaroff1991" class="citation book cs1"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Jean_Comaroff" title="Jean Comaroff">Comaroff, Jean</a>; <a href="/enwiki/wiki/John_Comaroff" title="John Comaroff">Comaroff, John L.</a> (1991). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=M_RaDwAAQBAJ"><i>Of Revelation and Revolution</i></a>. ATLA Special Series. 1: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa. Chicago: University of Chicago Press (published 2008). p.&#160;25. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a>&#160;<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Special:BookSources/9780226114477" title="Special:BookSources/9780226114477"><bdi>9780226114477</bdi></a><span class="reference-accessdate">. Retrieved <span class="nowrap">7 October</span> 2020</span>. <q>Typically . . . the making of hegemony involves the assertion of control over various modes of symbolic production: over such things as educational and ritual processes, patterns of socialization, political and legal procedures, canons of style and self-representation, public communication, health and bodily discipline, and so on.</q></cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Of+Revelation+and+Revolution&amp;rft.place=Chicago&amp;rft.series=ATLA+Special+Series&amp;rft.pages=25&amp;rft.pub=University+of+Chicago+Press&amp;rft.date=1991&amp;rft.isbn=9780226114477&amp;rft.aulast=Comaroff&amp;rft.aufirst=Jean&amp;rft.au=Comaroff%2C+John+L.&amp;rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fbooks.google.com%2Fbooks%3Fid%3DM_RaDwAAQBAJ&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-4"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-4">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFHassig1994" class="citation book cs1">Hassig, Ross (1994). "Mesoamerica and the Aztecs". <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=BK05BAAAQBAJ"><i>Mexico and the Spanish Conquest</i></a> (2&#160;ed.). Norman: University of Oklahoma Press (published 2014). p.&#160;28. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a>&#160;<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Special:BookSources/9780806182087" title="Special:BookSources/9780806182087"><bdi>9780806182087</bdi></a><span class="reference-accessdate">. Retrieved <span class="nowrap">7 October</span> 2020</span>. <q>The more a hegemonic empire relies on power (the perception that one can enforce one's desired goals) rather than force (direct physical action to compel one's goals), the more efficient it is, because the subordinates police themselves.</q></cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=bookitem&amp;rft.atitle=Mesoamerica+and+the+Aztecs&amp;rft.btitle=Mexico+and+the+Spanish+Conquest&amp;rft.place=Norman&amp;rft.pages=28&amp;rft.edition=2&amp;rft.pub=University+of+Oklahoma+Press&amp;rft.date=1994&amp;rft.isbn=9780806182087&amp;rft.aulast=Hassig&amp;rft.aufirst=Ross&amp;rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fbooks.google.com%2Fbooks%3Fid%3DBK05BAAAQBAJ&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-5"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-5">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Ross Hassig, <i>Mexico and the Spanish Conquest</i> (1994), pp. 23–24.</span> </li> <li id="cite_note-6"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-6">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFL._Adamson2014" class="citation book cs1">L. Adamson, Walter (2014). <i>Hegemony and Revolution</i>. Echo Point Books &amp; Media.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Hegemony+and+Revolution&amp;rft.pub=Echo+Point+Books+%26+Media&amp;rft.date=2014&amp;rft.aulast=L.+Adamson&amp;rft.aufirst=Walter&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-7"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-7">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFBadino2020" class="citation book cs1">Badino, Massimiliano (2020). <i>Cultural Hegemony in a Scientific World</i>. Brill.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Cultural+Hegemony+in+a+Scientific+World&amp;rft.pub=Brill&amp;rft.date=2020&amp;rft.aulast=Badino&amp;rft.aufirst=Massimiliano&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-8"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-8">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFHall1986" class="citation journal cs1"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Stuart_Hall_(cultural_theorist)" title="Stuart Hall (cultural theorist)">Hall, Stuart</a> (1986). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://archive.org/details/HallS">"The Problem of Ideology — Marxism without Guarantees"</a>. <i>Journal of Communication Inquiry</i>. <b>10</b> (2): 28–44. