Politics of Somaliland

The politics of Somaliland take place within a hybrid system of governance, which, under the Somaliland region's constitution, combines traditional and western institutions. The constitution separates government into an executive branch, a legislative branch, and a judicial branch, each of which functions independently from the others.

History

For its first twelve years, Somaliland had no political parties but instead followed more traditional clan-based forms of political organization. Political parties were introduced during the presidential elections and it was hoped that the recent parliamentary elections would help to usher in a representative system without allowing representation to be overtly clan-based.

District elections then held determined which parties were allowed to contest the parliamentary and presidential elections, where a party was required to demonstrate at least twenty percent of the popular vote from four out of the six regions. This was designed to ensure that parties would not organize around ethnic lines. Three parties were selected to submit presidential candidates: the United Democratic Peoples’ Party (UDUB), Kulmiye, and the Party for Justice and Welfare (UCID). On April 14, 2003, 488,543 voters participated in the presidential elections, which ran more or less smoothly. The result was a slim eighty vote controversial victory for UDUB over the Kulmiye, complicated by allegations of ballot stuffing against the incumbent UDUB. Despite calls for the Kulmiye to form a rival government, the party’s leadership did not do so, instead choosing to abide by the Supreme Court ruling that declared UDUB’s victory. Despite minor demonstrations, the transition to the presidency of Dahir Riyale Kahin proceeded peacefully. A traditional system of governance consisted of clan elders who go by titles such as sultans, guurti or akils. They usually ordered the paying of diya, which is a payment system for any grievances, or dealt in arbitration matters.

Foreign policy

The central theme of Somaliland's foreign policy is the pursuit of international recognition of its de facto independence. It refused to participate in pan-Somali peace talks and declined to reintegration in Somalia.

Relations with Ethiopia

maintains with the adjacent Ethiopia Somaliland good (economic) relations; since Eritrean-Ethiopian War 1998-2000, much of the Ethiopian exports through the port of Berbera is handled as Ethiopia ports Eritrea s (Massawa and especially Assab) can no longer use. These relationships are contrary to many Somali felt in other areas "traditional enmity" against Ethiopia and against the background that many Northern Somalis to Ogaden War Siad Barre had not supported against Ethiopia already and the SNM was sponsored by Ethiopia. However, to date they have not for a official recognition through Ethiopia.

Ethiopia also supports the transitional government in southern Somalia against Islamists and other opponents and intervened there from late 2006 to early 2009 military. This military presence was largely unpopular and has been widely regarded as occupation. Parts of the Somali people throwing Ethiopia of wanting to Somalia weaken and fragment to prevent future claims on a Greater Somalia from this perspective, they consider the Ethiopian support for Somaliland as part of this strategy or Somaliland cooperation with Ethiopia as a betrayal.

Relations with the wider international community

Other states in the region refuse for various reasons from a recognition of Somaliland. So feared Djibouti that, for a recognition of the port Berbera gain importance and so would be the competition for their own harbor. From Sudan esischer view the recognition of Somaliland would be a sign of the independence Sudan s. Egypt, the dispute with Ethiopia over the distribution of the Nile water , the emergence of Ethiopia friendly to state saw also reluctant. It advocates like other Arab states - especially Saudi Arabia - a united Somalia as a counterweight Ethiopia, which is marked christian and maintains good relations with the US and Israel

The main reason for the reluctance of the rest of the international community is the fear that a recognition of Somaliland would impact negatively on the peace efforts in the rest of Somalia and used by others striving for independence structures as a precedent. apply in Africa especially Africa, Zambia, Rwanda and Ghana as supporters of Somaliland but you feel as Western states with a recognition. as long as the African Union does not do this step. Within the European Union are particularly Britain and Denmark and Sweden Somaliland positive about while especially Italy - the former colonial power of the rest Somalia - wants to maintain the unity of Somalia The USA currently support the transitional government; since this has so far proved largely unpopular and unsuccessful, advocating some foreign policy and military circles, meanwhile, a change of US support to the Somaliland side. Somaliland has established itself as a location for the Regional Command of the US Armed Forces AFRICOM offered after this had encountered in many parts of Africa to reject

Defect recognition received Somaliland little external support for its economic and political structure, partly through remittances expatriate Somalilanders. Is offset Some observers believe that Somaliland is precisely why more firmly anchored within the population could avoid the negative effects of dependence on external aid Unlike many African countries Somaliland has no foreign debt, as there are no loans of world Bank or . International Monetary Fund receives.

