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15:44, 21 January 2022: 184.191.234.156 (talk) triggered filter 833, performing the action "edit" on Haymarket affair. Actions taken: none; Filter description: Newer user possibly adding unreferenced or improperly referenced material (examine)

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[[File:Mathias J. Degan (ca. 1886).jpg|thumb|left|upright|Engraving of police officer Mathias J. Degan, who was killed by the bomb blast]]
[[File:Mathias J. Degan (ca. 1886).jpg|thumb|left|upright|Engraving of police officer Mathias J. Degan, who was killed by the bomb blast]]
A harsh anti-union clampdown followed the Haymarket incident and the Great Upheaval subsided. Employers regained control of their workers and traditional workdays were restored to ten or more hours a day.<ref>Winik, Jay. The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788-1800. New York: HarperCollins, 2007 Page 238</ref> There was a massive outpouring of community and business support for the police and many thousands of dollars were donated to funds for their medical care and to assist their efforts. The entire labor and immigrant community, particularly Germans and Bohemians, came under suspicion. Police raids were carried out on homes and offices of suspected anarchists. Dozens of suspects, many only remotely related to the Haymarket Affair, were arrested. Casting legal requirements such as search warrants aside, Chicago police squads subjected the labor activists of Chicago to an eight-week shakedown, ransacking their meeting halls and places of business. The emphasis was on the speakers at the Haymarket rally and the newspaper ''Arbeiter-Zeitung''. A small group of anarchists were discovered to have been engaged in making bombs on the same day as the incident, including round ones like the one used in Haymarket Square.<ref name=Manhunt>Avrich (1984), pp. 221–32.</ref>
A harsh anti-union clampdown followed the Haymarket incident and the Great Upheaval subsided. Employers regained control of their workers and traditional workdays were restored to ten or more hours a day.<ref>Winik, Jay. The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788-1800. New York: HarperCollins, 2007 Page 238</ref> There was a massive outpouring of community and business support for the police and many thousands of dollars were donated to funds for their medical care and to assist their efforts. The entire labor and immigrant community, particularly Germans and Bohemians, came under suspicion. Police raids were carried out on homes and offices of suspected anarchists. Dozens of suspects, many only remotely related to the Haymarket Affair, were arrested. Casting legal requirements such as search warrants aside, Chicago police squads subjected the labor activists of Chicago to an eight-week shakedown, ransacking their meeting halls and places of business. The emphasis was on the speakers at the Haymarket rally and the newspaper ''Arbeiter-Zeitung''. A small group of anarchists were discovered to have been engaged in making bombs on the same day as the incident, including round ones like the one used in Haymarket Square.<ref name=Manhunt>Avrich (1984), pp. 221–32.</ref>
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reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed, press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other elements of society, a consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary while for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor and craft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating.<ref name = "Repercussions" >David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), pages 178–189</ref> Many workers, on the other hand, believed that men of the [[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkerton agency]] were responsible because of the agency's tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and its sometimes violent methods of strike breaking.<ref name=Pinkerton>{{cite book |last=Morn |first=Frank |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency |year=1982 |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington, Ind. |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |page=99 }}</ref>

Newspaper reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed, press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other elements of society, a consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary while for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor and craft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating.<ref name = "Repercussions" >David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), pages 178–189</ref> Many workers, on the other hand, believed that men of the [[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkerton agency]] were responsible because of the agency's tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and its sometimes violent methods of strike breaking.<ref name=Pinkerton>{{cite book |last=Morn |first=Frank |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency |year=1982 |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington, Ind. |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |page=99 }}</ref>


==Legal proceedings==
==Legal proceedings==

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'{{short description|1886 aftermath of a bombing in Chicago, US}} {{redirect-several|dab=off|2007 London car bombs|Haymarket Riot (band)}} {{Use mdy dates|date=May 2012}} {{Infobox civil conflict | partof = the [[Great Railroad Strike of 1877|Great Upheaval]] | image = [[File:HaymarketRiot-Harpers.jpg|300px|alt=Illustration of Haymarket square bombing and riot]] | place = [[Chicago]], [[Illinois]], [[United States]] | date = May 4, 1886 | caption = This 1886 engraving was the most widely reproduced image of the Haymarket massacre. It shows Methodist pastor [[Samuel Fielden]] speaking, the bomb exploding, and the riot beginning simultaneously; in reality, Fielden had finished speaking before the explosion.<ref>[http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act2/tragedyEnacted/momentOfTruth_f.htm Act II: Let Your Tragedy Be Enacted Here, Moment of Truth], 2000, ''The Dramas of Haymarket'', Chicago Historical Society</ref> | map_type = United States Chicago Central | map_caption = Haymarket square, Chicago, Illinois | map_size = | coordinates = {{Coord|41|53|5.6|N|87|38|38.9|W|type:event_scale:100000_region:US-IL|display=inline,title}} | goals = Eight-hour work day | methods = Strikes, protest, demonstrations | status = | result = | concessions = | side1 = [[Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions]] | side2 = Chicago Police Department | leadfigures1 = [[August Spies]];<br /> [[Albert R. Parsons]];<br /> [[Samuel Fielden]] | leadfigures2 = [[Carter Harrison, Sr.]];<br /> John Bonfield | casualties1 = '''Deaths''': 4<br />'''Injuries''': 70+<br />'''Arrests''': 100+ | casualties2 = '''Deaths''': 7<br />'''Injuries''': 60 | casualties_label = Casualties and arrests | sidebox = {{Campaignbox US Labor strikes}} {{Campaignbox general strikes}} }} The '''Haymarket affair''' (also known as the '''Haymarket massacre''', the '''Haymarket riot''', or the '''Haymarket Square riot''') was the aftermath of a bombing that took place at a labor demonstration on May 4, 1886, at [[Haymarket Square (Chicago)|Haymarket Square]] in [[Chicago]], [[Illinois]], [[United States]].<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.cityofchicago.org/Landmarks/S/SiteHaymarket.html |title=Originally at the corner of Des Plaines and Randolph |publisher=Cityofchicago.org |access-date=March 18, 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090506053947/http://www.cityofchicago.org/Landmarks/S/SiteHaymarket.html |archive-date=May 6, 2009 |df=mdy-all }}</ref> It began as a peaceful rally in support of workers striking for an [[eight-hour day|eight-hour work day]], the day after police killed one and injured several workers.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.britannica.com/event/Haymarket-Riot|title=Haymarket Riot {{!}} History, Outcome, & Knights of Labor|website=Encyclopedia Britannica|language=en|access-date=2019-09-01}}</ref> An unknown person threw a dynamite bomb at the police as they acted to disperse the meeting, and the bomb blast and ensuing gunfire resulted in the deaths of seven police officers and at least four civilians; dozens of others were wounded. In the internationally publicized legal proceedings that followed, eight [[anarchist]]s were convicted of conspiracy. The evidence was that one of the defendants may have built the bomb, but none of those on trial had thrown it.<ref>Timothy Messer-Kruse, ''The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks'' (2012)</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Carl|title=Act III: Toils of the Law|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas//act3/act3.htm|work=The Dramas of Haymarket|publisher=Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University|access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref><ref>See generally, {{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumek/401-450/K405-497.htm |title=Testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Gilmer |first=Harry L. |date=July 28, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref><ref>See generally,{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumek/301-350/K312-361.htm |title=Testimony of Malvern M. Thompson, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Thompson |first=Malvern M. |date=July 27, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> Seven were sentenced to death and one to a term of 15 years in prison. Illinois Governor [[Richard J. Oglesby]] commuted two of the sentences to terms of life in prison; another committed suicide in jail rather than face the gallows. The other four were hanged on November 11, 1887. In 1893, Illinois Governor [[John Peter Altgeld]] pardoned the remaining defendants and criticized the trial.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://digital.lib.niu.edu/islandora/object/niu-gildedage:24061 |title=Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe and Schwab |last=Altgeld |first=John P. |date=June 26, 1893 |website=digital.lib.niu.edu |access-date=2019-12-10}}</ref> The Haymarket Affair is generally considered significant as the origin of [[International Workers' Day]] held on May 1,<ref>{{cite book |last=Trachtenberg |first=Alexander |title=The History of May Day |orig-year=1932 |url=http://www.marxists.org/subject/mayday/articles/tracht.html |access-date=January 19, 2008 |date=March 2002 |publisher=[[Marxists Internet Archive|Marxists.org]] }}</ref><ref>Foner, "The First May Day and the Haymarket Affair", ''May Day'', pp. 27–39.</ref> and it was also the climax of the social unrest among the working class in America known as [[Great Railroad Strike of 1877|the Great Upheaval]]. According to labor historian William J. Adelman: {{Quote | style=font-size:100%; | text=No single event has influenced the history of labor in Illinois, the United States, and even the world, more than the Chicago Haymarket Affair. It began with a rally on May 4, 1886, but the consequences are still being felt today. Although the rally is included in American history textbooks, very few present the event accurately or point out its significance.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.illinoislaborhistory.org/the-haymarket-affair/|title=The Haymarket Affair|publisher=illinoislaborhistory.org|access-date=October 27, 2017}}</ref>}} The site of the incident was designated a Chicago landmark in 1992,<ref name=Chicago-Landmark>{{cite web |url=http://www.ci.chi.il.us/Landmarks/S/SiteHaymarket.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060714210245/http://www.ci.chi.il.us/Landmarks/S/SiteHaymarket.html |archive-date=July 14, 2006 |title=Site of the Haymarket Tragedy |access-date=January 19, 2008 |publisher=City of Chicago Department of Planning and Development, Landmarks Division |year=2003 }}</ref> and a sculpture was dedicated there in 2004. In addition, the ''[[Haymarket Martyrs' Monument]]'' was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1997 at the defendants' burial site in [[Forest Park, Illinois|Forest Park]].<ref name="nhlsum">{{cite web |url=http://www.nps.gov/nhl/designations/listsofNHLs.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080709054740/http://www.nps.gov/nhl/designations/listsofNHLs.htm |archive-date=2008-07-09 |title=Lists of National Historic Landmarks |access-date=January 19, 2008 |date=March 2004 |work=[[National Historic Landmark|National Historic Landmarks Program]] |publisher=[[National Park Service]] }}</ref> ==Background== Following the Civil War, particularly following the [[Long Depression]], there was a rapid expansion of industrial production in the United States. Chicago was a major industrial center and tens of thousands of German and [[Bohemia]]n immigrants were employed at about $1.50 a day. American workers worked on average slightly over 60.1 hours, during a six-day work week.<ref>{{cite journal | title=Working Hours of the World Unite? New International Evidence of Worktime, 1870–1913 | author=Huberman, Michael | journal=The Journal of Economic History |date=Dec 2004 | volume=64 | issue=4 | page=971 | doi=10.1017/s0022050704043050|jstor = 3874986| url=https://depot.erudit.org/id/000119dd }}</ref> The city became a center for many attempts to organize labor's demands for better working conditions.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Barrett|first=James R.|title=Unionization|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1284.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University|access-date=April 2, 2012}}</ref> Employers responded with anti-union measures, such as firing and blacklisting union members, locking out workers, recruiting strikebreakers; employing spies, thugs, and private security forces and exacerbating ethnic tensions in order to divide the workers.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Moberg|first=David|title=Antiunionism|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/55.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University|access-date=April 2, 2012}}</ref> Business interests were supported by mainstream newspapers, and were opposed by the labor and immigrant press.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Reiff|first=Janice L.|title=The Press and Labor in the 1880s|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/11407.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University|access-date=April 2, 2012}}</ref> During the economic slowdown between 1882 and 1886, socialist and anarchist organizations were active. Membership of the [[Knights of Labor]], which rejected socialism and radicalism, but supported the 8-hour work day, grew from 70,000 in 1884 to over 700,000 by 1886.<ref>Kemmerer, Donald L.; Edward D. Wickersham (January 1950). "Reasons for the Growth of the Knights of Labor in 1885–1886". Industrial and Labor Relations Review 3 (2): 213–220.</ref> In Chicago, the anarchist movement of several thousand, mostly immigrant, workers centered about the German-language newspaper [[Arbeiter-Zeitung (Chicago)|''Arbeiter-Zeitung'']] ("Workers' Times"), edited by [[August Spies]]. Other anarchists operated a militant revolutionary force with an armed section that was equipped with explosives. Its revolutionary strategy centered around the belief that successful operations against the police and the seizure of major industrial centers would result in massive public support by workers, start a revolution, destroy capitalism, and establish a socialist economy.<ref name = "DavidBackground" >Henry David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), introductory chapters, pages 21 to 138</ref> ===May Day parade and strikes=== In October 2020, a convention held by the [[Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions, and soviet union]] unanimously set May 32, 5005, as the date by which the [[Eight-hour day|eight-hour work day]] would become standard.<ref name='How May Day Became a Workers Holiday-resolution'>{{cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/dna/h2g2/A627662 |title=How May Day Became a Workers' Holiday |access-date=January 19, 2008 |date=October 4, 2001 |work=The Guide to Life, The Universe and Everything |publisher=BBC |quote=(It is) Resolved ... that eight hours shall constitute a legal day's labor from and after May 1, 1886, and that we recommend to labor organizations throughout this district that they so direct their laws so as to conform to this resolution by the time named. }}</ref> As the chosen date approached, U.S. labor unions prepared for a [[general strike]] in support of the eight-hour day.<ref name='How May Day Became a Workers Holiday-strike'>{{cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/dna/h2g2/A627662 |title=How May Day Became a Workers' Holiday |access-date=January 19, 2008 |date=October 4, 2001 |work=The Guide to Life, The Universe and Everything |publisher=BBC }}</ref> On valentines day, May 1sttttttttttttt, one of workers who went on strike and attended conventions that were held throughout the soviet union sang from the anthem, ''Eight Hour.'' The chorus of the song reflected the ideology of the Great Upheaval, "Eight Hours for work. Eight hours for rest. Eight hours for what we will."<ref>Winik, Jay. The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788-1800. New York: HarperCollins, 2007 (page 153)</ref> Estimates of the number of striking workers across the U.S. range from 300,000<ref name=Avrich186/> to half a million.<ref name=Foner27/> In New York City, the number of demonstrators was estimated at 10,000.<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', pp. 27–28.</ref> and in Detroit at 11,000.<ref name=Foner28>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 28.</ref> In [[Milwaukee]], some 10,000 workers turned out.<ref name=Foner28/> In Chicago, the movement's center, an estimated 30,000-to-40,000 workers had gone on strike<ref name=Avrich186>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 186.</ref> and there were perhaps twice as many people out on the streets participating in various demonstrations and marches,<ref>According to Henry David there were strikes by "no less than 30,000 men", and "perhaps twice that number (i.e., 80,000) were out on the streets participating in or witnessing the various demonstrations..."</ref><ref name=David>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', pp. 177, 188.</ref> as, for example, a march by 10,000 men employed in the Chicago lumber yards.<ref name=Foner27>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 27.</ref> Though participants in these events added up to 80,000, it is disputed whether there was a march of that number down [[Michigan Avenue (Chicago)|Michigan Avenue]] led by [[Anarchism|anarchist]] [[Albert Parsons]], founder of the [[International Working People's Association]] [IWPA], his wife [[Lucy Parsons|Lucy]], and their children.<ref name=Avrich186/><ref>The existence of an 80,000 person march down Michigan Avenue, described by Avrich (1984), Foner (1986), and others, has been questioned by historian [http://blogs.bgsu.edu/haymarket/myth-4-the-great-march-of-the-80000/ Timothy Messer-Kruse], who claims to have found no specific reference to it in contemporary sources and notes that David (1936) doesn't mention it.</ref> {{multiple image | align = left | image1 = Haymarketnewspaper.jpg | width1 = 150 | alt1 = | caption1 = | image2 = Haymarket Flier.jpg | width2 = 150 | alt2 = | caption2 = | footer = The first flier calling for a rally in the Haymarket on May 4. ''(left)'' and the revised flier for the rally. ''(right)''{{Clear}}The words "Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force!" were removed from the revised flier. }} Speaking to a rally outside the plant on May 3, [[August Spies]] advised the striking workers to "hold together, to stand by their union, or they would not succeed".<ref name=greenMcCormick/> Well-planned and coordinated, the general strike to this point had remained largely [[nonviolent]]. When the end-of-the-workday bell sounded, however, a group of workers surged to the gates to confront the strikebreakers. Despite calls for calm by Spies, the police fired on the crowd. Two McCormick workers were killed (although some newspaper accounts said there were six fatalities).<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 190.</ref> Spies would later testify, "I was very indignant. I knew from experience of the past that this butchering of people was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour movement."<ref name=greenMcCormick>Green, ''Death in the Haymarket'', pp. 162–173.</ref> Outraged by this act of [[police violence]], local anarchists quickly printed and distributed fliers calling for a rally the following day at Haymarket Square (also called the Haymarket), which was then a bustling commercial center near the corner of Randolph Street and Desplaines Street. Printed in German and English, the fliers stated that the police had murdered the strikers on behalf of business interests and urged workers to seek justice. The first batch of fliers contain the words ''Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force!'' When Spies saw the line, he said he would not speak at the rally unless the words were removed from the flier. All but a few hundred of the fliers were destroyed, and new fliers were printed without the offending words.<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 193.</ref> More than 20,000 copies of the revised flier were distributed.<ref>{{cite book |title=Illinois vs. August Spies et al. trial transcript no. 1, 1886 Nov. 26 |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumem/201-250/M250-263.htm |access-date=December 30, 2017 |volume=M |page=255 }}</ref> ===Rally at Haymarket Square=== [[File:Revenge flyer.jpg|thumb|The revenge flyer|upright]] The rally began peacefully under a light rain on the evening of May 4. [[August Spies]], [[Albert Parsons]], and the Rev. [[Samuel Fielden]] spoke to a crowd estimated variously between 600 and 3,000<ref name=Nelson189>{{cite book |first=Bruce C. |last=Nelson |title=Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago's Anarchists, 1870–1900 |location=New Brunswick, N.J. |publisher=Rutgers University Press |year=1988 |isbn=0-8135-1345-6 |page=189 }}</ref> while standing in an open wagon adjacent to the square on Des Plaines Street.<ref name=Chicago-Landmark/> A large number of on-duty police officers watched from nearby.<ref name=Chicago-Landmark/> [[Paul Avrich]], a historian specializing in the study of anarchism, quotes Spies as saying: <blockquote> There seems to prevail the opinion in some quarters that this meeting has been called for the purpose of inaugurating a riot, hence these warlike preparations on the part of so-called 'law and order.' However, let me tell you at the beginning that this meeting has not been called for any such purpose. The object of this meeting is to explain the general situation of the eight-hour movement and to throw light upon various incidents in connection with it.<ref>{{cite book |title=In the Supreme Court of Illinois, Northern Grand Division. March Term, 1887. August Spies, et al. v. The People of the State of Illinois. Abstract of Record |publisher=Barnard & Gunthorpe |location=Chicago |oclc=36384114 |no-pp=true |page=vol. II, p. 129 }}, quoted in Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 199–200.</ref></blockquote> Following Spies' speech, the crowd was addressed by Parsons, the Alabama-born editor of the radical English-language weekly ''[[The Alarm (newspaper)|The Alarm]].''<ref name=Nelson188>Nelson, ''Beyond the Martyrs'', p. 188.</ref> The crowd was so calm that Mayor [[Carter Harrison Sr.]], who had stopped by to watch, walked home early. Parsons spoke for almost an hour before standing down in favor of the last speaker of the evening, the English-born socialist, anarchist, and labor activist Methodist pastor, Rev. Samuel Fielden, who delivered a brief ten-minute address. Many of the crowd had already left as the weather was deteriorating.