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/CiteSeerX_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="CiteSeerX (identifier)">CiteSeerX</a>&#160;<span class="cs1-lock-free" title="Freely accessible"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="/enwiki//citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.1033.1130">10.1.1.1033.1130</a></span>. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.1177%2F019685998601000203">10.1177/019685998601000203</a>. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/S2CID_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="S2CID (identifier)">S2CID</a>&#160;<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:144448154">144448154</a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&amp;rft.genre=article&amp;rft.jtitle=Journal+of+Communication+Inquiry&amp;rft.atitle=The+Problem+of+Ideology+%E2%80%94+Marxism+without+Guarantees&amp;rft.volume=10&amp;rft.issue=2&amp;rft.pages=28-44&amp;rft.date=1986&amp;rft_id=%2F%2Fciteseerx.ist.psu.edu%2Fviewdoc%2Fsummary%3Fdoi%3D10.1.1.1033.1130%23id-name%3DCiteSeerX&amp;rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fapi.semanticscholar.org%2FCorpusID%3A144448154%23id-name%3DS2CID&amp;rft_id=info%3Adoi%2F10.1177%2F019685998601000203&amp;rft.aulast=Hall&amp;rft.aufirst=Stuart&amp;rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Farchive.org%2Fdetails%2FHallS&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-9"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-9">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><i>Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci</i> (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 7–8.</span> </li> <li id="cite_note-10"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-10">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><i>Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci</i> (1971), Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith, eds., pp. 9–10.</span> </li> <li id="cite_note-JaButt-11"><span class="mw-cite-backlink">^ <a href="#cite_ref-JaButt_11-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="#cite_ref-JaButt_11-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFButtigieg2005" class="citation journal cs1">Buttigieg, J. A. (2005). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://ausm.community/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/Buttigieg-Gramsci-and-hegemony-in-civil-society.pdf">"The Contemporary Discourse on Civil Society: A Gramscian Critique"</a> <span class="cs1-format">(PDF)</span>. <i>Boundary 2</i>. <b>32</b> (1): 33–52. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.1215%2F01903659-32-1-33">10.1215/01903659-32-1-33</a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&amp;rft.genre=article&amp;rft.jtitle=Boundary+2&amp;rft.atitle=The+Contemporary+Discourse+on+Civil+Society%3A+A+Gramscian+Critique&amp;rft.volume=32&amp;rft.issue=1&amp;rft.pages=33-52&amp;rft.date=2005&amp;rft_id=info%3Adoi%2F10.1215%2F01903659-32-1-33&amp;rft.aulast=Buttigieg&amp;rft.aufirst=J.+A.&amp;rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Fausm.community%2Fwp-content%2Fuploads%2F2020%2F03%2FButtigieg-Gramsci-and-hegemony-in-civil-society.pdf&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-12"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-12">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFGramsci" class="citation cs2">Gramsci, Buttigieg, Joseph A (ed.), <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20100616163619/http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/"><i>Prison Notebooks</i></a> (English critical&#160;ed.), p 50 footnote 21, archived from <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://english.nd.edu/faculty/profiles/joseph-a-buttigieg/">the original</a> on 2010-06-16, <q>Long March Through the Institutions<sup>21</sup></q></cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Prison+Notebooks&amp;rft.pages=p+50+footnote+21&amp;rft.edition=English+critical&amp;rft.au=Gramsci&amp;rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fenglish.nd.edu%2Ffaculty%2Fprofiles%2Fjoseph-a-buttigieg%2F&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-davidson-13"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-davidson_13-0">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFDavidson2006" class="citation cs2">Davidson, Carl (6 April 2006), <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://carldavidson.blogspot.com/2006/04/strategy-hegemony-long-march.html"><i>Strategy, Hegemony &amp; 'The Long March': Gramsci's Lessons for the Antiwar Movement</i></a> <span class="cs1-format">(web log)</span></cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Strategy%2C+Hegemony+%26+%27The+Long+March%27%3A+Gramsci%27s+Lessons+for+the+Antiwar+Movement&amp;rft.date=2006-04-06&amp;rft.aulast=Davidson&amp;rft.aufirst=Carl&amp;rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fcarldavidson.blogspot.com%2F2006%2F04%2Fstrategy-hegemony-long-march.html&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span>.