Meanwhile Somaliland is treated in various ways in practice as a country, without being connected to an official recognition. This development has been called "creeping informal and pragmatic acceptance of Somaliland as a political reality" describes. So Djibouti and Ethiopia accept somaliländische passports. Britain, the EU and the US have supported the conduct of elections. A number of international organizations and companies that are active in Somaliland, are in contact with Somaliland authorities and have agreements with these closed. President Dahir Riyale Kahin in 2008 in London and Washington taken by officials in receiving, and in Egypt, Ethiopia, France, Italy, Kenya and Yemen were representatives of Somaliland receive. Ethiopia maintains a trading office in Hargeysa, the de facto tantamount to a message. Somaliland has its part in Ethiopia, South Africa, Ghana, London and Brussels officially recognized representatives.

Somaliland is a member of the UNPO and has applied for membership of the African Union in December 2005. A fact-finding mission of the AU visited in April and May that year Somaliland and said in their report carefully for a recognition of the country. The AU predecessor OAU had declined because they feared that the recognition of a secession could make further wars of independence in Africa feed She had held since its inception to the principle that the conclusions drawn in colonial state borders must not be changed to the potential for conflict to reduce. Somaliland replies that it British Somaliland was a private limited area in the colonial period as that have voluntarily elected union with Italian Somaliland five days after its recognized independence and this now with in accordance the colonial borders would leave. Law all, it will move to the position that there is no secession, but the resolution of a Union have completed.

The International Crisis Group advocates in a report in 2006 in favor of Somaliland observer in the AU, in the United Nations and in the regional organization IGAD give and to consider recognizing the independence.

Somaliland and exiled Somalilanders

Because significantly strengthened as a result of dictatorship and civil war by a long tradition of emigration for the purpose of commercial activities, training or job search, and more recently from 1970 to the early 1990s, today a large number of people living in the area of ​​Somaliland as refugees and economic migrants in Arab countries, in Europe or North America. These exiled Somalilanders have contributed significantly to the development of Somaliland, continue to play a role in the economy and are committed to a large extent in the Politics of Somaliland. Somaliland was therefore referred to as "transnational state", whose capital Hargeysa is, but of which many citizens are scattered throughout the world and provide much of the economic performance there.

Virtually all exiled Somalilanders regularly transfer money to Somaliland, an estimated 200 to 500 million US dollars (for the whole of Somalia estimations range from 500 million to one billion). About half of these remittances go directly to relatives and contributes to their household income with. In addition, flow remittances also to local non-governmental organizations, or in the form of investments. Exiled Somalilanders financed the revolt of SNM in the 1980s and became involved in the peace process in the early 1990s. As returnees bring in increasing numbers qualifications and experience, and they represent the main source of funding for the existing since 2002 parties. Especially Isaaq, who live abroad, sit there for a recognition Somaliland one.

Domestic Policy

Independence seems to enjoy much of the population support. The organizations' Awdal Sool and Sanaag Coalition Against Secession ASSCAS, Northern Somali Unionist Movement NSUM and Northern Somalis for Peace and Unity NSPU, which are directed against the declaration of independence of Somaliland, have their support base, especially in the minority clans, who feel that they are partially offset by the Isaaq majority; but there are also Isaaq who reject the Declaration of Independence. Proponents of reunification with Somalia complain difficulties to express those views freely

Far-reaching consequences in domestic politics tends to preserve political stability. This desire is strong, because on the one hand, the instability in southern and central Somalia is perceived as a deterrent and secondly the stability of Somaliland is a key argument for its appreciation.

The internal problems of Somaliland correspond with the typical problems of a developing country it: The economy has grown since independence, but remains poverty to hunger spread. As a result of exodus growing unemployment in urban areas. There is corruption and lack of qualified government personnel. The government is keen to promote the formation of the population and the diversification of the economy, however, has as a result of the political situation only on a limited budget of around 20 to 35 million US dollars annually. The prospect of more aid is judged differently: The hope for more financial resources are concerns over to increasingly become dependent and lose on their own initiative from abroad 2008 was also from Somaliland | affected food price crisis 2007-2008 global rise in food prices, together with drought and [ [inflation]] of the population existentially vulnerable This, together with the dispute over the postponement of the presidential elections - that finally 2010 took place - to a tighter domestic situation.