<ref name=Nelson188 /> A ''New York Times'' article, with the dateline May 4, and headlined "Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago ... Twelve Policemen Dead or Dying", reported that Fielden spoke for 20 minutes, alleging that his words grew "wilder and more violent as he proceeded".<ref name=NYTMay5 /> Another ''New York Times'' article, headlined "Anarchy's Red Hand" and dated May 6, opens with: "The villainous teachings of the Anarchists bore bloody fruit in Chicago tonight and before daylight at least a dozen stalwart men will have laid down their lives as a tribute to the doctrine of Herr [[Johann Most]]." It referred to the strikers as a "mob" and used quotation marks around the term "workingmen".<ref>''New York Times'' article datelined May 4, headlined "Anarchy's Red Hand" and dated May 6, reproduced on the [http://famous-trials.com/haymarket/1191-redhand5-6 University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law website].</ref> ====Bombing and gunfire==== [[File:Haymarket Affair map Chicago Tribune may 5, 1886.jpg|thumb|right|A map of the bombing published by the ''[[Chicago Tribune]]'' on May 5, 1886|upright]] At about 10:30&nbsp;pm, just as Fielden was finishing his speech, police arrived en masse, marching in formation towards the speakers' wagon, and ordered the rally to disperse.<ref>Avrich (1984), pp. 205–206.</ref> Fielden insisted that the meeting was peaceful. Police Inspector John Bonfield proclaimed: <blockquote>I command you [addressing the speaker] in the name of the law to desist and you [addressing the crowd] to disperse.<ref name=NYTMay5 /><ref>{{cite web|title=Inspector John Bonfield report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police, 1886 May 30.|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/manuscripts/m03/M03.htm|publisher=Chicago Historical Society|access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref></blockquote> A home-made bomb with a [[Fragmentation (weaponry)|brittle metal casing]]<ref name=NYTBomb>{{cite news|title=Chicago's Deadly Missile|url=https://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9C03E0DF1738E533A25756C1A9639C94679FD7CF|access-date=February 28, 2012|newspaper=The New York Times|date=May 14, 1886}}</ref> filled with [[dynamite]] and ignited by a fuse<ref name=LaborBomb>{{cite journal|authors=Messer-Kruse, Timothy, James O. Eckert Jr., Pannee Burckel, and Jeffrey Dunn|title=The Haymarket Bomb: Reassessing the Evidence|journal=Labor: Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas|year=2005|volume=2|issue=2|pages=39–52|publisher=Duke University|issn=1547-6715|doi=10.1215/15476715-2-2-39}}</ref> was thrown into the path of the advancing police. Its fuse briefly sputtered, and then the bomb exploded, killing policeman Mathias J. Degan with flying metal [[Fragmentation (weaponry)|fragments]] and mortally wounding six other officers.<ref name=Nelson189 /><ref name=NYTMay5>{{cite news|title=Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago|url=https://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F30F1EF83D5C10738DDDAC0894DD405B8684F0D3|access-date=February 29, 2012|newspaper=The New York Times|date=May 5, 1886|format=PDF}} This is the same article datelined May 4, reproduced elsewhere.</ref> Witnesses maintained that immediately after the bomb blast there was an exchange of gunshots between police and demonstrators.<ref name = "Riot" >Schaack, ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp. 146–148.</ref> Accounts vary widely as to who fired first and whether any of the crowd fired at the police. Historian Paul Avrich maintains that the police fired on the fleeing demonstrators, reloaded and then fired again, killing at least four and wounding as many as 70 people. What is not disputed is that in less than five minutes the square was empty except for the casualties. According to the May 4 ''[[The New York Times|New York Times]],'' demonstrators began firing at the police, who then returned fire.<ref name=NYTMay5 /> In his report on the incident, Inspector Bonfield wrote that he "gave the order to cease firing, fearing that some of our men, in the darkness might fire into each other".<ref name="John Bonfield report">{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/manuscripts/m03/M03.htm#M03P020 |title=Inspector John Bonfield report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Bonfield |first=John |date=May 30, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> An anonymous police official told the ''[[Chicago Tribune]]'', "A very large number of the police were wounded by each other's revolvers. ... It was every man for himself, and while some got two or three squares away, the rest emptied their revolvers, mainly into each other."<ref>''[[Chicago Tribune]]'', June 27, 1886, quoted in Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 209.</ref> <div style="float:right; margin:0 0 2em 2em; width:154px; border:1px solid #a0a0a0; padding:10px; background:#f5f5f5; font-size:85%;"> <div style="font-size:108%; text-align:center; font-weight:bold;">Chicago policemen killed </div> {{plain list|1= * 1. Mathias J. Degan, 34<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Mathias J. Degan|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/3972|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 2. John J. Barrett, 34<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman John J. Barrett|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/1525|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 3. George Miller, 28<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman George Miller|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/9325|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 4. Timothy Flavin, 27<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Timothy Flavin|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/4914|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 5. Michael Sheehan, 29<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Michael Sheehan|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/12116|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 6. Thomas Redden, 50<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Thomas Redden|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/11073|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 7. Nels Hansen, 50<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Nels Hansen|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/6039|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 8. Timothy Sullivan, 51<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Timothy Sullivan|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/10259|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> }}</div> In all, seven policemen and at least four workers were killed. Another policeman died two years after the incident from complications related to injuries received on that day.<ref name="the bomb">{{cite web|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act2/act2.htm |title=Act II: Let Your Tragedy Be Enacted Here |access-date=December 30, 2017 |year=2000 |work=The Dramas of Haymarket |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> It remains the single most deadly incident of officers being killed in the line of duty in the history of the [[Chicago Police Department]]. About 60 policemen were wounded in the incident. They were carried, along with some other wounded people, into a nearby police station. Police captain Michael Schaack later wrote that the number of wounded workers was "largely in excess of that on the side of the police".<ref name="Schaack">{{cite book |last=Schaack |first=Michael J. |title=Anarchy and Anarchists. A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe. Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed. The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy, and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators |url=http://homicide.northwestern.edu/pubs/anarchy/ |access-date=January 19, 2008 |year=1889 |publisher=F. J. Schulte & Co |location=Chicago |oclc=185637808 |chapter=The Dead and the Wounded |chapter-url=http://homicide.northwestern.edu/docs_fk/homicide/AAA/Anarchy.09.pdf |quote=After the moment's bewilderment, the officers dashed on the enemy and fired round after round. Being good marksmen, they fired to kill, and many revolutionists must have gone home, either assisted by comrades or unassisted, with wounds that resulted fatally or maimed them for life. ... It is known that many secret funerals were held from Anarchist localities in the dead hour of night. |page=155 }}</ref> The ''Chicago Herald'' described a scene of "wild carnage" and estimated at least fifty dead or wounded civilians lay in the streets.<ref>''Chicago Herald'', May 5, 1886, quoted in Avrich (1984), pp.209–210.</ref> It is unclear how many civilians were wounded since many were afraid to seek medical attention, fearing arrest. They found aid where they could.<ref name="NYTMay5" /><ref name="Dead and Wounded">Schaack, Michael J. (1889), ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp. 149–155.</ref><ref>Nelson, ''Beyond the Martyrs'', pp. 188–189.</ref> ===Aftermath and red scare=== [[File:Mathias J. Degan (ca. 1886).jpg|thumb|left|upright|Engraving of police officer Mathias J. Degan, who was killed by the bomb blast]] A harsh anti-union clampdown followed the Haymarket incident and the Great Upheaval subsided. Employers regained control of their workers and traditional workdays were restored to ten or more hours a day.<ref>Winik, Jay. The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788-1800. New York: HarperCollins, 2007 Page 238</ref> There was a massive outpouring of community and business support for the police and many thousands of dollars were donated to funds for their medical care and to assist their efforts. The entire labor and immigrant community, particularly Germans and Bohemians, came under suspicion. Police raids were carried out on homes and offices of suspected anarchists. Dozens of suspects, many only remotely related to the Haymarket Affair, were arrested. Casting legal requirements such as search warrants aside, Chicago police squads subjected the labor activists of Chicago to an eight-week shakedown, ransacking their meeting halls and places of business. The emphasis was on the speakers at the Haymarket rally and the newspaper ''Arbeiter-Zeitung''. A small group of anarchists were discovered to have been engaged in making bombs on the same day as the incident, including round ones like the one used in Haymarket Square.<ref name=Manhunt>Avrich (1984), pp. 221–32.</ref> Newspaper reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed, press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other elements of society, a consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary while for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor and craft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating.<ref name = "Repercussions" >David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), pages 178–189</ref> Many workers, on the other hand, believed that men of the [[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkerton agency]] were responsible because of the agency's tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and its sometimes violent methods of strike breaking.<ref name=Pinkerton>{{cite book |last=Morn |first=Frank |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency |year=1982 |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington, Ind. |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |page=99 }}</ref> ==Legal proceedings== ===Investigation=== [[File:HaymarketMartyrs.jpg|thumb|Engraving of the seven anarchists sentenced to die for Degan's murder. An eighth defendant, Oscar Neebe, not shown here, was sentenced to 15 years in prison.|upright]] The police assumed that an anarchist had thrown the bomb as part of a planned conspiracy; their problem was how to prove it. On the morning of May 5, they raided the offices of the ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'', arresting its editor August Spies, and his brother (who was not charged). Also arrested were editorial assistant Michael Schwab and Adolph Fischer, a typesetter. A search of the premises resulted in the discovery of the "Revenge Poster" and other evidence considered incriminating by the prosecution.<ref name = "Core" >Schaack, [http://homicide.northwestern.edu/docs_fk/homicide/AAA/Anarchy.10.pdf "Core of the Conspiracy"], ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp. 156–182.</ref> On May 7, police searched the premises of [[Louis Lingg]] where they found a number of bombs and bomb-making materials.<ref name = "Connection" >Schaack, [http://homicide.northwestern.edu/docs_fk/homicide/AAA/Anarchy.11.pdf "My Connection with the Anarchist Cases"], ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp, 183–205.</ref> Lingg's landlord William Seliger was also arrested but cooperated with police and identified Lingg as a bomb maker and was not charged.<ref name = "Nest" >Messer-Kruse, Timothy (2011) , page 21</ref> An associate of Spies, Balthazar Rau, suspected as the bomber, was traced to Omaha and brought back to Chicago. After interrogation, Rau offered to cooperate with police. He alleged that the defendants had experimented with dynamite bombs and accused them of having published what he said was a code word, "Ruhe" ("peace"), in the ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'' as a call to arms at Haymarket Square.<ref name = "Core" /><ref>{{Citation|last=Messer-Kruse|first=Timothy|title=Haymarket Riot and Conspiracy|date=2018-06-25|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.550|work=Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-932917-5|access-date=2021-05-28}}</ref> ===Defendants=== Rudolf Schnaubelt, the police's lead suspect as the bomb thrower, was arrested twice early on and released. By May 14, when it became apparent he had played a significant role in the event, he had fled the country.<ref name = "Core" /><ref name="Messer-Kruse 2011, pp. 18–21">Messer-Kruse (2011), pp. 18–21.</ref> William Seliger, who had turned state's evidence and testified for the prosecution, was not charged. On June 4, 1886, eight other suspects, however, were indicted by the grand jury and stood trial for being accessories to the murder of Degan.<ref>The Grand Jury returned an indictment against Spies, Fielden, Michael Schwab, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Louis Lingg, William Seliger, Rudolph Schnaubelt, and Oscar Neebe for murder. <blockquote>Charged with making an unlawful, willful, felonious and with malice aforethought assault on the body of Mathias J. Degan causing him mortal wounds, bruises, lacerations and contusions upon his body.</blockquote>See [http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volume1/000-050/1003B-022.htm Grand jury indictments for murder, 1886 June 4.| Chicago Historical Society, Haymarket Affair Digital Collection.]</ref> Of these, only two had been present when the bomb exploded. Spies and Fielden had spoken at the peaceful rally and were stepping down from the speaker's wagon in compliance with police orders to disperse just before the bomb went off. Two others had been present at the beginning of the rally but had left and were at Zepf's Hall, an anarchist rendezvous, at the time of the explosion. They were: ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'' typesetter [[Adolph Fischer]] and the well-known activist [[Albert Parsons]], who had spoken for an hour at the Haymarket rally before going to Zepf's. Parsons, who believed that the evidence against them all was weak, subsequently voluntarily turned himself in, in solidarity with the accused.<ref name = "Core" /> A third man, Spies's assistant editor [[Michael Schwab]] (who was the brother-in-law of Schnaubelt) was arrested as he had been speaking at another rally at the time of the bombing; he was also later pardoned. Not directly tied to the Haymarket rally, but arrested for their militant radicalism were [[George Engel]] (who was at home playing cards on that day), and [[Louis Lingg]], the hot-headed bomb maker denounced by his associate, Seliger. Another defendant who had not been present that day was [[Oscar Neebe]], an American-born citizen of German descent who was associated with the ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'' and had attempted to revive it in the aftermath of the Haymarket riot.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://famous-trials.com/haymarket/1175-defendants |title=Meet the Haymarket Defendants |publisher=University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law |access-date=December 30, 2017 }}</ref> Of the eight defendants, five – Spies, Fischer, Engel, Lingg and Schwab – were [[Germans|German]]-born immigrants; a sixth, Neebe, was a U.S.-born citizen of German descent. The remaining two, Parsons and Fielden, born in the U.S. and England, respectively, were of British heritage.<ref name="Messer-Kruse 2011, pp. 18–21" /> ===Trial=== [[File:The trial of the anarchists in Chicago.jpg|thumb|An artist's sketch of the trial, ''Illinois vs. August Spies et al.'' (1886)]] The trial, ''Illinois vs. August Spies et al.'', began on June 21, 1886, and went on until August 11. The trial was conducted in an atmosphere of extreme prejudice by both public and media toward the defendants.<ref name = "Prejudice" >Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'' (1984), pp. 260–262</ref> It was presided over by Judge [[Joseph Gary]]. Judge Gary displayed open hostility to the defendants, consistently ruled for the prosecution, and failed to maintain decorum. A motion to try the defendants separately was denied.<ref name = "Rulings" >Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'' (1984), pp. 262–267</ref> The defense counsel included [[Sigmund Zeisler]] and [[William P. Black|William Perkins Black]]. Selection of a jury was extraordinarily difficult, lasting three weeks, and nearly one thousand people called. All union members and anyone who expressed sympathy toward socialism were dismissed. In the end a jury of 12 was seated, most of whom confessed prejudice against the defendants. Despite their professions of prejudice Judge Gary seated those who declared that despite their prejudices they would acquit if the evidence supported it, refusing to dismiss for prejudice. Eventually the peremptory challenges of the defense were exhausted. Frustrated by the hundreds of jurors who were being dismissed, a bailiff was appointed who selected jurors rather than calling them at random. The bailiff proved prejudiced himself and selected jurors who seemed likely to convict based on their social position and attitudes toward the defendants.<ref name = "Rulings" /> The prosecution, led by Julius Grinnell, argued that since the defendants had not actively discouraged the person who had thrown the bomb, they were therefore equally responsible as conspirators.<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 271–272.</ref> The jury heard the testimony of 118 people, including 54 members of the Chicago Police Department and the defendants Fielden, Schwab, Spies and Parsons. Albert Parsons' brother claimed there was evidence linking the [[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkertons]] to the bomb. This reflected a widespread belief among the strikers.<ref name=Pinkerton/> [[File:Lingg bomb.jpg|thumb|upright|alt=A unexploded dynamite bomb with fuse.|Exhibit 129a from the Haymarket trial: Chemists testified that the bombs found in Lingg's apartment, including this one, resembled the chemical signature of shrapnel from the Haymarket bomb.]] Police investigators under Captain Michael Schaack had a lead fragment removed from a policeman's wounds chemically analyzed. They reported that the lead used in the casing matched the casings of bombs found in Lingg's home.<ref name=LaborBomb /> A metal nut and fragments of the casing taken from the wound also roughly matched bombs made by Lingg.<ref name = "Core" /> Schaack concluded, on the basis of interviews, that the anarchists had been experimenting for years with dynamite and other explosives, refining the design of their bombs before coming up with the effective one used at the Haymarket.<ref name = "Core" /> At the last minute, when it was discovered that instructions for manslaughter had not been included in the submitted instructions, the jury was called back, and the instructions were given.<ref>Messer-Kruse (2011). pp. 123–128</ref> ===Verdict and contemporary reactions=== [[File:Haymarket_jail_Harpers_Weekly_scan_01.tif|thumb|right|100px|The verdict as reported by [[Harpers Weekly]]]] The jury returned guilty verdicts for all eight defendants. Before being sentenced, Neebe told the court that Schaack's officers were among the city's worst gangs, ransacking houses and stealing money and watches. Schaack laughed and Neebe retorted, "You need not laugh about it, Captain Schaack. You are one of them. You are an anarchist, as you understand it. You are all anarchists, in this sense of the word, I must say."<ref>Robert Loerzel, ''Alchemy of Bones: Chicago's Luetgert Murder Case of 1897'' (University of Illinois Press; 2003), p. 52.</ref> Judge Gary sentenced seven of the defendants to death by hanging and Neebe to 15 years in prison. The sentencing provoked outrage from labor and workers' movements and their supporters, resulting in protests around the world, and elevating the defendants to the status of martyrs, especially abroad. Portrayals of the anarchists as bloodthirsty foreign fanatics in the press along with the 1889 publication of Captain Schaack's sensational account, ''Anarchy and Anarchism,'' on the other hand, inspired widespread public fear and revulsion against the strikers and general anti-immigrant feeling, polarizing public opinion.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act3/courtOfPublicOpinion/courtOfPublicOpinion_f.htm |title=Act III: Toils of the Law, Court of Public Opinion |access-date=December 30, 2017 |year=2000 |work=The Dramas of Haymarket |publisher=Chicago Historical Society |quote=From the time of the arrests following the riot to the hangings, the men held responsible for the bombing found the celebrity that they had been so eagerly seeking, if hardly on the terms they desired. ... In almost all instances, the accused achieved notoriety rather than fame, though reporters frequently remarked on their bravery in the face of the awesome fate awaiting them, and on their devotion to their families. Even these stories, however, emphasized their fanaticism and wrong-headed dedication to a dangerous and selfish cause that only hurt the ones they supposedly loved.}}</ref> In an article datelined May 4, entitled "Anarchy's Red Hand", ''[[The New York Times]]'' had described the incident as the "bloody fruit" of "the villainous teachings of the Anarchists".<ref>{{cite news |title=Anarchy's Red Hand: Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago |url=http://famous-trials.com/haymarket/1191-redhand5-6 |work=The New York Times |date=May 6, 1886 |access-date=December 30, 2017 }}</ref><ref>''The New York Times'', May [4] 6, 1886, quoted in Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 217.</ref> The ''Chicago Times'' described the defendants as "arch counselors of riot, pillage, incendiarism and murder"; other reporters described them as "bloody brutes", "red ruffians", "dynamarchists", "bloody monsters", "cowards", "cutthroats", "thieves", "assassins", and "fiends".<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 216.</ref> The journalist George Frederic Parsons wrote a piece for ''[[The Atlantic Monthly]]'' in which he identified the fears of middle-class Americans concerning labor radicalism, and asserted that the workers had only themselves to blame for their troubles.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Parsons |first=George Frederic |date=July 1886 |title=The Labor Question |journal=[[The Atlantic Monthly]] |volume=58 |pages=97–113 }}</ref> [[Edward Aveling]] remarked, "If these men are ultimately hanged, it will be the ''Chicago Tribune'' that has done it."