</span> </li> <li id="cite_note-14"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-14">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a href="https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marsch_durch_die_Institutionen" class="extiw" title="de:Marsch durch die Institutionen">Marsch durch die Institutionen</a> at German Wikipedia.<sup class="noprint Inline-Template noprint Template-Fact" style="white-space:nowrap;">&#91;<i><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Wikipedia:Verifiability#Wikipedia_and_sources_that_mirror_or_use_it" title="Wikipedia:Verifiability"><span title="This claim cites another Wikipedia article. Articles need references to reliable third-party sources. (May 2019)">circular reference</span></a></i>&#93;</sup></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-15"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-15">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a href="https://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Antonio_Gramsci#Misattributed" class="extiw" title="wikiquote:Antonio Gramsci">Antonio Gramsci: Misattributed</a> at English Wikiquote for the origin of "The Long March Through the Institutions" quotation.</span> </li> <li id="cite_note-16"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-16">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFAlthusser2014" class="citation book cs1">Althusser, Louis (2014). <i>On The Reproduction of Capitalism</i>. London/ New York: Verso. pp.&#160;74–75, 103–47, 177, 180, 198–206, 218–31, 242–6. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a>&#160;<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Special:BookSources/9781781681640" title="Special:BookSources/9781781681640"><bdi>9781781681640</bdi></a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=On+The+Reproduction+of+Capitalism&amp;rft.place=London%2F+New+York&amp;rft.pages=74-75%2C+103-47%2C+177%2C+180%2C+198-206%2C+218-31%2C+242-6&amp;rft.pub=Verso&amp;rft.date=2014&amp;rft.isbn=9781781681640&amp;rft.aulast=Althusser&amp;rft.aufirst=Louis&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-17"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-17">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFAlthusser2014" class="citation book cs1">Althusser, Louis (2014). <i>On the Reproduction of Capitalism</i>. London/ New York: Verso. p.&#160;243. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a>&#160;<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Special:BookSources/9781781681640" title="Special:BookSources/9781781681640"><bdi>9781781681640</bdi></a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=On+the+Reproduction+of+Capitalism&amp;rft.place=London%2F+New+York&amp;rft.pages=243&amp;rft.pub=Verso&amp;rft.date=2014&amp;rft.isbn=9781781681640&amp;rft.aulast=Althusser&amp;rft.aufirst=Louis&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> <li id="cite_note-18"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="#cite_ref-18">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFAlthusser2014" class="citation book cs1">Althusser, Louis (2014). <i>On the Reproduction of Capitalism</i>. London/New York: Verso. pp.&#160;222–223.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=On+the+Reproduction+of+Capitalism&amp;rft.place=London%2FNew+York&amp;rft.pages=222-223&amp;rft.pub=Verso&amp;rft.date=2014&amp;rft.aulast=Althusser&amp;rft.aufirst=Louis&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></span> </li> </ol></div></div> <h2><span class="mw-headline" id="Further_reading">Further reading</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=11" title="Edit section: Further reading">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h2> <ul><li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFBeechAndy_HewittMel_Jordan2007" class="citation book cs1">Beech, Dave; Andy Hewitt; Mel Jordan (2007). <i>The Free Art Collective Manifesto for a Counter-Hegemonic Art</i>. England: Free Publishing. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a>&#160;<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-9554748-0-4" title="Special:BookSources/978-0-9554748-0-4"><bdi>978-0-9554748-0-4</bdi></a>. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="OCLC (identifier)">OCLC</a>&#160;<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="/enwiki//www.worldcat.org/oclc/269432294">269432294</a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=The+Free+Art+Collective+Manifesto+for+a+Counter-Hegemonic+Art&amp;rft.place=England&amp;rft.pub=Free+Publishing&amp;rft.date=2007&amp;rft_id=info%3Aoclcnum%2F269432294&amp;rft.isbn=978-0-9554748-0-4&amp;rft.aulast=Beech&amp;rft.aufirst=Dave&amp;rft.au=Andy+Hewitt&amp;rft.au=Mel+Jordan&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></li> <li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFBullockTrombley1999" class="citation cs2">Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, eds. (1999), <i>The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought</i> (3rd&#160;ed.)