Meaning of Islam as a state supporting element is enshrined in the Constitution. The Sharia serves as a source of law alongside customary law and modern law. The practice of religion is traditionally more moderate. However, there are fundamentalist currents, influenced by Wahhabism., Are in favor of stricter application of Islamic rules The government regards suspected Islamist influences the al-Qaeda or the südsomalischen Union of Islamic courts or al-Shabaab an inner danger. 2003 and 2004 murdered Islamists four foreign aid workers, including Annalena Tonelli. In this context, there have been several arrests and death sentences. 2006 Islamic Court was temporarily connected in Las Anod of the Union of Islamic Courts, which are not military penetrated to Somaliland. Suicide bombings perpetrated the first time - October 29, 2008 in Hargeysa - and at the same time in Boosaaso in Puntland. These were directed against the presidential palace, the Ethiopian trade office and the office of the Development Programme of the United Nations.

Role of clans

See also: Somalis

The company of Somaliland is divided into tribes or clans. Every Somali heard about his paternal lineage to a clan, the clan is part of a larger turn etc., up to five or six major clan families, be traced back to a common ancestor.

By far the largest communities in Somaliland are the Isaaq, the </ref name = GEO> According to make an estimate of up to 80% of the population. adjacent you are in the West in the region Awdal the Dir (with the sub-clans Gadabursi and Issa) and in the East Harti - Darod (Warsangeli in Sanaag, Dolbohanta in Sool). Nationals südsomalischer clans (especially Rahanweyn, also Hawiye and some "Somali Bantu") live as displaced by war and economic migrants in Somaliland, their number is unknown. While Somaliland as pluralistic considered structures of all clans in his field, as a project of Isaaq clan it is spread in the rest of Somalia perceived . Some members of minority clans in Somaliland, particularly Harti Darod in disputed border area, share this assessment.

The councils of elders' (Guurti) and their meetings' '(shir beeleed)' 'who peacemaking function in clan system were instrumental in the declaration of independence and the formation of the state. Unlike in southern and central Somalia, where the Italian colonial power had strongly intervened in the internal affairs and weakened the importance of such councils, whose position in Somaliland has remained largely intact. Some observers explain hereby that the peace process in Somaliland succeeded, during the peace efforts in the rest of Somalia so far been unsuccessful, with the participation of the international community. by 1993, these traditional elements in political structures to modern western model involved. The role of councils of elders in the state was institutionalized by the upper house of | are involved #Parlament Parliament. The seats in the lower house (House of Representatives) were initially also distributed by clan, and the clan appointed their deputies. The adopted in 2001 Constitution and the subsequent multi-party elections in 2002, 2003 and 2005 marked the formal transition of this clan-based political system towards a democracy based on parties. The importance of clans in politics, however, is still high.

So expect the clans of politicians from their ranks that they represent the interests of the clan. The parties are each clan politically neutral and have representatives from all clans in the ranks, support certain clans tend to certain parties. Many voters decide not least to clan membership, and also because the resources of the parties are just for election campaigns, networks of clans for playing a significant role. So went the votes for the ruling party UDUB in 2005 parliamentary elections 31% of candidates from the clan of Gadabursi-out and 20% of Habar-Yunis Isaaq. Of the votes that got Kulmiye, were 31%, or 21% of candidates from the Habar-Toljaalo-Isaaq or the Habar-Awal-Isaaq. UCID had its support base at first mainly in the Eidagalla-Isaaq , but was also supported by a part of the Habar-Yunis Isaaq, 2005, the candidates 34% contributed to the voices the parties more candidates from major sub-clans, because they differ from these more voices hope than by smaller groups. Also, women are especially therefore still rarely set up as candidates and elected because policy within the clans traditionally works exclusively on men.

Clans	Sitze im Parlament vor den Wahlen 2005	Sitze nach 2005	Veränderung
Isaaq	48 (59 %)	57 (69,5 %)	+9
Gadabursi-Dir	10 (12 %)	13 (16 %)	+3
Issa-Dir	5 (6 %)	1 (1,2 %)	−4
Dolbohanta-Darod	9 (11 %)	6 (7,3 %)	−3
Warsangeli-Darod	5 (6 %)	4 (4,8 %)	−1
Hawiye	1 (1,2 %)	1 (1,2 %)	–
Minderheiten	4 (4,8 %)	0 (0 %)	−4