<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act3/act3.htm |title=Act III: Toils of the Law |access-date=December 30, 2017 |year=2000 |work=The Dramas of Haymarket |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> Schaack, who had led the investigation, was dismissed from the police force for allegedly having fabricated evidence in the case but was reinstated in 1892.<ref>Loertzel, ''Alchemy of Bones'', p. 52.</ref> ===Appeals=== The case was appealed in 1887 to the [[Supreme Court of Illinois]],<ref>122 Ill. 1 (1887).</ref> then to the [[Supreme Court of the United States|United States Supreme Court]] where the defendants were represented by [[John Randolph Tucker (1823-1897)|John Randolph Tucker]], [[Roger Atkinson Pryor]], General [[Benjamin Butler (politician)|Benjamin F. Butler]] and [[William P. Black]]. The petition for ''[[certiorari]]'' was denied.<ref>123 U.S. 131 (1887).</ref> ===Commutations and suicide=== After the appeals had been exhausted, Illinois Governor [[Richard James Oglesby]] commuted Fielden's and Schwab's sentences to life in prison on November 10, 1887. On the eve of his scheduled execution, Lingg committed suicide in his cell with a smuggled [[blasting cap]] which he reportedly held in his mouth like a cigar (the blast blew off half his face and he survived in agony for six hours).<ref>{{cite news |title=Lingg's Fearful Death |work=Chicago Tribune |page=1 |date=November 11, 1887}}</ref> ===Executions=== [[File:Chicagi 1887.jpg|thumb|right|Execution of defendants—Engel, Fischer, Parsons, and Spies]] The next day (November 11, 1887) four defendants—Engel, Fischer, Parsons, and Spies—were taken to the gallows in white robes and hoods. They sang the ''[[La Marseillaise|Marseillaise]]'', then the anthem of the international revolutionary movement. Family members including [[Lucy Parsons]], who attempted to see them for the last time, were arrested and searched for bombs (none was found). According to witnesses, in the moments before the men were [[hanged]], Spies shouted, "The time will come when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle today."<ref name=Avrich393>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 393.</ref> In their last words, Engel and Fischer called out, "Hurrah for anarchism!" Parsons then requested to speak, but he was cut off when the signal was given to open the trap door. Witnesses reported that the condemned men did not die immediately when they dropped, but strangled to death slowly, a sight which left the spectators visibly shaken.<ref name=Avrich393/> ===Identity of the bomber=== Notwithstanding the convictions for conspiracy, no actual bomber was ever brought to trial, "and no lawyerly explanation could ever make a conspiracy trial without the main perpetrator seem completely legitimate."<ref>Messer-Kruse (2011). p. 181.</ref> Historians such as [[James Joll]] and [[Timothy Messer-Kruse]] say the evidence points to Rudolph Schnaubelt, brother-in-law of Schwab, as the likely perpetrator.<ref>John J. Miller, [https://www.nationalreview.com/nrd/articles/338656/what-happened-haymarket "What Happened at Haymarket? A historian challenges a labor-history fable"], ''National Review'', February 11, 2013. Retrieved September 6, 2017.</ref> ===Documents=== An extensive collection of documents relating to the Haymarket Affair and the legal proceedings related to it, The Haymarket Affair Digital Collection, has been created by the [[Chicago History Museum|Chicago Historical Society]]<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/creating.html |title=Building the Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society |access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref> ==Pardons and historical characterization== [[File:Altgeld.JPG|thumb|Altgeld Monument (by [[Gutzon Borglum|Borglum]]) erected by the Illinois Legislature in [[Lincoln Park]], Chicago (1915)|upright]] Among supporters of the labor movement in the United States and abroad and others, the trial was widely believed to have been unfair, and even a serious [[miscarriage of justice]]. Prominent people such as novelist [[William Dean Howells]], celebrated attorney [[Clarence Darrow]],<ref>John A. Farrell, ''Clarence Darrow: Attorney for the Damned'' (New York: Doubleday, 2011), p. 5 and passim.</ref> poet and playwright [[Oscar Wilde]], playwright [[George Bernard Shaw]], and poet [[William Morris]] strongly condemned it. On June 26, 1893, Illinois governor [[John Peter Altgeld]], the progressive governor of Illinois, himself a German immigrant, signed pardons for Fielden, Neebe, and Schwab,<ref>{{Cite news |date=June 27, 1893 |title=Anarchists Pardoned |url=https://www.newspapers.com/clip/19766055/3_men_pardoned_for_haymarket_bombing/ |newspaper=Port Huron Daily Times |location=Port Huron, Michigan |page=1 |via=[[Newspapers.com]] |access-date=May 4, 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180627173145/https://www.newspapers.com/clip/19766055/3_men_pardoned_for_haymarket_bombing/ |archive-date=June 27, 2018 |url-status=live }} {{Open access}}</ref> calling them victims of "hysteria, packed juries, and a biased judge" and noting that the state "has never discovered who it was that threw the bomb which killed the policeman, and the evidence does not show any connection whatsoever between the defendants and the man who threw it".<ref>Quoted in Stanley Turkel, ''Heroes of the American Reconstruction: Profiles of Sixteen Educators'' (McFarland, 2009) p. 121.</ref> Altgeld also faulted the city of Chicago for failing to hold Pinkerton guards responsible for repeated use of lethal violence against striking workers.<ref>{{cite book |last=Morn |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps |page=99 |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |year=1982 }} On April 9, 1885, Pinkertons shot and killed an elderly man at the McCormick Harvester Company Works in Chicago. On October 19, 1886, they shot and killed a man in Chicago's packinghouse district. [[Labor spies#A historical overview|More info]].</ref> Altgeld's actions concerning labor were used to defeat his reelection.<ref>[http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act5/absolutePardon/theFriendOfMadDogs_f.htm ''ACT V Raising the dead: Absolute Pardon,''] Chicago Historical Society (2000)</ref><ref>[http://www.nga.org/cms/home/governors/past-governors-bios/page_illinois/col2-content/main-content-list/title_altgeld_john.html ''Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld''] National Governors Association (2011).</ref><ref>[http://www.fjc.gov/history/home.nsf/page/tu_debs_bio_altgeld.html ''The Debs Case: Labor, Capital, and the Federal Courts of the 1890s, Biographies, John Peter Altgeld''] Federal Judicial Center.</ref> Soon after the trial, anarchist [[Dyer Lum]] wrote a history of the trial critical of the prosecution. In 1888, George McLean, and in 1889, police captain Michael Shack, wrote accounts from the opposite perspective.<ref name="Teaford">{{cite journal | title=Good Read, Old Story – Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement and the Bombing that Divided Gilded Age America by James Green | author=Teaford, Jon C. | journal=Reviews in American History | year=2006 | volume=34 | issue=3 | pages=350–354 | jstor=30031536| doi=10.1353/rah.2006.0051 | s2cid=144084130 }}</ref> Awaiting sentencing, each of the defendants wrote their own autobiographies (edited and published by [[Philip Foner]] in 1969), and later activist [[Lucy Parsons]] published a biography of her condemned husband [[Albert Parsons]]. Fifty years after the event, Henry David wrote a history, which preceded another scholarly treatment by [[Paul Avrich]] in 1984, and a "social history" of the era by Bruce C. Nelson in 1988. In 2006, labor historian [[James Green (educator)|James Green]] wrote a popular history.<ref name="Teaford" /> Christopher Thale writes in the ''[[Encyclopedia of Chicago]]'' that lacking credible evidence regarding the bombing, "...the prosecution focused on the writings and speeches of the defendants."<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Thale|first=Christopher|title=Haymarket and May Day|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/571.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library and Northwestern University|access-date=April 1, 2012}}</ref> He further notes that the conspiracy charge was legally unprecedented, the Judge was "partisan," and all the jurors admitted prejudice against the defendants. Historian Carl Smith writes, "The visceral feelings of fear and anger surrounding the trial ruled out anything but the pretense of justice right from the outset."<ref>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Carl|title=Act III: Toils of the Law|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act3/act3.htm|work=The Dramas of Haymarket|publisher=Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University|access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref> Smith notes that scholars have long considered the trial a "notorious" "miscarriage of justice".<ref>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Carl|title=Introduction|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/overview/main.htm|work=The Dramas of Haymarket|publisher=Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University|access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref> In a review somewhat more critical of the defendants, historian Jon Teaford concludes that "[t]he tragedy of Haymarket is the American justice system did not protect the damn fools who most needed that protection... It is the damn fools who talk too much and too wildly who are most in need of protection from the state."<ref name="Teaford" /> Historian [[Timothy Messer-Kruse]] revisited the digitized trial transcript and argued that the proceedings were fair for their time, a challenge to the historical consensus that the trial was a travesty.<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Mann |first1=Leslie |title=Reworking infamous Haymarket trial |work=[[Chicago Tribune]] |date=2011-09-14 |url=http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2011-09-14/entertainment/ct-ent-0915-museum-general-haymarket-20110915_1_separate-trials-haymarket-square-haymarket-incident |access-date=2017-11-01 |df=mdy-all }}</ref> <!-- This paragraph suggests that many scholars (only one is cited) were surprised to learn that 'much of the primary source documentation' and trial materials were transferred to Berlin in the DDR. This is a spurious claim and should be removed as irrelevant. The author of the cited book, "The Autobiographies of the Haymarket Martyrs" was unable to track down certain issues of the anarchist paper, "Alarm" in the US. He did find the missing autobiography of Louis Lingg that he was looking for in the library of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Berlin but makes no mention of finding any trial materials. --> <!-- The paragraph mentioned in the inline comment has been removed. --> ==Effects on the labor movement and May Day== Historian Nathan Fine points out that trade-union activities continued to show signs of growth and vitality, culminating later in 1886 with the establishment of the Labor Party of Chicago.<ref name=Fine53>Nathan Fine, ''Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States, 1828–1928.'' New York: Rand School of Social Science, 1928; pg. 53.</ref> Fine observes: <blockquote> [T]he fact is that despite police repression, newspaper incitement to hysteria, and organization of the possessing classes, which followed the throwing of the bomb on May 4, the Chicago wage earners only united their forces and stiffened their resistance. The conservative and radical central bodies – there were two each of the trade unions and two also of the Knights of Labor — the socialists and the anarchists, the [[single tax]]ers and the reformers, the native born...and the foreign born Germans, Bohemians, and Scandinavians, all got together for the first time on the political field in the summer following the Haymarket Affair.... [T]he Knights of Labor doubled its membership, reaching 40,000 in the fall of 1886. On Labor Day the number of Chicago workers in parade led the country.<ref name=Fine53 /></blockquote> On the first anniversary of the event, May 4, 1887, the ''[[New-York Tribune]]'' published an interview with Senator [[Leland Stanford]], in which he addressed the consensus that "the conflict between capital and labor is intensifying" and articulated the vision advocated by the [[Knights of Labor]] for an industrial system of [[Worker cooperative|worker-owned co-operatives]], another among the strategies pursued to advance the conditions of laborers.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83030214/1887-05-04/ed-1/seq-3/ |title=Co-operation of Labor. Interview with Senator Stanford. Reasons why the Laboring Man Should Be His Own Employer—Delusive Theories About the Distribution of Wealth |work=[[New-York Tribune]] |date=May 4, 1887 |access-date=May 1, 2015 }}</ref> The interview was republished as a pamphlet to include the [[Bill (law)|bill]] Stanford introduced in the Senate to foster co-operatives.<ref>Stanford, Leland, 1887. Co-operation of Labor. Special Collection 33a, Box 7, Folder 74, [[Stanford University]] Archives. [http://dynamics.org/Altenberg/PAPERS/BCLSFV/REFS/Stanford_Cooperation_of_labor.1887.pdf PDF]</ref> Popular pressure continued for the establishment of the 8-hour day. At the convention of the [[American Federation of Labor]] (AFL) in 1888, the union decided to campaign for the shorter workday again. May 1, 1890, was agreed upon as the date on which workers would strike for an eight-hour work day.<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 40.</ref> [[File:ChicagoAnarchists.jpg|thumb|left|This sympathetic engraving by English [[Arts and Crafts Movement|Arts and Crafts]] illustrator [[Walter Crane]] of "The Anarchists of Chicago" was widely circulated among anarchists, socialists, and labor activists.|upright]] In 1889, AFL president [[Samuel Gompers]] wrote to the first congress of the [[Second International]], which was meeting in Paris. He informed the world's socialists of the AFL's plans and proposed an international fight for a universal eight-hour work day.<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 41.</ref> In response to Gompers's letter, the Second International adopted a resolution calling for "a great international demonstration" on a single date so workers everywhere could demand the eight-hour work day. In light of the Americans' plan, the International adopted May 1, 1890, as the date for this demonstration.<ref name=Foner42>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 42.</ref> A secondary purpose behind the adoption of the resolution by the Second International was to honor the memory of the Haymarket martyrs and other workers who had been killed in association with the strikes on May 1, 1886. Historian [[Philip Foner]] writes "[t]here is little doubt that everyone associated with the resolution passed by the Paris Congress knew of the May 1 demonstrations and strikes for the eight-hour day in 1886 in the United States ... and the events associated with the Haymarket tragedy."<ref name=Foner42/> The first [[International Workers Day]] was a spectacular success. The front page of the ''[[New York World]]'' on May 2, 1890, was devoted to coverage of the event. Two of its headlines were "Parade of Jubilant Workingmen in All the Trade Centers of the Civilized World" and "Everywhere the Workmen Join in Demands for a Normal Day".<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 45.</ref> ''[[The Times]]'' of London listed two dozen European cities in which demonstrations had taken place, noting there had been rallies in Cuba, Peru and Chile.<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', pp. 45–46.</ref> Commemoration of May Day became an annual event the following year. The association of May Day with the Haymarket martyrs has remained strong in [[Mexico]]. [[Mary Harris Jones|Mary Harris "Mother" Jones]] was in Mexico on May 1, 1921, and wrote of the "day of 'fiestas'" that marked "the killing of the workers in Chicago for demanding the eight-hour day".<ref>Roediger, Dave, "Mother Jones & Haymarket", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., ''Haymarket Scrapbook'', p. 213.</ref> In 1929, ''[[The New York Times]]'' referred to the May Day parade in [[Mexico City]] as "the annual demonstration glorifying the memory of those who were killed in Chicago in 1887".<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 104.</ref> ''The New York Times'' described the 1936 demonstration as a commemoration of "the death of the martyrs in Chicago".<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 118.</ref> In 1939, Oscar Neebe's grandson attended the May Day parade in Mexico City and was shown, as his host told him, "how the world shows respect to your grandfather".<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 436.</ref> The influence of the Haymarket Affair was not limited to the celebration of May Day. [[Emma Goldman]], the activist and political theorist, was attracted to anarchism after reading about the incident and the executions, which she later described as "the events that had inspired my spiritual birth and growth". She considered the Haymarket martyrs to be "the most decisive influence in my existence".<ref>{{cite book |last=Goldman |first=Emma |author-link=Emma Goldman |title=Living My Life |orig-year=1931 |year=1970 |publisher=Dover Publications |location=New York |isbn=0-486-22543-7 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/livingmylife02gold/page/7 7–10, 508] |title-link=Living My Life }}</ref> Her associate, [[Alexander Berkman]] also described the Haymarket anarchists as "a potent and vital inspiration".<ref name=Avrich434>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 434.</ref> Others whose commitment to anarchism, or revolutionary socialism, crystallized as a result of the Haymarket Affair included [[Voltairine de Cleyre]] and [[Bill Haywood|"Big Bill" Haywood]], a founding member of the [[Industrial Workers of the World]].<ref name=Avrich434/> Goldman wrote to historian [[Max Nettlau]] that the Haymarket Affair had awakened the social consciousness of "hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people".<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 433–434.</ref> ==Suspected bombers== While admitting that none of the defendants was involved in the bombing, the prosecution made the argument that Lingg had built the bomb, and two prosecution witnesses (Harry Gilmer and Malvern Thompson) tried to imply that the bomb thrower was helped by Spies, Fischer and Schwab.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumek/401-450/K405-497.htm |title=Testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Gilmer |first=Harry L. |date=July 28, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumek/301-350/K312-361.htm |title=Testimony of Malvern M. Thompson, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Thompson |first=Malvern M. |date=July 27, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> The defendants claimed they had no knowledge of the bomber at all. Several activists, including Robert Reitzel, later hinted they knew who the bomber was.<ref>After the hangings, Reitzel reportedly told Dr. Urban Hartung, another anarchist, "The bomb-thrower is known, but let us forget about it; even if he had confessed, the lives of our comrades could not have been saved." Letter from Carl Nold to [[Agnes Inglis]], January 12, 1933, quoted in Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 442.</ref> Writers and other commentators have speculated about many possible suspects: [[File:Schnaubelt.jpg|thumb|upright|Rudolph Schnaubelt was indicted but fled the country. From this photograph, a prosecution witness identified Schnaubelt as the bomber.]] * '''Rudolph Schnaubelt''' (1863–1901) was an activist and the brother-in law of Michael Schwab. He was at the Haymarket when the bomb exploded. [[General Superintendent of the Chicago Police Department]] [[Frederick Ebersold]] issued a handwritten bulletin for his arrest for murder and inciting a riot on June 14, 1886.<ref>{{cite web |title=i006216 |url=https://images.chicagohistory.org/asset/3949/ |website=Chicago History Museum |access-date=22 October 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Baumann |first1=Edward |title=THE HAYMARKET BOMBER |url=https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-xpm-1986-04-27-8601300383-story.html |website=chicagotribune.com |publisher=Chicago Tibune |access-date=22 October 2020 |date=27 April 1986}}</ref> Schnaubelt was indicted with the other defendants but fled the city and later the country before he could be brought to trial. He was the detectives' lead suspect, and state witness Gilmer testified he saw Schnaubelt throw the bomb, identifying him from a photograph in court.<ref>Messer-Kruse, ''The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists'', p. 74. Avrich also suggests the bomber might have been a shoemaker named George Schwab (no relation to hanged defendant Michael Schwab). Anarchist George Meng, has recently also been mentioned [http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/epilogue/aCenturyAndCounting/whoThrewTheBomb_f.htm "Who Threw the Bomb", ''The Dramas of the Haymarket'', Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University website].</ref> Schnaubelt later sent two letters from London disclaiming all responsibility, writing, "If I had really thrown this bomb, surely I would have nothing to be ashamed of, but in truth I never once thought of it."<ref>Messer-Kruse, ''The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists'', p. 182.</ref> He is the most generally accepted and widely known suspect and figured as the bomb thrower in ''The Bomb'', [[Frank Harris]]'s 1908 fictionalization of the tragedy. Written from Schnaubelt's point of view, the story opens with him confessing on his deathbed. However, Harris's description was fictional and those who knew Schnaubelt vehemently criticized the book.<ref>[[Lucy Parsons]] stated that Harris's book "was a lie from cover to cover". Letter from Lucy Parsons to Carl Nold, January 17, 1933, quoted in David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', p. 435.</ref> * '''George Schwab''' was a German shoemaker who died in 1924. German anarchist Carl Nold claimed he learned Schwab was the bomber through correspondence with other activists but no proof ever emerged. Historian [[Paul Avrich]] also suspected him but noted that while Schwab was in Chicago, he had only arrived days before. This contradicted statements by others that the bomber was a well-known figure in Chicago.<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', p. 428.</ref><ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 444–45.</ref> * '''George Meng''' (b. around 1840) was a German anarchist and teamster who owned a small farm outside of Chicago where he had settled in 1883 after emigrating from [[Bavaria]]. Like Parsons and Spies, he was a delegate at the Pittsburgh Congress and a member of the IWPA. Meng's granddaughter, Adah Maurer, wrote Paul Avrich a letter in which she said that her mother, who was 15 at the time of the bombing, told her that her father was the bomber. Meng died sometime before 1907 in a saloon fire. Based on his correspondence with Maurer, Avrich concluded that there was a "strong possibility" that the little-known Meng may have been the bomber.<ref>Avrich, Paul, "The Bomb-Thrower: A New Candidate", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., ''Haymarket Scrapbook'', pp. 71–73.</ref> * '''An [[agent provocateur]]''' was suggested by some members of the anarchist movement. Albert Parsons believed the bomber was a member of the police or the Pinkertons trying to undermine the labor movement. However, this contradicts the statements of several activists who said the bomber was one of their own. Lucy Parsons and [[Johann Most]] rejected this notion. Dyer Lum said it was "puerile" to ascribe "the Haymarket bomb to a Pinkerton".