</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=The+New+Fontana+Dictionary+of+Modern+Thought&amp;rft.edition=3rd&amp;rft.date=1999&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span>.</li> <li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFFlank2007" class="citation book cs1">Flank, Lenny (2007). <i>Hegemony and Counter-Hegemony: Marxism, Capitalism, and Their Relation to Sexism, Racism, Nationalism, and Authoritarianism</i>. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/St._Petersburg,_Florida" title="St. Petersburg, Florida">St. Petersburg, Florida</a>: Red and Black Publishers. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a>&#160;<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-9791813-7-5" title="Special:BookSources/978-0-9791813-7-5"><bdi>978-0-9791813-7-5</bdi></a>. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="OCLC (identifier)">OCLC</a>&#160;<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="/enwiki//www.worldcat.org/oclc/191763227">191763227</a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Hegemony+and+Counter-Hegemony%3A+Marxism%2C+Capitalism%2C+and+Their+Relation+to+Sexism%2C+Racism%2C+Nationalism%2C+and+Authoritarianism&amp;rft.place=St.+Petersburg%2C+Florida&amp;rft.pub=Red+and+Black+Publishers&amp;rft.date=2007&amp;rft_id=info%3Aoclcnum%2F191763227&amp;rft.isbn=978-0-9791813-7-5&amp;rft.aulast=Flank&amp;rft.aufirst=Lenny&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></li> <li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFGramsci1992" class="citation cs2"><a href="/enwiki/wiki/Antonio_Gramsci" title="Antonio Gramsci">Gramsci, Antonio</a> (1992), Buttigieg, Joseph A (ed.), <span class="cs1-lock-registration" title="Free registration required"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://archive.org/details/prisonnotebooks0003gram"><i>Prison notebooks</i></a></span>, New York City: Columbia University Press, <a href="/enwiki/wiki/ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a>&#160;<a href="/enwiki/wiki/Special:BookSources/978-0-231-10592-7" title="Special:BookSources/978-0-231-10592-7"><bdi>978-0-231-10592-7</bdi></a>, <a href="/enwiki/wiki/OCLC_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="OCLC (identifier)">OCLC</a>&#160;<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="/enwiki//www.worldcat.org/oclc/24009547">24009547</a></cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Prison+notebooks&amp;rft.place=New+York+City&amp;rft.pub=Columbia+University+Press&amp;rft.date=1992&amp;rft_id=info%3Aoclcnum%2F24009547&amp;rft.isbn=978-0-231-10592-7&amp;rft.aulast=Gramsci&amp;rft.aufirst=Antonio&amp;rft_id=https%3A%2F%2Farchive.org%2Fdetails%2Fprisonnotebooks0003gram&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></li> <li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFAbercrombieTurner1978" class="citation journal cs1">Abercrombie, Nicholas; Turner, Bryan S. (June 1978). "The Dominant Ideology Thesis". <i>The British Journal of Sociology</i>. <b>29</b> (2): 149–70. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F589886">10.2307/589886</a>. <a href="/enwiki/wiki/JSTOR_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="JSTOR (identifier)">JSTOR</a>&#160;<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="/enwiki//www.jstor.org/stable/589886">589886</a>.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&amp;rft.genre=article&amp;rft.jtitle=The+British+Journal+of+Sociology&amp;rft.atitle=The+Dominant+Ideology+Thesis&amp;rft.volume=29&amp;rft.issue=2&amp;rft.pages=149-70&amp;rft.date=1978-06&amp;rft_id=info%3Adoi%2F10.2307%2F589886&amp;rft_id=%2F%2Fwww.jstor.org%2Fstable%2F589886%23id-name%3DJSTOR&amp;rft.aulast=Abercrombie&amp;rft.aufirst=Nicholas&amp;rft.au=Turner%2C+Bryan+S.&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></li> <li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFAnderson1977" class="citation magazine cs1">Anderson, Perry (1977). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20150518080712/http://newleftreview.org/enwiki/static/assets/archive/pdf/NLR09801.pdf">"The Antinomies of Antonio Gramsci"</a> <span class="cs1-format">(PDF)</span>. <i>New Left Review</i>. No.&#160;100. Archived from <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://newleftreview.org/enwiki/static/assets/archive/pdf/NLR09801.pdf">the original</a> <span class="cs1-format">(PDF)</span> on 2015-05-18.