President Dahir Riyale Kahin is Gadabursi-Dir. Of the 82 members of the House are 57 or 70% Isaaq (20 UDUB, 20 Kulmiye, 17 UCID), 13 Gadabursi-Dir (7 UDUB, 3 Kulmiye, 3 UCID), 1 Issa-Dir (UDUB), 6 Dolbohanta-Darod (2 UDUB, 3 Kulmiye, 1 UCID), 4 Wars Angeli-Darod (2 UDUB and 2 Kulmiye) and 1 Hawiye (UDUB). Thus have in the 2005 elections mainly Isaaq and next won the Gadabursi-out seats. Of the Isaaq were able Garhajis (Habar Yunis and Eidagalla) Habar Awal and Habar Toljaalo registered seat gains the large sub-clans, while the smaller sub-clans Ayub and Arab have lost seats. The minorities ( Gabooye , Arab, Gurgure-Dir, Jibraahiil-Majerteen Harti Darod ) could keep any of her previous four seats. Among the losers are due to the low turnout in Sanaag and Sool also Warsangeli and Dolbohanta. The Issas you are especially so markedly weaker represented because they increasingly geared instead to Somaliland after neighboring Djibouti, where they represent the majority of the population and politics dominate.

Open conflicts between clans, there are not, the clans in the early 1990s made peace. It was decided not to work-up and prosecution of mutual human rights violations during the civil war, both with respect to the crimes of the government army at the Isaaq - with partial support from you and Darod - as well as concerning the encroachments of Isaaq-dominated SNM (summary executions of government soldiers, attacks on Dilla and Hadaftimo ). The theme of this war past plays a certain role in politics today and shows differences between Isaaq and other clans and between the ruling UDUB - Party, of which some members of the state apparatus at the time of the Barre - regime were involved, and the opposition Kulmiye, including many veterans of the SNM. So on the one hand and its positive impact that President Dahir Riyale Kahin belongs to the minority communities of Gadabursi-you, on the other hand he is on business in the notorious National Security Service accused of Different Clan affiliations play in border dispute with Puntland a role.

Human Rights

Amnesty International criticized the continuation of the death penalty and cases of controversial detention and trial in Somaliland.

Media and opposition parties hold generally with criticism of the government back in order not to endanger political stability. During the press market has little regulation, but is limited to a small number of readers, subject to the radio as a medium with the widest spread tighter control , and other than the state Radio Hargeisa are no local TV channels allowed The freedom of expression is limited, in particular as regards the relationship with Ethiopia and the rest of Somalia. Thus a weekly magazine was banned after it had dealt with the possibility of reunification with Somalia. In January 2007, the editor and several journalists of the daily newspaper Haatuf 'were' arrested as they with their corruption allegations the president's family "defamed" would. After 86 days in detention, they were also under pressure from local media and expatriate Somali countries, pardoned and released other journalists who dealt with corruption, victims were of intimidation.

Multiple were asylum seekers from the Ethiopian regions Somaliland and Oromia, who are suspected of separatist Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the [[Oromo Liberation Front] support], at the request of the Ethiopian government repatriated to Ethiopia. According to human rights organizations such persons threatened there arbitrary detention and torture. the end of 2007 were 24 journalists from Mogadishu, who had fled from attacks during local battles, from Somaliland referenced because they criticized its ally Ethiopia, endangering national security hätten. This arrangement was not completed .

In 2007, the umbrella organization of local human rights organizations Somaliland Human Rights Organisations Network 'tried' (Shuro Net) take legal action against the Regional Security Committee, the People can detain arbitrarily and according to critics are unconstitutional. In the same year Shuro Net broke due to internal disputes among government interference.

The Freedom House.

lso, the ban on new parties and related arrests met with criticism from international human rights organizations. The US organization Freedom House called Somaliland in terms of political freedom as "partly free", while the rest of Somalia is classified as "not free". <! - 2004 has been the establishment of a National Human Rights Commission in collaboration with local NGOs in preparation. 2007 to a law adopted .-->

Women are poorly represented in politics. The parties are in favor of strengthening its political role, but reluctant to establish women as candidates, because they see it as especially the risk of loss of votes. In the 2005 parliamentary elections were of 246 candidates seven women, were selected of which two (for Kulmiye in Awdal and UDUB in Sanaag). have women's organizations therefore women's quota n for Parliament gefordert. The as' 'Gaboye' combined, comprehensive tens of thousands of people minority groups (Yibir, Madhibaan, Tumaal, etc.), which are traditionally limited to certain occupations and the clan system have a separate status, are also still discrimination betroffen.

System of government

Somaliland has a hybrid system of governance combining traditional and western institutions. In a series of inter-clan conferences, culminating in the Borama Conference in 1993, a qabil (clan or community) system of government was constructed, which consisted of an Executive, with a President, Vice President, and legislative government; a bicameral Legislature; and an independent judiciary. The traditional Somali elderates (guurti) was incorporated into the governance structure and formed the upper house, responsible for managing internal conflicts. Government became in essence a "power-sharing coalition of Somaliland's main clans," with seats in the Upper and Lower houses proportionally allocated to clans according to a pre-determined formula. In 2002, after several extensions of this interim government, Somaliland finally made the transition to multi-party democracy, with district council elections contested by six parties.