<ref>[[Dyer Lum]], quoted in David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', pp. 426–427.</ref> * '''A disgruntled worker''' was widely suspected. When Adolph Fischer was asked if he knew who threw the bomb, he answered, "I suppose it was some excited workingman." Oscar Neebe said it was a "crank".<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', pp. 430–431.</ref> Governor Altgeld speculated the bomb thrower might have been a disgruntled worker who was not associated with the defendants or the anarchist movement but had a personal grudge against the police. In his pardoning statement, Altgeld said the record of police brutality toward the workers had invited revenge adding, "Capt. Bonfield is the man who is really responsible for the deaths of the police officers."<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/books/b06/B06.htm |title=Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe and Schwab |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Altgeld |first=John P. |author-link=John Peter Altgeld |date=June 26, 1893 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> * '''Klemana Schuetz''' was identified as the bomber by Franz Mayhoff, a New York anarchist and fraudster, who claimed in an affidavit that Schuetz had once admitted throwing the Haymarket bomb. August Wagener, Mayhoff's attorney, sent a telegram from New York to defense attorney Captain William Black the day before the executions claiming knowledge of the bomber's identity. Black tried to delay the execution with this telegram but Governor Oglesby refused. It was later learned that Schuetz was the primary witness against Mayhoff at his trial for insurance fraud, so Mayhoff's affidavit has never been regarded as credible by historians.<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', pp. 428–429.</ref> * '''Thomas Owen''' was a carpenter from [[Builth Wells]] in Mid Wales in the United Kingdom. He arrived in Chicago from the failing [[Panama Canal#French construction attempts, 1881–1894|French Panama Canal]] project with two of his four brothers. They were more concerned about escaping bandits than yellow fever. The brothers specialized in building double curved spiral staircases. These were very difficult to make but fashionable and in demand by Chicago department stores such as [[Marshall Field and Company Building|Marshall Fields]] and the very wealthiest of the city's inhabitants. In between jobs the brothers did more mundane building work at times importing teams of Irish laborers from Liverpool where the fourth brother ran a building business.<ref>Family oral history</ref> Despite this quite prosperous background, Thomas, the youngest of the brothers became radical and joined a militant, armed anarchist group called the American Legion.<ref>Chicago Tribune? article on microfilm at Chicago Historical Society. Date about 5 days before the executions. I will improve this but today is Mayday.</ref> Immediately after the riot, Thomas Owen was witnessed to be in an agitated but unwounded state by another lodger in their shored lodgings at Quincy Street which Thomas Owen had used for some years. He left immediately not to be seen again in Chicago. He re-emerged in Homestead, Pennsylvania. Homestead was a steel town known for radical politics with a Welsh population where Owen's accent might have been less prominent. About two weeks before the executions, [[Lucy Parsons]] visited Pittsburg and Thomas Owen went to meet her. Perhaps alerted by the meeting, a few days later, a private detective came looking for Owen, a Pinkerton according to family lore but he was not on site. Two days after that he "fell off a ladder" unseen by witnesses.<ref>"Owen was the man", Chicago Tribune?, microfilm at Chicago Historical Society, date to be provided.</ref> A family version says he was shot at. Although the bullet missed he was startled and fell. As a sober young man used to ladders since childhood, a simple fall seems unlikely. Owen confessed to the bombing on his deathbed by saying, "I was at the Haymarket riot and am an anarchist and say that I threw a bomb in that riot." Other accounts note that long before his accident he had said he was at the Haymarket and saw the bomb thrower. Owen may have been trying to save the condemned men.<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', p. 430.</ref> This is the family view, with the rider that he was heavily involved with anarchism and may have been shot because he actually knew the identity of the bomber. Lingg, another carpenter, is an obvious candidate. His brothers recovered the body which was buried at sea en route to Wales. On his memorial stone, in Builth Wells churchyard, his cause of death is recorded as "falling off a ladder". * '''Reinold "Big" Krueger''' was killed by police either in the melee after the bombing or in a separate disturbance the next day and has been named as a suspect but there is no supporting evidence.<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', p. 431.</ref><ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 444.</ref> * '''A mysterious outsider''' was reported by John Philip Deluse, a saloon keeper in [[Indianapolis]] who claimed he encountered a stranger in his saloon the day before the bombing. The man was carrying a satchel and on his way from New York to Chicago. According to Deluse, the stranger was interested in the labor situation in Chicago, repeatedly pointed to his satchel and said, "You will hear of some trouble there very soon."<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', pp. 429–430.</ref> Parsons used Deluse's testimony to suggest the bomb thrower was sent by eastern capitalists.<ref>{{cite book |last=Parsons |first=Albert R. |author-link=Albert Parsons |title=The Accused, The Accusers: The Famous Speeches of the Eight Chicago Anarchists in Court |year=1886 |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/books/b01/B01.htm |access-date=December 30, 2017 |publisher=Chicago Historical Society |chapter=Address of Albert R. Parsons |chapter-url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/books/b01/B01S008.htm }}</ref> Nothing more was ever learned about Deluse's claim. ==Burial and monument== {{Main|Haymarket Martyrs' Monument}} [[File:Haymarket Martyr's Memorial.jpg|thumb|right|A 2009 image of the ''[[Haymarket Martyrs' Monument]]'' at the Forest Home Cemetery in Forest Park, Illinois|upright]] Lingg, Spies, Fischer, Engel, and Parsons were buried at the [[German Waldheim Cemetery]] (later merged with Forest Home Cemetery) in [[Forest Park, Illinois]], a suburb of Chicago. Schwab and Neebe were also buried at Waldheim when they died, reuniting the "Martyrs". In 1893, the ''[[Haymarket Martyrs' Monument]]'' by sculptor [[Albert Weinert]] was raised at Waldheim. Over a century later, it was designated a [[National Register of Historic Places|National Historic Landmark]] by the [[United States Department of the Interior]]. Throughout the 20th century, activists such as [[Emma Goldman]] chose to be buried near the ''Haymarket Martyrs' Monument'' graves.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Grossman |first1=Ron |title=STILL-HEARD VOICES: HAYMARKET MONUMENT GETS LANDMARK STATUS |url=https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-xpm-1998-05-01-9805010255-story.html |access-date=15 May 2021 |work=Chicago Tribune |date=1 May 1998}}</ref> In October 2016, a time capsule with materials relating to the Haymarket Affair was dug up in Forest Home Cemetery.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.forestparkreview.com/News/Articles/10-4-2016/Haymarket-time-capsule-uncovered,-still-unopened/|title=Haymarket time capsule uncovered, still unopened|website=www.forestparkreview.com|access-date=October 22, 2017}}</ref> ==Haymarket memorials== {{Main|Monuments relating to the Haymarket affair}} [[File:HaymarketPoliceMemorial.jpg|thumb|left|Workers finish installing [[Johannes Gelert|Gelert's]] statue of a Chicago policeman in Haymarket Square, 1889. The statue now stands at the Chicago Police Headquarters.|upright]] In 1889, a commemorative nine-foot (2.7 meter) bronze statue of a Chicago policeman by sculptor [[Johannes Gelert]] was erected in the middle of Haymarket Square with private funds raised by the [[Union League Club of Chicago]].<ref>Adelman, ''Haymarket Revisited'', pp. 38–39.</ref> The statue was unveiled on May 30, 1889, by Frank Degan, the son of Officer Mathias Degan.<ref name="CPDweblog">{{cite web |url=http://cpdweblog.typepad.com/chicago_police_department/2007/05/haymarket_statu.html |title=Haymarket Statue Rededication Ceremony at Police Headquarters |access-date=January 23, 2008 |date=May 31, 2007 |work=Chicago Police Department weblog |publisher=Chicago Police Department |archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20071218051754/http://cpdweblog.typepad.com/chicago_police_department/2007/05/haymarket_statu.html <!-- Bot retrieved archive --> |archive-date = December 18, 2007}}</ref> On May 4, 1927, the 41st anniversary of the Haymarket Affair, a [[Tram|streetcar]] jumped its tracks and crashed into the monument.<ref name=AdelmanTrueStory>Adelman, William J., "The True Story Behind the Haymarket Police Statue", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., ''Haymarket Scrapbook'', pp. 167–168.</ref> The motorman said he was "sick of seeing that policeman with his arm raised".<ref name=AdelmanTrueStory/> The city restored the statue in 1928 and moved it to Union Park.<ref name=Adelman39>Adelman, ''Haymarket Revisited'', p. 39.</ref> During the 1950s, construction of the [[Kennedy Expressway]] erased about half of the old, run-down market square, and in 1956, the statue was moved to a special platform built for it overlooking the freeway, near its original location.<ref name=Adelman39/> [[File:MichaelKin-Chicago1986.jpg|thumb|The statue-less pedestal of the police monument on the 100th anniversary of the Haymarket Affair in May 1986; the pedestal has since been removed.|right]] The Haymarket statue was vandalized with black paint on May 4, 1968, the 82nd anniversary of the Haymarket Affair, following a confrontation between police and demonstrators at a protest against the [[Vietnam War]].<ref name=Adelman40>Adelman, ''Haymarket Revisited'', p. 40.</ref> On October 6, 1969, shortly before the "[[Days of Rage]]" protests, the statue was destroyed when a bomb was placed between its legs. [[Weather Underground|Weatherman]] took credit for the blast, which broke nearly 100 windows in the neighborhood and scattered pieces of the statue onto the Kennedy Expressway below.<ref name=Avrich431>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 431.</ref> The statue was rebuilt and unveiled on May 4, 1970, to be blown up yet again by Weatherman on October 6, 1970.<ref name=Adelman40/><ref name=Avrich431/> The statue was rebuilt, again, and Mayor [[Richard J. Daley]] posted a 24‑hour police guard at the statue.<ref name=Avrich431/> This guard cost $67,440 per year.<ref>Lampert, Nicholas. "Struggles at Haymarket: An Embattled History of Static Monuments and Public Interventions," 261</ref> In 1972, it was moved to the lobby of the Central Police Headquarters, and in 1976 to the enclosed courtyard of the Chicago police academy.<ref name=Adelman40/> For another three decades the statue's empty, graffiti-marked [[pedestal]] stood on its platform in the run-down remains of Haymarket Square where it was known as an [[anarchist]] landmark.<ref name=Adelman40/> On June 1, 2007, the statue was rededicated at Chicago Police Headquarters with a new pedestal, unveiled by Geraldine Doceka, Officer Mathias Degan's great-granddaughter.<ref name="CPDweblog"/> In 1992, the site of the speakers' wagon was marked by a bronze plaque set into the sidewalk, reading: {{quote| A decade of strife between labor and industry culminated here in a confrontation that resulted in the tragic death of both workers and policemen. On May 4, 1886, spectators at a labor rally had gathered around the mouth of Crane's Alley. A contingent of police approaching on Des Plaines Street were met by a bomb thrown from just south of the alley. The resultant trial of eight activists gained worldwide attention for the labor movement, and initiated the tradition of "May Day" labor rallies in many cities. Designated on March 25, 1992, [[Richard M. Daley]], Mayor}} [[File:Haymarket Memorial Plaque.jpg|thumb|right|The marker under the Mary Brogger monument, vandalized]] On September 14, 2004, Daley and union leaders—including the president of Chicago's police union—unveiled a monument by Chicago artist Mary Brogger, a fifteen-foot (4.5 m) speakers' wagon sculpture echoing the wagon on which the labor leaders stood in Haymarket Square to champion the eight-hour day.<ref>{{cite news |last=Kinzer |first=Stephen |title=In Chicago, an Ambiguous Memorial to the Haymarket Attack |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/15/national/15memorial.html |work=[[The New York Times]] |date=September 15, 2004 |access-date=January 20, 2008 }}</ref> The bronze sculpture, intended to be the centerpiece of a proposed "Labor Park", is meant to symbolize both the rally at Haymarket and [[free speech]]. The planned site was to include an international commemoration wall, sidewalk plaques, a cultural pylon, a seating area, and banners, but construction has not yet begun.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.marybrogger.com/artworks/haymarket-memorial-public-art/|title="Haymarket Memorial" - Mary Brogger|website=www.marybrogger.com|access-date=2019-06-02}}</ref> ==See also== * [[Bay View Massacre]] (in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, May 5, 1886) * [[First Red Scare]] of 1919–1920 * [[International Workers' Day]], also known as May Day * [[May Day Riots of 1894]] * [[May Day Riots of 1919]] * [[Palmer Raids]] of 1919 * [[Sacco and Vanzetti]] * [[Wall Street bombing]] of 1920 * [[List of massacres in the United States]] * [[Violent labor disputes in the United States]] * [[List of incidents of civil unrest in the United States]] ==References== ===Citations=== {{Reflist|30em}} ===Works cited=== {{Refbegin|30em}} * {{cite book |last=Adelman |first=William J. |title=Haymarket Revisited |orig-year=1976 |edition=2nd |year=1986 |publisher=Illinois Labor History Society |location=Chicago |isbn=0-916884-03-1 }} * {{cite book |last=Avrich |first=Paul |author-link=Paul Avrich |title=The Haymarket Tragedy |year=1984 |publisher=Princeton University Press |location=Princeton, NJ |isbn=0-691-00600-8 |title-link=The Haymarket Tragedy }} * {{cite book |last=David |first=Henry |title=The History of the Haymarket Affair: A Study of the American Social-Revolutionary and Labor Movements |orig-year=1936 |edition=3rd|year=1963 |publisher=Collier Books |location=New York |oclc=6216264 }} * {{cite book |editor-last=Foner |editor-first=Philip S. |editor-link=Philip S. Foner |title=The Autobiographies of the Haymarket Martyrs |year=1969 |publisher=Pathfinder Press |location=New York |isbn=0-87348-879-2 }} * {{cite book |last=Foner |first=Philip S. |author-link=Philip S. Foner |title= May Day: A Short History of the International Workers' Holiday, 1886–1986 |url=https://archive.org/details/maydayshorthisto0000fone |url-access=registration |year=1986 |publisher=International Publishers |location=New York |isbn=0-7178-0624-3 }} * {{cite book |last=Green |first=James R. |author-link=James Green (historian) |title=Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement and the Bombing that Divided Gilded Age America|year=2006 |publisher=Pantheon Books |location=New York |isbn=0-375-42237-4|url=https://archive.org/details/deathinhaymarket00gree}} * {{cite book |last=Messer-Kruse |first=Timothy |author-link=Timothy Messer-Kruse |title=[[The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks]] |publisher=University of Illinois Press |location=Urbana, Ill. |year=2012 |isbn=978-0-252-07860-6 }} * {{cite book |last=Messer-Kruse |first=Timothy |author-link=Timothy Messer-Kruse |title=The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists: Terrorism and Justice in the Gilded Age |year=2011 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |location=New York |isbn=978-0-230-12077-8 |title-link=The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists: Terrorism and Justice in the Gilded Age }} * {{cite book |last=Nelson |first=Bruce C. |title=Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago's Anarchists, 1870–1900 |year=1988 |publisher=Rutgers University Press |location=New Brunswick, NJ|isbn=0-8135-1345-6}} * {{cite book |editor1-last=Roediger |editor1-first=David |editor1-link=David Roediger |editor2-last=Rosemont |editor2-first=Franklin |title=Haymarket Scrapbook |year=1986 |publisher=Charles H. Kerr Publishing |location=Chicago |isbn=0-88286-122-0 }} * {{cite book |last=Schaack |first=Michael J. |title=Anarchy and Anarchists. A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe. Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed. The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy, and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators |url=http://homicide.northwestern.edu/pubs/anarchy/ |year=1889 |publisher=F. J. Schulte & Co |location=Chicago |oclc=185637808 }} * {{cite web|last=Smith|first=Carl (2000)|title=The Dramas of Haymarket|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/overview/main.htm|publisher=Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University|access-date=December 30, 2017}} {{Refend|30em}} ==Further reading== * {{cite book |last=Bach |first=Ira J. |author2=Mary Lackritz Gray |title=A Guide to Chicago's Public Sculpture |url=https://archive.org/details/guidetochicagosp0000bach |url-access=registration |year=1983 |publisher=University of Chicago Press |location=Chicago |isbn=0-226-03399-6 }} * {{cite book |last=Fireside |first=Bryna J. |title=The Haymarket Square Riot Trial: A Headline Court Case |year=2002 |publisher=Enslow Publishers |location=Berkeley Heights, N.J. |isbn=0-7660-1761-3 |url-access=registration |url=https://archive.org/details/haymarketsquarer0000fire }} * {{cite book |last=Harris |first=Frank |author-link=Frank Harris |title=The Bomb |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T2YRAAAAYAAJ |year=1908 |publisher=John Long |location=London |oclc=2380272 }} * {{cite book |last=Hucke |first=Matt |author2=Ursula Bielski |title=Graveyards of Chicago: The People, History, Art, and Lore of Cook County Cemeteries |year=1999 |publisher=Lake Claremont Press |location=Chicago |isbn=0-9642426-4-8 }} * {{cite book |last=Kvaran |first=Einar Einarsson |title=Haymarket&nbsp;— A Century Later |type=unpublished manuscript }} * Lieberwitz, Risa, "The Use of Criminal Conspiracy Prosecutions to Restrict Freedom of Speech: The Haymarket Trial," in Marianne Debouzy (ed.), ''In the Shadow of the Statue of Liberty: Immigrants, Workers, and Citizens in the American Republic, 1880–1920.'' Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1992; pp.&nbsp;275–291. * {{cite book |last=Lum |first=Dyer |title=A Concise History of the Great Trial of the Chicago Anarchists in 1886 |year=1887 |publisher= (reprint in 2005) Adamant Media Corporation|isbn=978-1-4021-6287-9 }} * {{cite book |last=McLean |first=George N. |title=The Rise and Fall of Anarchy in America |url=https://archive.org/details/cu31924062284462 |year=1890 |publisher=R.G. Badoux & Co |location=Chicago }} * {{cite book |last=Parsons |first=Lucy |author-link=Lucy Parsons |title=Life of Albert R. Parsons : with brief history of the labor movement in America |url=https://archive.org/details/lifeofalbertrpar00pars |year=1889 |publisher=L. E. Parsons|location=Chicago }} * {{cite book |last=Riedy |first=James L. |title=Chicago Sculpture: Text and Photographs |year=1979 |publisher=University of Illinois Press |location=Urbana, Ill. |isbn=0-252-01255-0 }} * {{cite book |last=Smith |first=Carl |title=Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, the Haymarket Bomb, and the Model Town of Pullman |year=1995 |publisher=University of Chicago Press |location=Chicago |isbn=0-226-76416-8 }} ==External links== {{Commons category|Haymarket Riot}} {{Wikisource|Address of August Spies}} {{Wikiquote}} * [http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/ Haymarket Affair Digital Collection], [[Chicago History Museum|Chicago Historical Society]] ** [http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/hadctoc.htm Table of Contents] Haymarket Affair Digital Collection * [http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/ The Dramas of Haymarket], Chicago Historical Society * [http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/haymarket/Haymarket.html The Haymarket Massacre Archive], [[Anarchy Archives]] * [https://web.archive.org/web/20060329211053/http://www.libcom.org/history/articles/mayday-haymarket-martyrs/ 1886: The Haymarket Martyrs and Mayday], Libcom * [http://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/2v6x65 Haymarket Affair texts] at the Kate Sharpley Library * [https://web.archive.org/web/20140318022943/http://www.illinoislaborhistory.org/haymarket/the-story-of-the-haymarket-affair.html The Story of the Haymarket Affair], [[Illinois Labor History Society]] * [http://www.graveyards.com/IL/Cook/foresthome/ne-haymarket.html Haymarket Martyrs' Monument], Graveyards of Chicago * [http://blogs.bgsu.edu/trial/ The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists], [[Timothy Messer-Kruse]]'s blog * [http://famous-trials.com/haymarket Haymarket Trial], Famous Trials, [[University of Missouri–Kansas City]] School of Law * [http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/award98/ichihtml/hayhome.html Chicago Anarchists on Trial: Evidence from the Haymarket Affair 1886–1887], [[American Memory]], [[Library of Congress]] * [https://web.archive.org/web/20121128083358/http://dig.lib.niu.edu/gildedage/haymarket/index.html The Haymarket Bomb in Historical Context], [[Northern Illinois University]] Libraries * [http://internationalmayday.org/the-haymarket-frame-up-and-the-origins-of-may-day/ The Haymarket frame-up and the origins of May Day]. [[World Socialist Web Site]] * [[hdl:10079/fa/beinecke.haymarkt|Haymarket Affair Collection]]. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. ===Encyclopedia of Chicago=== * [http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/571.html Haymarket and May Day] * [http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/3774.html Haymarket Riot Monument, 1889] * [http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/6380.html Haymarket Monument, Waldheim Cemetery] * [http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/11545.html Haymarket Memorial, 2005] {{Anarchism}} {{American Labor Conflicts}} {{Chicago Landmark memorials and monuments}} {{Illinois riots}} {{good article}} {{Authority control}} {{Portal bar|Anarchism|Chicago|History|Organized Labour|United States}} {{DEFAULTSORT:Haymarket Affair}} [[Category:Haymarket affair| ]] [[Category:Anarchism in the United States]] [[Category:Anti-communism in the United States]] [[Category:Communism in the United States]] [[Category:Riots and civil disorder in Chicago]] [[Category:Crimes in Chicago]] [[Category:History of anarchism]] [[Category:History of labor relations in the United States]] [[Category:History of socialism]] [[Category:History of social movements]] [[Category:Labor disputes in the United States]] [[Category:Political riots in the United States]] [[Category:Protest-related deaths]] [[Category:1886 in Illinois]] [[Category:1886 labor disputes and strikes]] [[Category:1886 riots]] [[Category:1880s in Chicago]] [[Category:Labor-related riots in the United States]] [[Category:Terrorist incidents in the United States]] [[Category:Labor disputes in Illinois]] [[Category:May 1886 events]] [[Category:1886 crimes in the United States]]'