</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&amp;rft.genre=article&amp;rft.jtitle=New+Left+Review&amp;rft.atitle=The+Antinomies+of+Antonio+Gramsci&amp;rft.issue=100&amp;rft.date=1977&amp;rft.aulast=Anderson&amp;rft.aufirst=Perry&amp;rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fnewleftreview.org%2Fstatic%2Fassets%2Farchive%2Fpdf%2FNLR09801.pdf&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></li></ul> <h2><span class="mw-headline" id="External_links">External links</span><span class="mw-editsection"><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">[</span><a href="/enwiki/w/index.php?title=Cultural_hegemony&amp;action=edit&amp;section=12" title="Edit section: External links">edit</a><span class="mw-editsection-bracket">]</span></span></h2> <ul><li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite class="citation cs2"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/"><i>Gramsci</i></a> <span class="cs1-format">(archive)</span>, Marxists</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Gramsci&amp;rft.pub=Marxists&amp;rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.marxists.org%2Farchive%2Fgramsci%2F&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span>.</li> <li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite class="citation cs2"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.internationalgramscisociety.org/"><i>International Gramsci society</i></a></cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=International+Gramsci+society&amp;rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.internationalgramscisociety.org%2F&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span>.</li> <li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFGramsci" class="citation cs2">Gramsci, <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://archive.today/20121128022033/http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/gramsci-journal/"><i>journal</i></a>, AU: UOW, archived from <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/gramsci-journal/">the original</a> on 2012-11-28</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=journal&amp;rft.place=AU&amp;rft.pub=UOW&amp;rft.au=Gramsci&amp;rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.uow.edu.au%2Farts%2Fresearch%2Fgramsci-journal%2F&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span>.</li> <li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite class="citation cs2"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://rethinkingmarxism.org/cms/"><i>Rethinking Marxism</i></a></cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Rethinking+Marxism&amp;rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Frethinkingmarxism.org%2Fcms%2F&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span>.</li> <li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite class="citation cs2"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://archive.today/20130221181041/http://www.einet.net/review/1302-869793/Rethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm"><i>Rethinking Marxism: Association for economic &amp; social analysis</i></a>, EI Net, archived from <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.einet.net/review/1302-869793/Rethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm">the original</a> <span class="cs1-format">(review)</span> on 2013-02-21</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Rethinking+Marxism%3A+Association+for+economic+%26+social+analysis&amp;rft.pub=EI+Net&amp;rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.einet.net%2Freview%2F1302-869793%2FRethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span></li> <li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFGramsci" class="citation cs2">Gramsci, "Selections", <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/selections.htm"><i>Prison notebooks</i></a>, Marxists</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=bookitem&amp;rft.atitle=Selections&amp;rft.btitle=Prison+notebooks&amp;rft.pub=Marxists&amp;rft.au=Gramsci&amp;rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.marxists.org%2Farchive%2Fgramsci%2Fprison_notebooks%2Fselections.htm&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span>.</li> <li><link rel="mw-deduplicated-inline-style" href="mw-data:TemplateStyles:r999302996"/><cite id="CITEREFGramsci" class="citation cs2">Gramsci, <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/"><i>Prison notebooks</i></a>, Marxists</cite><span title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&amp;rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&amp;rft.genre=book&amp;rft.btitle=Prison+notebooks&amp;rft.pub=Marxists&amp;rft.au=Gramsci&amp;rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.marxists.org%2Farchive%2Fgramsci%2Fprison_notebooks%2F&amp;rfr_id=info%3Asid%2Fen.wikipedia.org%3ACultural+hegemony" class="Z3988"></span>.</li></ul> '
Whether or not the change was made through a Tor exit node (tor_exit_node)
false
Unix timestamp of change (timestamp)
1636491175
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:AbuseLog/31267541"