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'{{short description|1886 aftermath of a bombing in Chicago, US}} {{redirect-several|dab=off|2007 London car bombs|Haymarket Riot (band)}} {{Use mdy dates|date=May 2012}} {{Infobox civil conflict | partof = the [[Great Railroad Strike of 1877|Great Upheaval]] | image = [[File:HaymarketRiot-Harpers.jpg|300px|alt=Illustration of Haymarket square bombing and riot]] | place = [[Chicago]], [[Illinois]], [[United States]] | date = May 4, 1886 | caption = This 1886 engraving was the most widely reproduced image of the Haymarket massacre. It shows Methodist pastor [[Samuel Fielden]] speaking, the bomb exploding, and the riot beginning simultaneously; in reality, Fielden had finished speaking before the explosion.<ref>[http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act2/tragedyEnacted/momentOfTruth_f.htm Act II: Let Your Tragedy Be Enacted Here, Moment of Truth], 2000, ''The Dramas of Haymarket'', Chicago Historical Society</ref> | map_type = United States Chicago Central | map_caption = Haymarket square, Chicago, Illinois | map_size = | coordinates = {{Coord|41|53|5.6|N|87|38|38.9|W|type:event_scale:100000_region:US-IL|display=inline,title}} | goals = Eight-hour work day | methods = Strikes, protest, demonstrations | status = | result = | concessions = | side1 = [[Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions]] | side2 = Chicago Police Department | leadfigures1 = [[August Spies]];<br /> [[Albert R. Parsons]];<br /> [[Samuel Fielden]] | leadfigures2 = [[Carter Harrison, Sr.]];<br /> John Bonfield | casualties1 = '''Deaths''': 4<br />'''Injuries''': 70+<br />'''Arrests''': 100+ | casualties2 = '''Deaths''': 7<br />'''Injuries''': 60 | casualties_label = Casualties and arrests | sidebox = {{Campaignbox US Labor strikes}} {{Campaignbox general strikes}} }} The '''Haymarket affair''' (also known as the '''Haymarket massacre''', the '''Haymarket riot''', or the '''Haymarket Square riot''') was the aftermath of a bombing that took place at a labor demonstration on May 4, 1886, at [[Haymarket Square (Chicago)|Haymarket Square]] in [[Chicago]], [[Illinois]], [[United States]].<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.cityofchicago.org/Landmarks/S/SiteHaymarket.html |title=Originally at the corner of Des Plaines and Randolph |publisher=Cityofchicago.org |access-date=March 18, 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090506053947/http://www.cityofchicago.org/Landmarks/S/SiteHaymarket.html |archive-date=May 6, 2009 |df=mdy-all }}</ref> It began as a peaceful rally in support of workers striking for an [[eight-hour day|eight-hour work day]], the day after police killed one and injured several workers.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.britannica.com/event/Haymarket-Riot|title=Haymarket Riot {{!}} History, Outcome, & Knights of Labor|website=Encyclopedia Britannica|language=en|access-date=2019-09-01}}</ref> An unknown person threw a dynamite bomb at the police as they acted to disperse the meeting, and the bomb blast and ensuing gunfire resulted in the deaths of seven police officers and at least four civilians; dozens of others were wounded. In the internationally publicized legal proceedings that followed, eight [[anarchist]]s were convicted of conspiracy. The evidence was that one of the defendants may have built the bomb, but none of those on trial had thrown it.<ref>Timothy Messer-Kruse, ''The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks'' (2012)</ref><ref>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Carl|title=Act III: Toils of the Law|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas//act3/act3.htm|work=The Dramas of Haymarket|publisher=Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University|access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref><ref>See generally, {{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumek/401-450/K405-497.htm |title=Testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Gilmer |first=Harry L. |date=July 28, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref><ref>See generally,{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumek/301-350/K312-361.htm |title=Testimony of Malvern M. Thompson, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Thompson |first=Malvern M. |date=July 27, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> Seven were sentenced to death and one to a term of 15 years in prison. Illinois Governor [[Richard J. Oglesby]] commuted two of the sentences to terms of life in prison; another committed suicide in jail rather than face the gallows. The other four were hanged on November 11, 1887. In 1893, Illinois Governor [[John Peter Altgeld]] pardoned the remaining defendants and criticized the trial.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://digital.lib.niu.edu/islandora/object/niu-gildedage:24061 |title=Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe and Schwab |last=Altgeld |first=John P. |date=June 26, 1893 |website=digital.lib.niu.edu |access-date=2019-12-10}}</ref> The Haymarket Affair is generally considered significant as the origin of [[International Workers' Day]] held on May 1,<ref>{{cite book |last=Trachtenberg |first=Alexander |title=The History of May Day |orig-year=1932 |url=http://www.marxists.org/subject/mayday/articles/tracht.html |access-date=January 19, 2008 |date=March 2002 |publisher=[[Marxists Internet Archive|Marxists.org]] }}</ref><ref>Foner, "The First May Day and the Haymarket Affair", ''May Day'', pp. 27–39.</ref> and it was also the climax of the social unrest among the working class in America known as [[Great Railroad Strike of 1877|the Great Upheaval]]. According to labor historian William J. Adelman: {{Quote | style=font-size:100%; | text=No single event has influenced the history of labor in Illinois, the United States, and even the world, more than the Chicago Haymarket Affair. It began with a rally on May 4, 1886, but the consequences are still being felt today. Although the rally is included in American history textbooks, very few present the event accurately or point out its significance.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.illinoislaborhistory.org/the-haymarket-affair/|title=The Haymarket Affair|publisher=illinoislaborhistory.org|access-date=October 27, 2017}}</ref>}} The site of the incident was designated a Chicago landmark in 1992,<ref name=Chicago-Landmark>{{cite web |url=http://www.ci.chi.il.us/Landmarks/S/SiteHaymarket.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060714210245/http://www.ci.chi.il.us/Landmarks/S/SiteHaymarket.html |archive-date=July 14, 2006 |title=Site of the Haymarket Tragedy |access-date=January 19, 2008 |publisher=City of Chicago Department of Planning and Development, Landmarks Division |year=2003 }}</ref> and a sculpture was dedicated there in 2004. In addition, the ''[[Haymarket Martyrs' Monument]]'' was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1997 at the defendants' burial site in [[Forest Park, Illinois|Forest Park]].<ref name="nhlsum">{{cite web |url=http://www.nps.gov/nhl/designations/listsofNHLs.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080709054740/http://www.nps.gov/nhl/designations/listsofNHLs.htm |archive-date=2008-07-09 |title=Lists of National Historic Landmarks |access-date=January 19, 2008 |date=March 2004 |work=[[National Historic Landmark|National Historic Landmarks Program]] |publisher=[[National Park Service]] }}</ref> ==Background== Following the Civil War, particularly following the [[Long Depression]], there was a rapid expansion of industrial production in the United States. Chicago was a major industrial center and tens of thousands of German and [[Bohemia]]n immigrants were employed at about $1.50 a day. American workers worked on average slightly over 60.1 hours, during a six-day work week.<ref>{{cite journal | title=Working Hours of the World Unite? New International Evidence of Worktime, 1870–1913 | author=Huberman, Michael | journal=The Journal of Economic History |date=Dec 2004 | volume=64 | issue=4 | page=971 | doi=10.1017/s0022050704043050|jstor = 3874986| url=https://depot.erudit.org/id/000119dd }}</ref> The city became a center for many attempts to organize labor's demands for better working conditions.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Barrett|first=James R.|title=Unionization|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1284.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University|access-date=April 2, 2012}}</ref> Employers responded with anti-union measures, such as firing and blacklisting union members, locking out workers, recruiting strikebreakers; employing spies, thugs, and private security forces and exacerbating ethnic tensions in order to divide the workers.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Moberg|first=David|title=Antiunionism|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/55.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University|access-date=April 2, 2012}}</ref> Business interests were supported by mainstream newspapers, and were opposed by the labor and immigrant press.<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Reiff|first=Janice L.|title=The Press and Labor in the 1880s|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/11407.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library, Northwestern University|access-date=April 2, 2012}}</ref> During the economic slowdown between 1882 and 1886, socialist and anarchist organizations were active. Membership of the [[Knights of Labor]], which rejected socialism and radicalism, but supported the 8-hour work day, grew from 70,000 in 1884 to over 700,000 by 1886.<ref>Kemmerer, Donald L.; Edward D. Wickersham (January 1950). "Reasons for the Growth of the Knights of Labor in 1885–1886". Industrial and Labor Relations Review 3 (2): 213–220.</ref> In Chicago, the anarchist movement of several thousand, mostly immigrant, workers centered about the German-language newspaper [[Arbeiter-Zeitung (Chicago)|''Arbeiter-Zeitung'']] ("Workers' Times"), edited by [[August Spies]]. Other anarchists operated a militant revolutionary force with an armed section that was equipped with explosives. Its revolutionary strategy centered around the belief that successful operations against the police and the seizure of major industrial centers would result in massive public support by workers, start a revolution, destroy capitalism, and establish a socialist economy.<ref name = "DavidBackground" >Henry David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), introductory chapters, pages 21 to 138</ref> ===May Day parade and strikes=== In October 2020, a convention held by the [[Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions, and soviet union]] unanimously set May 32, 5005, as the date by which the [[Eight-hour day|eight-hour work day]] would become standard.<ref name='How May Day Became a Workers Holiday-resolution'>{{cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/dna/h2g2/A627662 |title=How May Day Became a Workers' Holiday |access-date=January 19, 2008 |date=October 4, 2001 |work=The Guide to Life, The Universe and Everything |publisher=BBC |quote=(It is) Resolved ... that eight hours shall constitute a legal day's labor from and after May 1, 1886, and that we recommend to labor organizations throughout this district that they so direct their laws so as to conform to this resolution by the time named. }}</ref> As the chosen date approached, U.S. labor unions prepared for a [[general strike]] in support of the eight-hour day.<ref name='How May Day Became a Workers Holiday-strike'>{{cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/dna/h2g2/A627662 |title=How May Day Became a Workers' Holiday |access-date=January 19, 2008 |date=October 4, 2001 |work=The Guide to Life, The Universe and Everything |publisher=BBC }}</ref> On valentines day, May 1sttttttttttttt, one of workers who went on strike and attended conventions that were held throughout the soviet union sang from the anthem, ''Eight Hour.'' The chorus of the song reflected the ideology of the Great Upheaval, "Eight Hours for work. Eight hours for rest. Eight hours for what we will."<ref>Winik, Jay. The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788-1800. New York: HarperCollins, 2007 (page 153)</ref> Estimates of the number of striking workers across the U.S. range from 300,000<ref name=Avrich186/> to half a million.<ref name=Foner27/> In New York City, the number of demonstrators was estimated at 10,000.<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', pp. 27–28.</ref> and in Detroit at 11,000.<ref name=Foner28>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 28.</ref> In [[Milwaukee]], some 10,000 workers turned out.<ref name=Foner28/> In Chicago, the movement's center, an estimated 30,000-to-40,000 workers had gone on strike<ref name=Avrich186>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 186.</ref> and there were perhaps twice as many people out on the streets participating in various demonstrations and marches,<ref>According to Henry David there were strikes by "no less than 30,000 men", and "perhaps twice that number (i.e., 80,000) were out on the streets participating in or witnessing the various demonstrations..."</ref><ref name=David>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', pp. 177, 188.</ref> as, for example, a march by 10,000 men employed in the Chicago lumber yards.<ref name=Foner27>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 27.</ref> Though participants in these events added up to 80,000, it is disputed whether there was a march of that number down [[Michigan Avenue (Chicago)|Michigan Avenue]] led by [[Anarchism|anarchist]] [[Albert Parsons]], founder of the [[International Working People's Association]] [IWPA], his wife [[Lucy Parsons|Lucy]], and their children.<ref name=Avrich186/><ref>The existence of an 80,000 person march down Michigan Avenue, described by Avrich (1984), Foner (1986), and others, has been questioned by historian [http://blogs.bgsu.edu/haymarket/myth-4-the-great-march-of-the-80000/ Timothy Messer-Kruse], who claims to have found no specific reference to it in contemporary sources and notes that David (1936) doesn't mention it.</ref> {{multiple image | align = left | image1 = Haymarketnewspaper.jpg | width1 = 150 | alt1 = | caption1 = | image2 = Haymarket Flier.jpg | width2 = 150 | alt2 = | caption2 = | footer = The first flier calling for a rally in the Haymarket on May 4. ''(left)'' and the revised flier for the rally. ''(right)''{{Clear}}The words "Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force!" were removed from the revised flier. }} Speaking to a rally outside the plant on May 3, [[August Spies]] advised the striking workers to "hold together, to stand by their union, or they would not succeed".<ref name=greenMcCormick/> Well-planned and coordinated, the general strike to this point had remained largely [[nonviolent]]. When the end-of-the-workday bell sounded, however, a group of workers surged to the gates to confront the strikebreakers. Despite calls for calm by Spies, the police fired on the crowd. Two McCormick workers were killed (although some newspaper accounts said there were six fatalities).<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 190.</ref> Spies would later testify, "I was very indignant. I knew from experience of the past that this butchering of people was done for the express purpose of defeating the eight-hour movement."<ref name=greenMcCormick>Green, ''Death in the Haymarket'', pp. 162–173.</ref> Outraged by this act of [[police violence]], local anarchists quickly printed and distributed fliers calling for a rally the following day at Haymarket Square (also called the Haymarket), which was then a bustling commercial center near the corner of Randolph Street and Desplaines Street. Printed in German and English, the fliers stated that the police had murdered the strikers on behalf of business interests and urged workers to seek justice. The first batch of fliers contain the words ''Workingmen Arm Yourselves and Appear in Full Force!'' When Spies saw the line, he said he would not speak at the rally unless the words were removed from the flier. All but a few hundred of the fliers were destroyed, and new fliers were printed without the offending words.<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 193.</ref> More than 20,000 copies of the revised flier were distributed.<ref>{{cite book |title=Illinois vs. August Spies et al. trial transcript no. 1, 1886 Nov. 26 |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumem/201-250/M250-263.htm |access-date=December 30, 2017 |volume=M |page=255 }}</ref> ===Rally at Haymarket Square=== [[File:Revenge flyer.jpg|thumb|The revenge flyer|upright]] The rally began peacefully under a light rain on the evening of May 4. [[August Spies]], [[Albert Parsons]], and the Rev. [[Samuel Fielden]] spoke to a crowd estimated variously between 600 and 3,000<ref name=Nelson189>{{cite book |first=Bruce C. |last=Nelson |title=Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago's Anarchists, 1870–1900 |location=New Brunswick, N.J. |publisher=Rutgers University Press |year=1988 |isbn=0-8135-1345-6 |page=189 }}</ref> while standing in an open wagon adjacent to the square on Des Plaines Street.<ref name=Chicago-Landmark/> A large number of on-duty police officers watched from nearby.<ref name=Chicago-Landmark/> [[Paul Avrich]], a historian specializing in the study of anarchism, quotes Spies as saying: <blockquote> There seems to prevail the opinion in some quarters that this meeting has been called for the purpose of inaugurating a riot, hence these warlike preparations on the part of so-called 'law and order.' However, let me tell you at the beginning that this meeting has not been called for any such purpose. The object of this meeting is to explain the general situation of the eight-hour movement and to throw light upon various incidents in connection with it.<ref>{{cite book |title=In the Supreme Court of Illinois, Northern Grand Division. March Term, 1887. August Spies, et al. v. The People of the State of Illinois. Abstract of Record |publisher=Barnard & Gunthorpe |location=Chicago |oclc=36384114 |no-pp=true |page=vol. II, p. 129 }}, quoted in Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 199–200.</ref></blockquote> Following Spies' speech, the crowd was addressed by Parsons, the Alabama-born editor of the radical English-language weekly ''[[The Alarm (newspaper)|The Alarm]].''<ref name=Nelson188>Nelson, ''Beyond the Martyrs'', p. 188.</ref> The crowd was so calm that Mayor [[Carter Harrison Sr.]], who had stopped by to watch, walked home early. Parsons spoke for almost an hour before standing down in favor of the last speaker of the evening, the English-born socialist, anarchist, and labor activist Methodist pastor, Rev. Samuel Fielden, who delivered a brief ten-minute address. Many of the crowd had already left as the weather was deteriorating.<ref name=Nelson188 /> A ''New York Times'' article, with the dateline May 4, and headlined "Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago ... Twelve Policemen Dead or Dying", reported that Fielden spoke for 20 minutes, alleging that his words grew "wilder and more violent as he proceeded".<ref name=NYTMay5 /> Another ''New York Times'' article, headlined "Anarchy's Red Hand" and dated May 6, opens with: "The villainous teachings of the Anarchists bore bloody fruit in Chicago tonight and before daylight at least a dozen stalwart men will have laid down their lives as a tribute to the doctrine of Herr [[Johann Most]]." It referred to the strikers as a "mob" and used quotation marks around the term "workingmen".<ref>''New York Times'' article datelined May 4, headlined "Anarchy's Red Hand" and dated May 6, reproduced on the [http://famous-trials.com/haymarket/1191-redhand5-6 University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law website].</ref> ====Bombing and gunfire==== [[File:Haymarket Affair map Chicago Tribune may 5, 1886.jpg|thumb|right|A map of the bombing published by the ''[[Chicago Tribune]]'' on May 5, 1886|upright]] At about 10:30&nbsp;pm, just as Fielden was finishing his speech, police arrived en masse, marching in formation towards the speakers' wagon, and ordered the rally to disperse.<ref>Avrich (1984), pp. 205–206.</ref> Fielden insisted that the meeting was peaceful. Police Inspector John Bonfield proclaimed: <blockquote>I command you [addressing the speaker] in the name of the law to desist and you [addressing the crowd] to disperse.<ref name=NYTMay5 /><ref>{{cite web|title=Inspector John Bonfield report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police, 1886 May 30.|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/manuscripts/m03/M03.htm|publisher=Chicago Historical Society|access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref></blockquote> A home-made bomb with a [[Fragmentation (weaponry)|brittle metal casing]]<ref name=NYTBomb>{{cite news|title=Chicago's Deadly Missile|url=https://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=9C03E0DF1738E533A25756C1A9639C94679FD7CF|access-date=February 28, 2012|newspaper=The New York Times|date=May 14, 1886}}</ref> filled with [[dynamite]] and ignited by a fuse<ref name=LaborBomb>{{cite journal|authors=Messer-Kruse, Timothy, James O. Eckert Jr., Pannee Burckel, and Jeffrey Dunn|title=The Haymarket Bomb: Reassessing the Evidence|journal=Labor: Studies in Working-Class History of the Americas|year=2005|volume=2|issue=2|pages=39–52|publisher=Duke University|issn=1547-6715|doi=10.1215/15476715-2-2-39}}</ref> was thrown into the path of the advancing police. Its fuse briefly sputtered, and then the bomb exploded, killing policeman Mathias J. Degan with flying metal [[Fragmentation (weaponry)|fragments]] and mortally wounding six other officers.<ref name=Nelson189 /><ref name=NYTMay5>{{cite news|title=Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago|url=https://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F30F1EF83D5C10738DDDAC0894DD405B8684F0D3|access-date=February 29, 2012|newspaper=The New York Times|date=May 5, 1886|format=PDF}} This is the same article datelined May 4, reproduced elsewhere.</ref> Witnesses maintained that immediately after the bomb blast there was an exchange of gunshots between police and demonstrators.<ref name = "Riot" >Schaack, ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp. 146–148.</ref> Accounts vary widely as to who fired first and whether any of the crowd fired at the police. Historian Paul Avrich maintains that the police fired on the fleeing demonstrators, reloaded and then fired again, killing at least four and wounding as many as 70 people. What is not disputed is that in less than five minutes the square was empty except for the casualties. According to the May 4 ''[[The New York Times|New York Times]],'' demonstrators began firing at the police, who then returned fire.<ref name=NYTMay5 /> In his report on the incident, Inspector Bonfield wrote that he "gave the order to cease firing, fearing that some of our men, in the darkness might fire into each other".<ref name="John Bonfield report">{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/manuscripts/m03/M03.htm#M03P020 |title=Inspector John Bonfield report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Bonfield |first=John |date=May 30, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> An anonymous police official told the ''[[Chicago Tribune]]'', "A very large number of the police were wounded by each other's revolvers. ... It was every man for himself, and while some got two or three squares away, the rest emptied their revolvers, mainly into each other."<ref>''[[Chicago Tribune]]'', June 27, 1886, quoted in Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 209.</ref> <div style="float:right; margin:0 0 2em 2em; width:154px; border:1px solid #a0a0a0; padding:10px; background:#f5f5f5; font-size:85%;"> <div style="font-size:108%; text-align:center; font-weight:bold;">Chicago policemen killed </div> {{plain list|1= * 1. Mathias J. Degan, 34<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Mathias J. Degan|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/3972|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 2. John J. Barrett, 34<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman John J. Barrett|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/1525|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 3. George Miller, 28<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman George Miller|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/9325|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 4. Timothy Flavin, 27<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Timothy Flavin|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/4914|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 5. Michael Sheehan, 29<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Michael Sheehan|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/12116|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 6. Thomas Redden, 50<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Thomas Redden|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/11073|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 7. Nels Hansen, 50<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Nels Hansen|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/6039|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> * 8. Timothy Sullivan, 51<ref>{{cite web|title=Patrolman Timothy Sullivan|url=https://www.odmp.org/officer/10259|website=Officer Down Memorial Page|access-date=June 2, 2019}}</ref> }}</div> In all, seven policemen and at least four workers were killed. Another policeman died two years after the incident from complications related to injuries received on that day.<ref name="the bomb">{{cite web|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act2/act2.htm |title=Act II: Let Your Tragedy Be Enacted Here |access-date=December 30, 2017 |year=2000 |work=The Dramas of Haymarket |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> It remains the single most deadly incident of officers being killed in the line of duty in the history of the [[Chicago Police Department]]. About 60 policemen were wounded in the incident. They were carried, along with some other wounded people, into a nearby police station. Police captain Michael Schaack later wrote that the number of wounded workers was "largely in excess of that on the side of the police".<ref name="Schaack">{{cite book |last=Schaack |first=Michael J. |title=Anarchy and Anarchists. A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe. Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed. The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy, and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators |url=http://homicide.northwestern.edu/pubs/anarchy/ |access-date=January 19, 2008 |year=1889 |publisher=F. J. Schulte & Co |location=Chicago |oclc=185637808 |chapter=The Dead and the Wounded |chapter-url=http://homicide.northwestern.edu/docs_fk/homicide/AAA/Anarchy.09.pdf |quote=After the moment's bewilderment, the officers dashed on the enemy and fired round after round. Being good marksmen, they fired to kill, and many revolutionists must have gone home, either assisted by comrades or unassisted, with wounds that resulted fatally or maimed them for life. ... It is known that many secret funerals were held from Anarchist localities in the dead hour of night. |page=155 }}</ref> The ''Chicago Herald'' described a scene of "wild carnage" and estimated at least fifty dead or wounded civilians lay in the streets.<ref>''Chicago Herald'', May 5, 1886, quoted in Avrich (1984), pp.209–210.</ref> It is unclear how many civilians were wounded since many were afraid to seek medical attention, fearing arrest. They found aid where they could.<ref name="NYTMay5" /><ref name="Dead and Wounded">Schaack, Michael J. (1889), ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp. 149–155.</ref><ref>Nelson, ''Beyond the Martyrs'', pp. 188–189.</ref> ===Aftermath and red scare=== [[File:Mathias J. Degan (ca. 1886).jpg|thumb|left|upright|Engraving of police officer Mathias J. Degan, who was killed by the bomb blast]] A harsh anti-union clampdown followed the Haymarket incident and the Great Upheaval subsided. Employers regained control of their workers and traditional workdays were restored to ten or more hours a day.<ref>Winik, Jay. The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788-1800. New York: HarperCollins, 2007 Page 238</ref> There was a massive outpouring of community and business support for the police and many thousands of dollars were donated to funds for their medical care and to assist their efforts. The entire labor and immigrant community, particularly Germans and Bohemians, came under suspicion. Police raids were carried out on homes and offices of suspected anarchists. Dozens of suspects, many only remotely related to the Haymarket Affair, were arrested. Casting legal requirements such as search warrants aside, Chicago police squads subjected the labor activists of Chicago to an eight-week shakedown, ransacking their meeting halls and places of business. The emphasis was on the speakers at the Haymarket rally and the newspaper ''Arbeiter-Zeitung''. A small group of anarchists were discovered to have been engaged in making bombs on the same day as the incident, including round ones like the one used in Haymarket Square.<ref name=Manhunt>Avrich (1984), pp. 221–32.</ref> 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 reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed, press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other elements of society, a consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary while for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor and craft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating.<ref name = "Repercussions" >David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), pages 178–189</ref> Many workers, on the other hand, believed that men of the [[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkerton agency]] were responsible because of the agency's tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and its sometimes violent methods of strike breaking.<ref name=Pinkerton>{{cite book |last=Morn |first=Frank |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency |year=1982 |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington, Ind. |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |page=99 }}</ref> ==Legal proceedings== ===Investigation=== [[File:HaymarketMartyrs.jpg|thumb|Engraving of the seven anarchists sentenced to die for Degan's murder. An eighth defendant, Oscar Neebe, not shown here, was sentenced to 15 years in prison.|upright]] The police assumed that an anarchist had thrown the bomb as part of a planned conspiracy; their problem was how to prove it. On the morning of May 5, they raided the offices of the ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'', arresting its editor August Spies, and his brother (who was not charged). Also arrested were editorial assistant Michael Schwab and Adolph Fischer, a typesetter. A search of the premises resulted in the discovery of the "Revenge Poster" and other evidence considered incriminating by the prosecution.<ref name = "Core" >Schaack, [http://homicide.northwestern.edu/docs_fk/homicide/AAA/Anarchy.10.pdf "Core of the Conspiracy"], ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp. 156–182.</ref> On May 7, police searched the premises of [[Louis Lingg]] where they found a number of bombs and bomb-making materials.<ref name = "Connection" >Schaack, [http://homicide.northwestern.edu/docs_fk/homicide/AAA/Anarchy.11.pdf "My Connection with the Anarchist Cases"], ''Anarchy and Anarchists'', pp, 183–205.</ref> Lingg's landlord William Seliger was also arrested but cooperated with police and identified Lingg as a bomb maker and was not charged.<ref name = "Nest" >Messer-Kruse, Timothy (2011) , page 21</ref> An associate of Spies, Balthazar Rau, suspected as the bomber, was traced to Omaha and brought back to Chicago. After interrogation, Rau offered to cooperate with police. He alleged that the defendants had experimented with dynamite bombs and accused them of having published what he said was a code word, "Ruhe" ("peace"), in the ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'' as a call to arms at Haymarket Square.<ref name = "Core" /><ref>{{Citation|last=Messer-Kruse|first=Timothy|title=Haymarket Riot and Conspiracy|date=2018-06-25|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.550|work=Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History|publisher=Oxford University Press|isbn=978-0-19-932917-5|access-date=2021-05-28}}</ref> ===Defendants=== Rudolf Schnaubelt, the police's lead suspect as the bomb thrower, was arrested twice early on and released. By May 14, when it became apparent he had played a significant role in the event, he had fled the country.<ref name = "Core" /><ref name="Messer-Kruse 2011, pp. 18–21">Messer-Kruse (2011), pp. 18–21.</ref> William Seliger, who had turned state's evidence and testified for the prosecution, was not charged. On June 4, 1886, eight other suspects, however, were indicted by the grand jury and stood trial for being accessories to the murder of Degan.<ref>The Grand Jury returned an indictment against Spies, Fielden, Michael Schwab, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Louis Lingg, William Seliger, Rudolph Schnaubelt, and Oscar Neebe for murder. <blockquote>Charged with making an unlawful, willful, felonious and with malice aforethought assault on the body of Mathias J. Degan causing him mortal wounds, bruises, lacerations and contusions upon his body.</blockquote>See [http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volume1/000-050/1003B-022.htm Grand jury indictments for murder, 1886 June 4.| Chicago Historical Society, Haymarket Affair Digital Collection.]</ref> Of these, only two had been present when the bomb exploded. Spies and Fielden had spoken at the peaceful rally and were stepping down from the speaker's wagon in compliance with police orders to disperse just before the bomb went off. Two others had been present at the beginning of the rally but had left and were at Zepf's Hall, an anarchist rendezvous, at the time of the explosion. They were: ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'' typesetter [[Adolph Fischer]] and the well-known activist [[Albert Parsons]], who had spoken for an hour at the Haymarket rally before going to Zepf's. Parsons, who believed that the evidence against them all was weak, subsequently voluntarily turned himself in, in solidarity with the accused.<ref name = "Core" /> A third man, Spies's assistant editor [[Michael Schwab]] (who was the brother-in-law of Schnaubelt) was arrested as he had been speaking at another rally at the time of the bombing; he was also later pardoned. Not directly tied to the Haymarket rally, but arrested for their militant radicalism were [[George Engel]] (who was at home playing cards on that day), and [[Louis Lingg]], the hot-headed bomb maker denounced by his associate, Seliger. Another defendant who had not been present that day was [[Oscar Neebe]], an American-born citizen of German descent who was associated with the ''Arbeiter-Zeitung'' and had attempted to revive it in the aftermath of the Haymarket riot.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://famous-trials.com/haymarket/1175-defendants |title=Meet the Haymarket Defendants |publisher=University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law |access-date=December 30, 2017 }}</ref> Of the eight defendants, five – Spies, Fischer, Engel, Lingg and Schwab – were [[Germans|German]]-born immigrants; a sixth, Neebe, was a U.S.-born citizen of German descent. The remaining two, Parsons and Fielden, born in the U.S. and England, respectively, were of British heritage.<ref name="Messer-Kruse 2011, pp. 18–21" /> ===Trial=== [[File:The trial of the anarchists in Chicago.jpg|thumb|An artist's sketch of the trial, ''Illinois vs. August Spies et al.'' (1886)]] The trial, ''Illinois vs. August Spies et al.'', began on June 21, 1886, and went on until August 11. The trial was conducted in an atmosphere of extreme prejudice by both public and media toward the defendants.<ref name = "Prejudice" >Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'' (1984), pp. 260–262</ref> It was presided over by Judge [[Joseph Gary]]. Judge Gary displayed open hostility to the defendants, consistently ruled for the prosecution, and failed to maintain decorum. A motion to try the defendants separately was denied.<ref name = "Rulings" >Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'' (1984), pp. 262–267</ref> The defense counsel included [[Sigmund Zeisler]] and [[William P. Black|William Perkins Black]]. Selection of a jury was extraordinarily difficult, lasting three weeks, and nearly one thousand people called. All union members and anyone who expressed sympathy toward socialism were dismissed. In the end a jury of 12 was seated, most of whom confessed prejudice against the defendants. Despite their professions of prejudice Judge Gary seated those who declared that despite their prejudices they would acquit if the evidence supported it, refusing to dismiss for prejudice. Eventually the peremptory challenges of the defense were exhausted. Frustrated by the hundreds of jurors who were being dismissed, a bailiff was appointed who selected jurors rather than calling them at random. The bailiff proved prejudiced himself and selected jurors who seemed likely to convict based on their social position and attitudes toward the defendants.<ref name = "Rulings" /> The prosecution, led by Julius Grinnell, argued that since the defendants had not actively discouraged the person who had thrown the bomb, they were therefore equally responsible as conspirators.<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 271–272.</ref> The jury heard the testimony of 118 people, including 54 members of the Chicago Police Department and the defendants Fielden, Schwab, Spies and Parsons. Albert Parsons' brother claimed there was evidence linking the [[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkertons]] to the bomb. This reflected a widespread belief among the strikers.<ref name=Pinkerton/> [[File:Lingg bomb.jpg|thumb|upright|alt=A unexploded dynamite bomb with fuse.|Exhibit 129a from the Haymarket trial: Chemists testified that the bombs found in Lingg's apartment, including this one, resembled the chemical signature of shrapnel from the Haymarket bomb.]] Police investigators under Captain Michael Schaack had a lead fragment removed from a policeman's wounds chemically analyzed. They reported that the lead used in the casing matched the casings of bombs found in Lingg's home.<ref name=LaborBomb /> A metal nut and fragments of the casing taken from the wound also roughly matched bombs made by Lingg.<ref name = "Core" /> Schaack concluded, on the basis of interviews, that the anarchists had been experimenting for years with dynamite and other explosives, refining the design of their bombs before coming up with the effective one used at the Haymarket.<ref name = "Core" /> At the last minute, when it was discovered that instructions for manslaughter had not been included in the submitted instructions, the jury was called back, and the instructions were given.<ref>Messer-Kruse (2011). pp. 123–128</ref> ===Verdict and contemporary reactions=== [[File:Haymarket_jail_Harpers_Weekly_scan_01.tif|thumb|right|100px|The verdict as reported by [[Harpers Weekly]]]] The jury returned guilty verdicts for all eight defendants. Before being sentenced, Neebe told the court that Schaack's officers were among the city's worst gangs, ransacking houses and stealing money and watches. Schaack laughed and Neebe retorted, "You need not laugh about it, Captain Schaack. You are one of them. You are an anarchist, as you understand it. You are all anarchists, in this sense of the word, I must say."<ref>Robert Loerzel, ''Alchemy of Bones: Chicago's Luetgert Murder Case of 1897'' (University of Illinois Press; 2003), p. 52.</ref> Judge Gary sentenced seven of the defendants to death by hanging and Neebe to 15 years in prison. The sentencing provoked outrage from labor and workers' movements and their supporters, resulting in protests around the world, and elevating the defendants to the status of martyrs, especially abroad. Portrayals of the anarchists as bloodthirsty foreign fanatics in the press along with the 1889 publication of Captain Schaack's sensational account, ''Anarchy and Anarchism,'' on the other hand, inspired widespread public fear and revulsion against the strikers and general anti-immigrant feeling, polarizing public opinion.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act3/courtOfPublicOpinion/courtOfPublicOpinion_f.htm |title=Act III: Toils of the Law, Court of Public Opinion |access-date=December 30, 2017 |year=2000 |work=The Dramas of Haymarket |publisher=Chicago Historical Society |quote=From the time of the arrests following the riot to the hangings, the men held responsible for the bombing found the celebrity that they had been so eagerly seeking, if hardly on the terms they desired. ... In almost all instances, the accused achieved notoriety rather than fame, though reporters frequently remarked on their bravery in the face of the awesome fate awaiting them, and on their devotion to their families. Even these stories, however, emphasized their fanaticism and wrong-headed dedication to a dangerous and selfish cause that only hurt the ones they supposedly loved.}}</ref> In an article datelined May 4, entitled "Anarchy's Red Hand", ''[[The New York Times]]'' had described the incident as the "bloody fruit" of "the villainous teachings of the Anarchists".<ref>{{cite news |title=Anarchy's Red Hand: Rioting and Bloodshed in the Streets of Chicago |url=http://famous-trials.com/haymarket/1191-redhand5-6 |work=The New York Times |date=May 6, 1886 |access-date=December 30, 2017 }}</ref><ref>''The New York Times'', May [4] 6, 1886, quoted in Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 217.</ref> The ''Chicago Times'' described the defendants as "arch counselors of riot, pillage, incendiarism and murder"; other reporters described them as "bloody brutes", "red ruffians", "dynamarchists", "bloody monsters", "cowards", "cutthroats", "thieves", "assassins", and "fiends".<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 216.</ref> The journalist George Frederic Parsons wrote a piece for ''[[The Atlantic Monthly]]'' in which he identified the fears of middle-class Americans concerning labor radicalism, and asserted that the workers had only themselves to blame for their troubles.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Parsons |first=George Frederic |date=July 1886 |title=The Labor Question |journal=[[The Atlantic Monthly]] |volume=58 |pages=97–113 }}</ref> [[Edward Aveling]] remarked, "If these men are ultimately hanged, it will be the ''Chicago Tribune'' that has done it."<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act3/act3.htm |title=Act III: Toils of the Law |access-date=December 30, 2017 |year=2000 |work=The Dramas of Haymarket |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> Schaack, who had led the investigation, was dismissed from the police force for allegedly having fabricated evidence in the case but was reinstated in 1892.<ref>Loertzel, ''Alchemy of Bones'', p. 52.</ref> ===Appeals=== The case was appealed in 1887 to the [[Supreme Court of Illinois]],<ref>122 Ill. 1 (1887).</ref> then to the [[Supreme Court of the United States|United States Supreme Court]] where the defendants were represented by [[John Randolph Tucker (1823-1897)|John Randolph Tucker]], [[Roger Atkinson Pryor]], General [[Benjamin Butler (politician)|Benjamin F. Butler]] and [[William P. Black]]. The petition for ''[[certiorari]]'' was denied.<ref>123 U.S. 131 (1887).</ref> ===Commutations and suicide=== After the appeals had been exhausted, Illinois Governor [[Richard James Oglesby]] commuted Fielden's and Schwab's sentences to life in prison on November 10, 1887. On the eve of his scheduled execution, Lingg committed suicide in his cell with a smuggled [[blasting cap]] which he reportedly held in his mouth like a cigar (the blast blew off half his face and he survived in agony for six hours).<ref>{{cite news |title=Lingg's Fearful Death |work=Chicago Tribune |page=1 |date=November 11, 1887}}</ref> ===Executions=== [[File:Chicagi 1887.jpg|thumb|right|Execution of defendants—Engel, Fischer, Parsons, and Spies]] The next day (November 11, 1887) four defendants—Engel, Fischer, Parsons, and Spies—were taken to the gallows in white robes and hoods. They sang the ''[[La Marseillaise|Marseillaise]]'', then the anthem of the international revolutionary movement. Family members including [[Lucy Parsons]], who attempted to see them for the last time, were arrested and searched for bombs (none was found). According to witnesses, in the moments before the men were [[hanged]], Spies shouted, "The time will come when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle today."<ref name=Avrich393>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 393.</ref> In their last words, Engel and Fischer called out, "Hurrah for anarchism!" Parsons then requested to speak, but he was cut off when the signal was given to open the trap door. Witnesses reported that the condemned men did not die immediately when they dropped, but strangled to death slowly, a sight which left the spectators visibly shaken.<ref name=Avrich393/> ===Identity of the bomber=== Notwithstanding the convictions for conspiracy, no actual bomber was ever brought to trial, "and no lawyerly explanation could ever make a conspiracy trial without the main perpetrator seem completely legitimate."<ref>Messer-Kruse (2011). p. 181.</ref> Historians such as [[James Joll]] and [[Timothy Messer-Kruse]] say the evidence points to Rudolph Schnaubelt, brother-in-law of Schwab, as the likely perpetrator.<ref>John J. Miller, [https://www.nationalreview.com/nrd/articles/338656/what-happened-haymarket "What Happened at Haymarket? A historian challenges a labor-history fable"], ''National Review'', February 11, 2013. Retrieved September 6, 2017.</ref> ===Documents=== An extensive collection of documents relating to the Haymarket Affair and the legal proceedings related to it, The Haymarket Affair Digital Collection, has been created by the [[Chicago History Museum|Chicago Historical Society]]<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/creating.html |title=Building the Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society |access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref> ==Pardons and historical characterization== [[File:Altgeld.JPG|thumb|Altgeld Monument (by [[Gutzon Borglum|Borglum]]) erected by the Illinois Legislature in [[Lincoln Park]], Chicago (1915)|upright]] Among supporters of the labor movement in the United States and abroad and others, the trial was widely believed to have been unfair, and even a serious [[miscarriage of justice]]. Prominent people such as novelist [[William Dean Howells]], celebrated attorney [[Clarence Darrow]],<ref>John A. Farrell, ''Clarence Darrow: Attorney for the Damned'' (New York: Doubleday, 2011), p. 5 and passim.</ref> poet and playwright [[Oscar Wilde]], playwright [[George Bernard Shaw]], and poet [[William Morris]] strongly condemned it. On June 26, 1893, Illinois governor [[John Peter Altgeld]], the progressive governor of Illinois, himself a German immigrant, signed pardons for Fielden, Neebe, and Schwab,<ref>{{Cite news |date=June 27, 1893 |title=Anarchists Pardoned |url=https://www.newspapers.com/clip/19766055/3_men_pardoned_for_haymarket_bombing/ |newspaper=Port Huron Daily Times |location=Port Huron, Michigan |page=1 |via=[[Newspapers.com]] |access-date=May 4, 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180627173145/https://www.newspapers.com/clip/19766055/3_men_pardoned_for_haymarket_bombing/ |archive-date=June 27, 2018 |url-status=live }} {{Open access}}</ref> calling them victims of "hysteria, packed juries, and a biased judge" and noting that the state "has never discovered who it was that threw the bomb which killed the policeman, and the evidence does not show any connection whatsoever between the defendants and the man who threw it".<ref>Quoted in Stanley Turkel, ''Heroes of the American Reconstruction: Profiles of Sixteen Educators'' (McFarland, 2009) p. 121.</ref> Altgeld also faulted the city of Chicago for failing to hold Pinkerton guards responsible for repeated use of lethal violence against striking workers.<ref>{{cite book |last=Morn |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps |page=99 |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |year=1982 }} On April 9, 1885, Pinkertons shot and killed an elderly man at the McCormick Harvester Company Works in Chicago. On October 19, 1886, they shot and killed a man in Chicago's packinghouse district. [[Labor spies#A historical overview|More info]].</ref> Altgeld's actions concerning labor were used to defeat his reelection.<ref>[http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act5/absolutePardon/theFriendOfMadDogs_f.htm ''ACT V Raising the dead: Absolute Pardon,''] Chicago Historical Society (2000)</ref><ref>[http://www.nga.org/cms/home/governors/past-governors-bios/page_illinois/col2-content/main-content-list/title_altgeld_john.html ''Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld''] National Governors Association (2011).</ref><ref>[http://www.fjc.gov/history/home.nsf/page/tu_debs_bio_altgeld.html ''The Debs Case: Labor, Capital, and the Federal Courts of the 1890s, Biographies, John Peter Altgeld''] Federal Judicial Center.</ref> Soon after the trial, anarchist [[Dyer Lum]] wrote a history of the trial critical of the prosecution. In 1888, George McLean, and in 1889, police captain Michael Shack, wrote accounts from the opposite perspective.<ref name="Teaford">{{cite journal | title=Good Read, Old Story – Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement and the Bombing that Divided Gilded Age America by James Green | author=Teaford, Jon C. | journal=Reviews in American History | year=2006 | volume=34 | issue=3 | pages=350–354 | jstor=30031536| doi=10.1353/rah.2006.0051 | s2cid=144084130 }}</ref> Awaiting sentencing, each of the defendants wrote their own autobiographies (edited and published by [[Philip Foner]] in 1969), and later activist [[Lucy Parsons]] published a biography of her condemned husband [[Albert Parsons]]. Fifty years after the event, Henry David wrote a history, which preceded another scholarly treatment by [[Paul Avrich]] in 1984, and a "social history" of the era by Bruce C. Nelson in 1988. In 2006, labor historian [[James Green (educator)|James Green]] wrote a popular history.<ref name="Teaford" /> Christopher Thale writes in the ''[[Encyclopedia of Chicago]]'' that lacking credible evidence regarding the bombing, "...the prosecution focused on the writings and speeches of the defendants."<ref>{{cite encyclopedia|last=Thale|first=Christopher|title=Haymarket and May Day|url=http://encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/571.html|encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Chicago|publisher=Chicago History Museum, Newberry Library and Northwestern University|access-date=April 1, 2012}}</ref> He further notes that the conspiracy charge was legally unprecedented, the Judge was "partisan," and all the jurors admitted prejudice against the defendants. Historian Carl Smith writes, "The visceral feelings of fear and anger surrounding the trial ruled out anything but the pretense of justice right from the outset."<ref>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Carl|title=Act III: Toils of the Law|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/act3/act3.htm|work=The Dramas of Haymarket|publisher=Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University|access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref> Smith notes that scholars have long considered the trial a "notorious" "miscarriage of justice".<ref>{{cite web|last=Smith|first=Carl|title=Introduction|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/overview/main.htm|work=The Dramas of Haymarket|publisher=Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University|access-date=December 30, 2017}}</ref> In a review somewhat more critical of the defendants, historian Jon Teaford concludes that "[t]he tragedy of Haymarket is the American justice system did not protect the damn fools who most needed that protection... It is the damn fools who talk too much and too wildly who are most in need of protection from the state."<ref name="Teaford" /> Historian [[Timothy Messer-Kruse]] revisited the digitized trial transcript and argued that the proceedings were fair for their time, a challenge to the historical consensus that the trial was a travesty.<ref>{{Cite web |last1=Mann |first1=Leslie |title=Reworking infamous Haymarket trial |work=[[Chicago Tribune]] |date=2011-09-14 |url=http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2011-09-14/entertainment/ct-ent-0915-museum-general-haymarket-20110915_1_separate-trials-haymarket-square-haymarket-incident |access-date=2017-11-01 |df=mdy-all }}</ref> <!-- This paragraph suggests that many scholars (only one is cited) were surprised to learn that 'much of the primary source documentation' and trial materials were transferred to Berlin in the DDR. This is a spurious claim and should be removed as irrelevant. The author of the cited book, "The Autobiographies of the Haymarket Martyrs" was unable to track down certain issues of the anarchist paper, "Alarm" in the US. He did find the missing autobiography of Louis Lingg that he was looking for in the library of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Berlin but makes no mention of finding any trial materials. --> <!-- The paragraph mentioned in the inline comment has been removed. --> ==Effects on the labor movement and May Day== Historian Nathan Fine points out that trade-union activities continued to show signs of growth and vitality, culminating later in 1886 with the establishment of the Labor Party of Chicago.<ref name=Fine53>Nathan Fine, ''Labor and Farmer Parties in the United States, 1828–1928.'' New York: Rand School of Social Science, 1928; pg. 53.</ref> Fine observes: <blockquote> [T]he fact is that despite police repression, newspaper incitement to hysteria, and organization of the possessing classes, which followed the throwing of the bomb on May 4, the Chicago wage earners only united their forces and stiffened their resistance. The conservative and radical central bodies – there were two each of the trade unions and two also of the Knights of Labor — the socialists and the anarchists, the [[single tax]]ers and the reformers, the native born...and the foreign born Germans, Bohemians, and Scandinavians, all got together for the first time on the political field in the summer following the Haymarket Affair.... [T]he Knights of Labor doubled its membership, reaching 40,000 in the fall of 1886. On Labor Day the number of Chicago workers in parade led the country.<ref name=Fine53 /></blockquote> On the first anniversary of the event, May 4, 1887, the ''[[New-York Tribune]]'' published an interview with Senator [[Leland Stanford]], in which he addressed the consensus that "the conflict between capital and labor is intensifying" and articulated the vision advocated by the [[Knights of Labor]] for an industrial system of [[Worker cooperative|worker-owned co-operatives]], another among the strategies pursued to advance the conditions of laborers.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83030214/1887-05-04/ed-1/seq-3/ |title=Co-operation of Labor. Interview with Senator Stanford. Reasons why the Laboring Man Should Be His Own Employer—Delusive Theories About the Distribution of Wealth |work=[[New-York Tribune]] |date=May 4, 1887 |access-date=May 1, 2015 }}</ref> The interview was republished as a pamphlet to include the [[Bill (law)|bill]] Stanford introduced in the Senate to foster co-operatives.<ref>Stanford, Leland, 1887. Co-operation of Labor. Special Collection 33a, Box 7, Folder 74, [[Stanford University]] Archives. [http://dynamics.org/Altenberg/PAPERS/BCLSFV/REFS/Stanford_Cooperation_of_labor.1887.pdf PDF]</ref> Popular pressure continued for the establishment of the 8-hour day. At the convention of the [[American Federation of Labor]] (AFL) in 1888, the union decided to campaign for the shorter workday again. May 1, 1890, was agreed upon as the date on which workers would strike for an eight-hour work day.<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 40.</ref> [[File:ChicagoAnarchists.jpg|thumb|left|This sympathetic engraving by English [[Arts and Crafts Movement|Arts and Crafts]] illustrator [[Walter Crane]] of "The Anarchists of Chicago" was widely circulated among anarchists, socialists, and labor activists.|upright]] In 1889, AFL president [[Samuel Gompers]] wrote to the first congress of the [[Second International]], which was meeting in Paris. He informed the world's socialists of the AFL's plans and proposed an international fight for a universal eight-hour work day.<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 41.</ref> In response to Gompers's letter, the Second International adopted a resolution calling for "a great international demonstration" on a single date so workers everywhere could demand the eight-hour work day. In light of the Americans' plan, the International adopted May 1, 1890, as the date for this demonstration.<ref name=Foner42>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 42.</ref> A secondary purpose behind the adoption of the resolution by the Second International was to honor the memory of the Haymarket martyrs and other workers who had been killed in association with the strikes on May 1, 1886. Historian [[Philip Foner]] writes "[t]here is little doubt that everyone associated with the resolution passed by the Paris Congress knew of the May 1 demonstrations and strikes for the eight-hour day in 1886 in the United States ... and the events associated with the Haymarket tragedy."<ref name=Foner42/> The first [[International Workers Day]] was a spectacular success. The front page of the ''[[New York World]]'' on May 2, 1890, was devoted to coverage of the event. Two of its headlines were "Parade of Jubilant Workingmen in All the Trade Centers of the Civilized World" and "Everywhere the Workmen Join in Demands for a Normal Day".<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 45.</ref> ''[[The Times]]'' of London listed two dozen European cities in which demonstrations had taken place, noting there had been rallies in Cuba, Peru and Chile.<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', pp. 45–46.</ref> Commemoration of May Day became an annual event the following year. The association of May Day with the Haymarket martyrs has remained strong in [[Mexico]]. [[Mary Harris Jones|Mary Harris "Mother" Jones]] was in Mexico on May 1, 1921, and wrote of the "day of 'fiestas'" that marked "the killing of the workers in Chicago for demanding the eight-hour day".<ref>Roediger, Dave, "Mother Jones & Haymarket", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., ''Haymarket Scrapbook'', p. 213.</ref> In 1929, ''[[The New York Times]]'' referred to the May Day parade in [[Mexico City]] as "the annual demonstration glorifying the memory of those who were killed in Chicago in 1887".<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 104.</ref> ''The New York Times'' described the 1936 demonstration as a commemoration of "the death of the martyrs in Chicago".<ref>Foner, ''May Day'', p. 118.</ref> In 1939, Oscar Neebe's grandson attended the May Day parade in Mexico City and was shown, as his host told him, "how the world shows respect to your grandfather".<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 436.</ref> The influence of the Haymarket Affair was not limited to the celebration of May Day. [[Emma Goldman]], the activist and political theorist, was attracted to anarchism after reading about the incident and the executions, which she later described as "the events that had inspired my spiritual birth and growth". She considered the Haymarket martyrs to be "the most decisive influence in my existence".<ref>{{cite book |last=Goldman |first=Emma |author-link=Emma Goldman |title=Living My Life |orig-year=1931 |year=1970 |publisher=Dover Publications |location=New York |isbn=0-486-22543-7 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/livingmylife02gold/page/7 7–10, 508] |title-link=Living My Life }}</ref> Her associate, [[Alexander Berkman]] also described the Haymarket anarchists as "a potent and vital inspiration".<ref name=Avrich434>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 434.</ref> Others whose commitment to anarchism, or revolutionary socialism, crystallized as a result of the Haymarket Affair included [[Voltairine de Cleyre]] and [[Bill Haywood|"Big Bill" Haywood]], a founding member of the [[Industrial Workers of the World]].<ref name=Avrich434/> Goldman wrote to historian [[Max Nettlau]] that the Haymarket Affair had awakened the social consciousness of "hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people".<ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 433–434.</ref> ==Suspected bombers== While admitting that none of the defendants was involved in the bombing, the prosecution made the argument that Lingg had built the bomb, and two prosecution witnesses (Harry Gilmer and Malvern Thompson) tried to imply that the bomb thrower was helped by Spies, Fischer and Schwab.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumek/401-450/K405-497.htm |title=Testimony of Harry L. Gilmer, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Gilmer |first=Harry L. |date=July 28, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/transcript/volumek/301-350/K312-361.htm |title=Testimony of Malvern M. Thompson, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Thompson |first=Malvern M. |date=July 27, 1886 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> The defendants claimed they had no knowledge of the bomber at all. Several activists, including Robert Reitzel, later hinted they knew who the bomber was.<ref>After the hangings, Reitzel reportedly told Dr. Urban Hartung, another anarchist, "The bomb-thrower is known, but let us forget about it; even if he had confessed, the lives of our comrades could not have been saved." Letter from Carl Nold to [[Agnes Inglis]], January 12, 1933, quoted in Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 442.</ref> Writers and other commentators have speculated about many possible suspects: [[File:Schnaubelt.jpg|thumb|upright|Rudolph Schnaubelt was indicted but fled the country. From this photograph, a prosecution witness identified Schnaubelt as the bomber.]] * '''Rudolph Schnaubelt''' (1863–1901) was an activist and the brother-in law of Michael Schwab. He was at the Haymarket when the bomb exploded. [[General Superintendent of the Chicago Police Department]] [[Frederick Ebersold]] issued a handwritten bulletin for his arrest for murder and inciting a riot on June 14, 1886.<ref>{{cite web |title=i006216 |url=https://images.chicagohistory.org/asset/3949/ |website=Chicago History Museum |access-date=22 October 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=Baumann |first1=Edward |title=THE HAYMARKET BOMBER |url=https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-xpm-1986-04-27-8601300383-story.html |website=chicagotribune.com |publisher=Chicago Tibune |access-date=22 October 2020 |date=27 April 1986}}</ref> Schnaubelt was indicted with the other defendants but fled the city and later the country before he could be brought to trial. He was the detectives' lead suspect, and state witness Gilmer testified he saw Schnaubelt throw the bomb, identifying him from a photograph in court.<ref>Messer-Kruse, ''The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists'', p. 74. Avrich also suggests the bomber might have been a shoemaker named George Schwab (no relation to hanged defendant Michael Schwab). Anarchist George Meng, has recently also been mentioned [http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/epilogue/aCenturyAndCounting/whoThrewTheBomb_f.htm "Who Threw the Bomb", ''The Dramas of the Haymarket'', Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University website].</ref> Schnaubelt later sent two letters from London disclaiming all responsibility, writing, "If I had really thrown this bomb, surely I would have nothing to be ashamed of, but in truth I never once thought of it."<ref>Messer-Kruse, ''The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists'', p. 182.</ref> He is the most generally accepted and widely known suspect and figured as the bomb thrower in ''The Bomb'', [[Frank Harris]]'s 1908 fictionalization of the tragedy. Written from Schnaubelt's point of view, the story opens with him confessing on his deathbed. However, Harris's description was fictional and those who knew Schnaubelt vehemently criticized the book.<ref>[[Lucy Parsons]] stated that Harris's book "was a lie from cover to cover". Letter from Lucy Parsons to Carl Nold, January 17, 1933, quoted in David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', p. 435.</ref> * '''George Schwab''' was a German shoemaker who died in 1924. German anarchist Carl Nold claimed he learned Schwab was the bomber through correspondence with other activists but no proof ever emerged. Historian [[Paul Avrich]] also suspected him but noted that while Schwab was in Chicago, he had only arrived days before. This contradicted statements by others that the bomber was a well-known figure in Chicago.<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', p. 428.</ref><ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 444–45.</ref> * '''George Meng''' (b. around 1840) was a German anarchist and teamster who owned a small farm outside of Chicago where he had settled in 1883 after emigrating from [[Bavaria]]. Like Parsons and Spies, he was a delegate at the Pittsburgh Congress and a member of the IWPA. Meng's granddaughter, Adah Maurer, wrote Paul Avrich a letter in which she said that her mother, who was 15 at the time of the bombing, told her that her father was the bomber. Meng died sometime before 1907 in a saloon fire. Based on his correspondence with Maurer, Avrich concluded that there was a "strong possibility" that the little-known Meng may have been the bomber.<ref>Avrich, Paul, "The Bomb-Thrower: A New Candidate", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., ''Haymarket Scrapbook'', pp. 71–73.</ref> * '''An [[agent provocateur]]''' was suggested by some members of the anarchist movement. Albert Parsons believed the bomber was a member of the police or the Pinkertons trying to undermine the labor movement. However, this contradicts the statements of several activists who said the bomber was one of their own. Lucy Parsons and [[Johann Most]] rejected this notion. Dyer Lum said it was "puerile" to ascribe "the Haymarket bomb to a Pinkerton".<ref>[[Dyer Lum]], quoted in David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', pp. 426–427.</ref> * '''A disgruntled worker''' was widely suspected. When Adolph Fischer was asked if he knew who threw the bomb, he answered, "I suppose it was some excited workingman." Oscar Neebe said it was a "crank".<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', pp. 430–431.</ref> Governor Altgeld speculated the bomb thrower might have been a disgruntled worker who was not associated with the defendants or the anarchist movement but had a personal grudge against the police. In his pardoning statement, Altgeld said the record of police brutality toward the workers had invited revenge adding, "Capt. Bonfield is the man who is really responsible for the deaths of the police officers."<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/books/b06/B06.htm |title=Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe and Schwab |access-date=December 30, 2017 |last=Altgeld |first=John P. |author-link=John Peter Altgeld |date=June 26, 1893 |work=Haymarket Affair Digital Collection |publisher=Chicago Historical Society }}</ref> * '''Klemana Schuetz''' was identified as the bomber by Franz Mayhoff, a New York anarchist and fraudster, who claimed in an affidavit that Schuetz had once admitted throwing the Haymarket bomb. August Wagener, Mayhoff's attorney, sent a telegram from New York to defense attorney Captain William Black the day before the executions claiming knowledge of the bomber's identity. Black tried to delay the execution with this telegram but Governor Oglesby refused. It was later learned that Schuetz was the primary witness against Mayhoff at his trial for insurance fraud, so Mayhoff's affidavit has never been regarded as credible by historians.<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', pp. 428–429.</ref> * '''Thomas Owen''' was a carpenter from [[Builth Wells]] in Mid Wales in the United Kingdom. He arrived in Chicago from the failing [[Panama Canal#French construction attempts, 1881–1894|French Panama Canal]] project with two of his four brothers. They were more concerned about escaping bandits than yellow fever. The brothers specialized in building double curved spiral staircases. These were very difficult to make but fashionable and in demand by Chicago department stores such as [[Marshall Field and Company Building|Marshall Fields]] and the very wealthiest of the city's inhabitants. In between jobs the brothers did more mundane building work at times importing teams of Irish laborers from Liverpool where the fourth brother ran a building business.<ref>Family oral history</ref> Despite this quite prosperous background, Thomas, the youngest of the brothers became radical and joined a militant, armed anarchist group called the American Legion.<ref>Chicago Tribune? article on microfilm at Chicago Historical Society. Date about 5 days before the executions. I will improve this but today is Mayday.</ref> Immediately after the riot, Thomas Owen was witnessed to be in an agitated but unwounded state by another lodger in their shored lodgings at Quincy Street which Thomas Owen had used for some years. He left immediately not to be seen again in Chicago. He re-emerged in Homestead, Pennsylvania. Homestead was a steel town known for radical politics with a Welsh population where Owen's accent might have been less prominent. About two weeks before the executions, [[Lucy Parsons]] visited Pittsburg and Thomas Owen went to meet her. Perhaps alerted by the meeting, a few days later, a private detective came looking for Owen, a Pinkerton according to family lore but he was not on site. Two days after that he "fell off a ladder" unseen by witnesses.<ref>"Owen was the man", Chicago Tribune?, microfilm at Chicago Historical Society, date to be provided.</ref> A family version says he was shot at. Although the bullet missed he was startled and fell. As a sober young man used to ladders since childhood, a simple fall seems unlikely. Owen confessed to the bombing on his deathbed by saying, "I was at the Haymarket riot and am an anarchist and say that I threw a bomb in that riot." Other accounts note that long before his accident he had said he was at the Haymarket and saw the bomb thrower. Owen may have been trying to save the condemned men.<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', p. 430.</ref> This is the family view, with the rider that he was heavily involved with anarchism and may have been shot because he actually knew the identity of the bomber. Lingg, another carpenter, is an obvious candidate. His brothers recovered the body which was buried at sea en route to Wales. On his memorial stone, in Builth Wells churchyard, his cause of death is recorded as "falling off a ladder". * '''Reinold "Big" Krueger''' was killed by police either in the melee after the bombing or in a separate disturbance the next day and has been named as a suspect but there is no supporting evidence.<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', p. 431.</ref><ref>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', pp. 444.</ref> * '''A mysterious outsider''' was reported by John Philip Deluse, a saloon keeper in [[Indianapolis]] who claimed he encountered a stranger in his saloon the day before the bombing. The man was carrying a satchel and on his way from New York to Chicago. According to Deluse, the stranger was interested in the labor situation in Chicago, repeatedly pointed to his satchel and said, "You will hear of some trouble there very soon."<ref>David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'', pp. 429–430.</ref> Parsons used Deluse's testimony to suggest the bomb thrower was sent by eastern capitalists.<ref>{{cite book |last=Parsons |first=Albert R. |author-link=Albert Parsons |title=The Accused, The Accusers: The Famous Speeches of the Eight Chicago Anarchists in Court |year=1886 |url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/books/b01/B01.htm |access-date=December 30, 2017 |publisher=Chicago Historical Society |chapter=Address of Albert R. Parsons |chapter-url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/books/b01/B01S008.htm }}</ref> Nothing more was ever learned about Deluse's claim. ==Burial and monument== {{Main|Haymarket Martyrs' Monument}} [[File:Haymarket Martyr's Memorial.jpg|thumb|right|A 2009 image of the ''[[Haymarket Martyrs' Monument]]'' at the Forest Home Cemetery in Forest Park, Illinois|upright]] Lingg, Spies, Fischer, Engel, and Parsons were buried at the [[German Waldheim Cemetery]] (later merged with Forest Home Cemetery) in [[Forest Park, Illinois]], a suburb of Chicago. Schwab and Neebe were also buried at Waldheim when they died, reuniting the "Martyrs". In 1893, the ''[[Haymarket Martyrs' Monument]]'' by sculptor [[Albert Weinert]] was raised at Waldheim. Over a century later, it was designated a [[National Register of Historic Places|National Historic Landmark]] by the [[United States Department of the Interior]]. Throughout the 20th century, activists such as [[Emma Goldman]] chose to be buried near the ''Haymarket Martyrs' Monument'' graves.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Grossman |first1=Ron |title=STILL-HEARD VOICES: HAYMARKET MONUMENT GETS LANDMARK STATUS |url=https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-xpm-1998-05-01-9805010255-story.html |access-date=15 May 2021 |work=Chicago Tribune |date=1 May 1998}}</ref> In October 2016, a time capsule with materials relating to the Haymarket Affair was dug up in Forest Home Cemetery.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.forestparkreview.com/News/Articles/10-4-2016/Haymarket-time-capsule-uncovered,-still-unopened/|title=Haymarket time capsule uncovered, still unopened|website=www.forestparkreview.com|access-date=October 22, 2017}}</ref> ==Haymarket memorials== {{Main|Monuments relating to the Haymarket affair}} [[File:HaymarketPoliceMemorial.jpg|thumb|left|Workers finish installing [[Johannes Gelert|Gelert's]] statue of a Chicago policeman in Haymarket Square, 1889. The statue now stands at the Chicago Police Headquarters.|upright]] In 1889, a commemorative nine-foot (2.7 meter) bronze statue of a Chicago policeman by sculptor [[Johannes Gelert]] was erected in the middle of Haymarket Square with private funds raised by the [[Union League Club of Chicago]].<ref>Adelman, ''Haymarket Revisited'', pp. 38–39.</ref> The statue was unveiled on May 30, 1889, by Frank Degan, the son of Officer Mathias Degan.<ref name="CPDweblog">{{cite web |url=http://cpdweblog.typepad.com/chicago_police_department/2007/05/haymarket_statu.html |title=Haymarket Statue Rededication Ceremony at Police Headquarters |access-date=January 23, 2008 |date=May 31, 2007 |work=Chicago Police Department weblog |publisher=Chicago Police Department |archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20071218051754/http://cpdweblog.typepad.com/chicago_police_department/2007/05/haymarket_statu.html <!-- Bot retrieved archive --> |archive-date = December 18, 2007}}</ref> On May 4, 1927, the 41st anniversary of the Haymarket Affair, a [[Tram|streetcar]] jumped its tracks and crashed into the monument.<ref name=AdelmanTrueStory>Adelman, William J., "The True Story Behind the Haymarket Police Statue", in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., ''Haymarket Scrapbook'', pp. 167–168.</ref> The motorman said he was "sick of seeing that policeman with his arm raised".<ref name=AdelmanTrueStory/> The city restored the statue in 1928 and moved it to Union Park.<ref name=Adelman39>Adelman, ''Haymarket Revisited'', p. 39.</ref> During the 1950s, construction of the [[Kennedy Expressway]] erased about half of the old, run-down market square, and in 1956, the statue was moved to a special platform built for it overlooking the freeway, near its original location.<ref name=Adelman39/> [[File:MichaelKin-Chicago1986.jpg|thumb|The statue-less pedestal of the police monument on the 100th anniversary of the Haymarket Affair in May 1986; the pedestal has since been removed.|right]] The Haymarket statue was vandalized with black paint on May 4, 1968, the 82nd anniversary of the Haymarket Affair, following a confrontation between police and demonstrators at a protest against the [[Vietnam War]].<ref name=Adelman40>Adelman, ''Haymarket Revisited'', p. 40.</ref> On October 6, 1969, shortly before the "[[Days of Rage]]" protests, the statue was destroyed when a bomb was placed between its legs. [[Weather Underground|Weatherman]] took credit for the blast, which broke nearly 100 windows in the neighborhood and scattered pieces of the statue onto the Kennedy Expressway below.<ref name=Avrich431>Avrich, ''The Haymarket Tragedy'', p. 431.</ref> The statue was rebuilt and unveiled on May 4, 1970, to be blown up yet again by Weatherman on October 6, 1970.<ref name=Adelman40/><ref name=Avrich431/> The statue was rebuilt, again, and Mayor [[Richard J. Daley]] posted a 24‑hour police guard at the statue.<ref name=Avrich431/> This guard cost $67,440 per year.<ref>Lampert, Nicholas. "Struggles at Haymarket: An Embattled History of Static Monuments and Public Interventions," 261</ref> In 1972, it was moved to the lobby of the Central Police Headquarters, and in 1976 to the enclosed courtyard of the Chicago police academy.<ref name=Adelman40/> For another three decades the statue's empty, graffiti-marked [[pedestal]] stood on its platform in the run-down remains of Haymarket Square where it was known as an [[anarchist]] landmark.<ref name=Adelman40/> On June 1, 2007, the statue was rededicated at Chicago Police Headquarters with a new pedestal, unveiled by Geraldine Doceka, Officer Mathias Degan's great-granddaughter.<ref name="CPDweblog"/> In 1992, the site of the speakers' wagon was marked by a bronze plaque set into the sidewalk, reading: {{quote| A decade of strife between labor and industry culminated here in a confrontation that resulted in the tragic death of both workers and policemen. On May 4, 1886, spectators at a labor rally had gathered around the mouth of Crane's Alley. A contingent of police approaching on Des Plaines Street were met by a bomb thrown from just south of the alley. The resultant trial of eight activists gained worldwide attention for the labor movement, and initiated the tradition of "May Day" labor rallies in many cities. Designated on March 25, 1992, [[Richard M. Daley]], Mayor}} [[File:Haymarket Memorial Plaque.jpg|thumb|right|The marker under the Mary Brogger monument, vandalized]] On September 14, 2004, Daley and union leaders—including the president of Chicago's police union—unveiled a monument by Chicago artist Mary Brogger, a fifteen-foot (4.5 m) speakers' wagon sculpture echoing the wagon on which the labor leaders stood in Haymarket Square to champion the eight-hour day.<ref>{{cite news |last=Kinzer |first=Stephen |title=In Chicago, an Ambiguous Memorial to the Haymarket Attack |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/15/national/15memorial.html |work=[[The New York Times]] |date=September 15, 2004 |access-date=January 20, 2008 }}</ref> The bronze sculpture, intended to be the centerpiece of a proposed "Labor Park", is meant to symbolize both the rally at Haymarket and [[free speech]]. The planned site was to include an international commemoration wall, sidewalk plaques, a cultural pylon, a seating area, and banners, but construction has not yet begun.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.marybrogger.com/artworks/haymarket-memorial-public-art/|title="Haymarket Memorial" - Mary Brogger|website=www.marybrogger.com|access-date=2019-06-02}}</ref> ==See also== * [[Bay View Massacre]] (in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, May 5, 1886) * [[First Red Scare]] of 1919–1920 * [[International Workers' Day]], also known as May Day * [[May Day Riots of 1894]] * [[May Day Riots of 1919]] * [[Palmer Raids]] of 1919 * [[Sacco and Vanzetti]] * [[Wall Street bombing]] of 1920 * [[List of massacres in the United States]] * [[Violent labor disputes in the United States]] * [[List of incidents of civil unrest in the United States]] ==References== ===Citations=== {{Reflist|30em}} ===Works cited=== {{Refbegin|30em}} * {{cite book |last=Adelman |first=William J. |title=Haymarket Revisited |orig-year=1976 |edition=2nd |year=1986 |publisher=Illinois Labor History Society |location=Chicago |isbn=0-916884-03-1 }} * {{cite book |last=Avrich |first=Paul |author-link=Paul Avrich |title=The Haymarket Tragedy |year=1984 |publisher=Princeton University Press |location=Princeton, NJ |isbn=0-691-00600-8 |title-link=The Haymarket Tragedy }} * {{cite book |last=David |first=Henry |title=The History of the Haymarket Affair: A Study of the American Social-Revolutionary and Labor Movements |orig-year=1936 |edition=3rd|year=1963 |publisher=Collier Books |location=New York |oclc=6216264 }} * {{cite book |editor-last=Foner |editor-first=Philip S. |editor-link=Philip S. Foner |title=The Autobiographies of the Haymarket Martyrs |year=1969 |publisher=Pathfinder Press |location=New York |isbn=0-87348-879-2 }} * {{cite book |last=Foner |first=Philip S. |author-link=Philip S. Foner |title= May Day: A Short History of the International Workers' Holiday, 1886–1986 |url=https://archive.org/details/maydayshorthisto0000fone |url-access=registration |year=1986 |publisher=International Publishers |location=New York |isbn=0-7178-0624-3 }} * {{cite book |last=Green |first=James R. |author-link=James Green (historian) |title=Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement and the Bombing that Divided Gilded Age America|year=2006 |publisher=Pantheon Books |location=New York |isbn=0-375-42237-4|url=https://archive.org/details/deathinhaymarket00gree}} * {{cite book |last=Messer-Kruse |first=Timothy |author-link=Timothy Messer-Kruse |title=[[The Haymarket Conspiracy: Transatlantic Anarchist Networks]] |publisher=University of Illinois Press |location=Urbana, Ill. |year=2012 |isbn=978-0-252-07860-6 }} * {{cite book |last=Messer-Kruse |first=Timothy |author-link=Timothy Messer-Kruse |title=The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists: Terrorism and Justice in the Gilded Age |year=2011 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |location=New York |isbn=978-0-230-12077-8 |title-link=The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists: Terrorism and Justice in the Gilded Age }} * {{cite book |last=Nelson |first=Bruce C. |title=Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago's Anarchists, 1870–1900 |year=1988 |publisher=Rutgers University Press |location=New Brunswick, NJ|isbn=0-8135-1345-6}} * {{cite book |editor1-last=Roediger |editor1-first=David |editor1-link=David Roediger |editor2-last=Rosemont |editor2-first=Franklin |title=Haymarket Scrapbook |year=1986 |publisher=Charles H. Kerr Publishing |location=Chicago |isbn=0-88286-122-0 }} * {{cite book |last=Schaack |first=Michael J. |title=Anarchy and Anarchists. A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe. Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed. The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy, and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators |url=http://homicide.northwestern.edu/pubs/anarchy/ |year=1889 |publisher=F. J. Schulte & Co |location=Chicago |oclc=185637808 }} * {{cite web|last=Smith|first=Carl (2000)|title=The Dramas of Haymarket|url=http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/overview/main.htm|publisher=Chicago Historical Society and Northwestern University|access-date=December 30, 2017}} {{Refend|30em}} ==Further reading== * {{cite book |last=Bach |first=Ira J. |author2=Mary Lackritz Gray |title=A Guide to Chicago's Public Sculpture |url=https://archive.org/details/guidetochicagosp0000bach |url-access=registration |year=1983 |publisher=University of Chicago Press |location=Chicago |isbn=0-226-03399-6 }} * {{cite book |last=Fireside |first=Bryna J. |title=The Haymarket Square Riot Trial: A Headline Court Case |year=2002 |publisher=Enslow Publishers |location=Berkeley Heights, N.J. |isbn=0-7660-1761-3 |url-access=registration |url=https://archive.org/details/haymarketsquarer0000fire }} * {{cite book |last=Harris |first=Frank |author-link=Frank Harris |title=The Bomb |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=T2YRAAAAYAAJ |year=1908 |publisher=John Long |location=London |oclc=2380272 }} * {{cite book |last=Hucke |first=Matt |author2=Ursula Bielski |title=Graveyards of Chicago: The People, History, Art, and Lore of Cook County Cemeteries |year=1999 |publisher=Lake Claremont Press |location=Chicago |isbn=0-9642426-4-8 }} * {{cite book |last=Kvaran |first=Einar Einarsson |title=Haymarket&nbsp;— A Century Later |type=unpublished manuscript }} * Lieberwitz, Risa, "The Use of Criminal Conspiracy Prosecutions to Restrict Freedom of Speech: The Haymarket Trial," in Marianne Debouzy (ed.), ''In the Shadow of the Statue of Liberty: Immigrants, Workers, and Citizens in the American Republic, 1880–1920.'' Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1992; pp.&nbsp;275–291. * {{cite book |last=Lum |first=Dyer |title=A Concise History of the Great Trial of the Chicago Anarchists in 1886 |year=1887 |publisher= (reprint in 2005) Adamant Media Corporation|isbn=978-1-4021-6287-9 }} * {{cite book |last=McLean |first=George N. |title=The Rise and Fall of Anarchy in America |url=https://archive.org/details/cu31924062284462 |year=1890 |publisher=R.G. Badoux & Co |location=Chicago }} * {{cite book |last=Parsons |first=Lucy |author-link=Lucy Parsons |title=Life of Albert R. Parsons : with brief history of the labor movement in America |url=https://archive.org/details/lifeofalbertrpar00pars |year=1889 |publisher=L. E. Parsons|location=Chicago }} * {{cite book |last=Riedy |first=James L. |title=Chicago Sculpture: Text and Photographs |year=1979 |publisher=University of Illinois Press |location=Urbana, Ill. |isbn=0-252-01255-0 }} * {{cite book |last=Smith |first=Carl |title=Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, the Haymarket Bomb, and the Model Town of Pullman |year=1995 |publisher=University of Chicago Press |location=Chicago |isbn=0-226-76416-8 }} ==External links== {{Commons category|Haymarket Riot}} {{Wikisource|Address of August Spies}} {{Wikiquote}} * [http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/ Haymarket Affair Digital Collection], [[Chicago History Museum|Chicago Historical Society]] ** [http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/hadc/hadctoc.htm Table of Contents] Haymarket Affair Digital Collection * [http://www.chicagohistoryresources.org/dramas/ The Dramas of Haymarket], Chicago Historical Society * [http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/Anarchist_Archives/haymarket/Haymarket.html The Haymarket Massacre Archive], [[Anarchy Archives]] * [https://web.archive.org/web/20060329211053/http://www.libcom.org/history/articles/mayday-haymarket-martyrs/ 1886: The Haymarket Martyrs and Mayday], Libcom * [http://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/2v6x65 Haymarket Affair texts] at the Kate Sharpley Library * [https://web.archive.org/web/20140318022943/http://www.illinoislaborhistory.org/haymarket/the-story-of-the-haymarket-affair.html The Story of the Haymarket Affair], [[Illinois Labor History Society]] * [http://www.graveyards.com/IL/Cook/foresthome/ne-haymarket.html Haymarket Martyrs' Monument], Graveyards of Chicago * [http://blogs.bgsu.edu/trial/ The Trial of the Haymarket Anarchists], [[Timothy Messer-Kruse]]'s blog * [http://famous-trials.com/haymarket Haymarket Trial], Famous Trials, [[University of Missouri–Kansas City]] School of Law * [http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/award98/ichihtml/hayhome.html Chicago Anarchists on Trial: Evidence from the Haymarket Affair 1886–1887], [[American Memory]], [[Library of Congress]] * [https://web.archive.org/web/20121128083358/http://dig.lib.niu.edu/gildedage/haymarket/index.html The Haymarket Bomb in Historical Context], [[Northern Illinois University]] Libraries * [http://internationalmayday.org/the-haymarket-frame-up-and-the-origins-of-may-day/ The Haymarket frame-up and the origins of May Day]. [[World Socialist Web Site]] * [[hdl:10079/fa/beinecke.haymarkt|Haymarket Affair Collection]]. Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University. ===Encyclopedia of Chicago=== * [http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/571.html Haymarket and May Day] * [http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/3774.html Haymarket Riot Monument, 1889] * [http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/6380.html Haymarket Monument, Waldheim Cemetery] * [http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/11545.html Haymarket Memorial, 2005] {{Anarchism}} {{American Labor Conflicts}} {{Chicago Landmark memorials and monuments}} {{Illinois riots}} {{good article}} {{Authority control}} {{Portal bar|Anarchism|Chicago|History|Organized Labour|United States}} {{DEFAULTSORT:Haymarket Affair}} [[Category:Haymarket affair| ]] [[Category:Anarchism in the United States]] [[Category:Anti-communism in the United States]] [[Category:Communism in the United States]] [[Category:Riots and civil disorder in Chicago]] [[Category:Crimes in Chicago]] [[Category:History of anarchism]] [[Category:History of labor relations in the United States]] [[Category:History of socialism]] [[Category:History of social movements]] [[Category:Labor disputes in the United States]] [[Category:Political riots in the United States]] [[Category:Protest-related deaths]] [[Category:1886 in Illinois]] [[Category:1886 labor disputes and strikes]] [[Category:1886 riots]] [[Category:1880s in Chicago]] [[Category:Labor-related riots in the United States]] [[Category:Terrorist incidents in the United States]] [[Category:Labor disputes in Illinois]] [[Category:May 1886 events]] [[Category:1886 crimes in the United States]]'
Unified diff of changes made by edit (edit_diff)
'@@ -102,6 +102,5 @@ [[File:Mathias J. Degan (ca. 1886).jpg|thumb|left|upright|Engraving of police officer Mathias J. Degan, who was killed by the bomb blast]] A harsh anti-union clampdown followed the Haymarket incident and the Great Upheaval subsided. Employers regained control of their workers and traditional workdays were restored to ten or more hours a day.<ref>Winik, Jay. The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World, 1788-1800. New York: HarperCollins, 2007 Page 238</ref> There was a massive outpouring of community and business support for the police and many thousands of dollars were donated to funds for their medical care and to assist their efforts. The entire labor and immigrant community, particularly Germans and Bohemians, came under suspicion. Police raids were carried out on homes and offices of suspected anarchists. Dozens of suspects, many only remotely related to the Haymarket Affair, were arrested. Casting legal requirements such as search warrants aside, Chicago police squads subjected the labor activists of Chicago to an eight-week shakedown, ransacking their meeting halls and places of business. The emphasis was on the speakers at the Haymarket rally and the newspaper ''Arbeiter-Zeitung''. A small group of anarchists were discovered to have been engaged in making bombs on the same day as the incident, including round ones like the one used in Haymarket Square.<ref name=Manhunt>Avrich (1984), pp. 221–32.</ref> - -Newspaper reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed, press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other elements of society, a consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary while for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor and craft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating.<ref name = "Repercussions" >David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), pages 178–189</ref> Many workers, on the other hand, believed that men of the [[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkerton agency]] were responsible because of the agency's tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and its sometimes violent methods of strike breaking.<ref name=Pinkerton>{{cite book |last=Morn |first=Frank |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency |year=1982 |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington, Ind. |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |page=99 }}</ref> 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 reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed, press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other elements of society, a consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary while for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor and craft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating.<ref name = "Repercussions" >David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), pages 178–189</ref> Many workers, on the other hand, believed that men of the [[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkerton agency]] were responsible because of the agency's tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and its sometimes violent methods of strike breaking.<ref name=Pinkerton>{{cite book |last=Morn |first=Frank |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency |year=1982 |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington, Ind. |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |page=99 }}</ref> ==Legal proceedings== '
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reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed, press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other elements of society, a consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary while for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor and craft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating.<ref name = "Repercussions" >David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), pages 178–189</ref> Many workers, on the other hand, believed that men of the [[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkerton agency]] were responsible because of the agency's tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and its sometimes violent methods of strike breaking.<ref name=Pinkerton>{{cite book |last=Morn |first=Frank |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency |year=1982 |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington, Ind. |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |page=99 }}</ref>' ]
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[ 0 => '', 1 => 'Newspaper reports declared that anarchist agitators were to blame for the "riot", a view adopted by an alarmed public. As time passed, press reports and illustrations of the incident became more elaborate. Coverage was national, then international. Among property owners, the press, and other elements of society, a consensus developed that suppression of anarchist agitation was necessary while for their part, union organizations such as The Knights of Labor and craft unions were quick to disassociate themselves from the anarchist movement and to repudiate violent tactics as self-defeating.<ref name = "Repercussions" >David, ''The History of the Haymarket Affair'' (1936), pages 178–189</ref> Many workers, on the other hand, believed that men of the [[Pinkerton National Detective Agency|Pinkerton agency]] were responsible because of the agency's tactic of secretly infiltrating labor groups and its sometimes violent methods of strike breaking.<ref name=Pinkerton>{{cite book |last=Morn |first=Frank |title=The Eye That Never Sleeps: A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency |year=1982 |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington, Ind. |isbn=0-253-32086-0 |page=99 }}</ref>' ]
Whether or not the change was made through a Tor exit node (tor_exit_node)
false
Unix timestamp of change (timestamp)
1642779873