Current situation

Despite setbacks in 1994 and 1996, Somaliland has managed to prosper, assisted by its trade in livestock with Saudi Arabia.

It faces some significant problems to its continued survival. Like other Somali governments, it lacks a consistent taxation base and receives most of its support from private actors. Corruption remains a problem, women are virtually unrepresented in government, and there are growing concerns about voting patterns based on ethnic lines as well as the majority that UDUB has gained over both the regional councils and presidency as well as the parliament.

Economic development has been heavily supported the diaspora, lack of international recognition prevents international aid to it as a country.

International relations

In 2005 Somaliland joined the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO), an international organization dedicated to the promotion of the right to self-determination. The UN still says there are some boundaries Somaliland will have to cross before it is recognized.

Wales

On March 1, 2006, the Welsh Assembly invited Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi, the speaker of the Somaliland parliament to the opening of a new Assembly building. Mr. Abdillahi said that Somaliland sees his invitation "as a mark of recognition by the National Assembly for Wales that [Somaliland has] legitimacy." The Somali community in Wales numbers 8.000-10.000, most of whom come from Somaliland.

In December 2006 representatives of the Somaliland Parliament again attended the Welsh Assembly receiving a standing ovation from its members. Two months earlier the Assembly approved the establishment of an aid budget for Africa. These moves were approved by the UK Foreign Office and Department for International Development and are seen as an attempt by the UK to encourage and reward the authorities in its former colony while avoiding the issue of formal recognition.

Executive Branch

The House of Representatives in Hargeisa

Meeting hall, House of Representatives

Main office-holders

Office	Name	Party	Since
President	Ahmed M. Mahamoud Silanyo	PUDP	27 July 2010

See also: List of Somaliland politicians

Legislative Branch

The Parliament (Baarlamaanka) has two chambers. The House of Representatives (Golaha Wakiilada) has 82 members, elected for a five-year term. The House of Elders (Golaha Guurtida) has 82 members, representing traditional leaders.

Political parties and elections

For other political parties, see List of political parties in Somaliland. An overview on elections and election results is included in Elections in Somaliland.

Somaliland elects on national level a head of state (the president) and a legislature. The president is elected by the people for a five-year term.

2005 Parliamentary election

Main article: Somaliland parliamentary election, 2005

2003 Presidential election

Main article: Somaliland presidential election, 2003

Dahir Riyale Kahin's Cabinet

• President: Dahir Riyale Kahin
• Vice-President: Ahmed Yusuf Yasin
• Minister of foreign affairs: Abdillahi Mohamed Dualeh
• Deputy Minister for Foreign affairs: Kayse Ahmed and Said Mohamed Nuur has already died
• Minister of planning: Ali Ibrahim MohamedDeputy Minister: Ahmed Hashi Abdi
• Minister of resettlement and rehabilitation: Abshir Ahmed Hussein He was replaced
• Minister of defence: Adan Mire Mohamed He was replaced
• Minister of water and mineral resources: Osman Sheikh and Qasim Sheekh Yusuf has died
• Minister of sports: Mohamoud Said Mohamed
• Minister of justice: Adan Ahmed Elmi
• Minister of agriculture: Abdi Haybe
• Minister of interior: Abdillahi Ismail Ali
• Minister of finance: Huseen Ali Duale
• Minister of information: Ahmed Haji Dahir Elmi
• Minister of education: Hassan Haji Mohamoud
• Minister of commerce and industry: Abib Hassan Fil-fil
• Minister of religion: Sh. Mohamed Sh Mohamoud
• Minister of fisheries: ali Qorseef
• Minister of livestock:Omar Sh.Mohamoud Farah and Dr. Idiris Abdi has unfortunately died
• Minister of range and rural development New minister had been named and Fuad Adan Addb became opposition
• Minister of tourism and culture: Abdulkadir Waberi and Osman Bile Ali has died
• Minister of health and labour: Adan Ahmed Elmi and Abdillahi Hussein Iman come opposition in KULMIYE
• Minister of civil aviation: Ali Mohamed
• Minister of presidency: Hassan Wadaad and come president adviser Nuh Mohamed Osman
• Minister for public works: Said Sulub
• Minister of state for reconstruction, resettlement and rehabilitation: Khalil Abdulkadir Farah Hersi
• Minister of state for interior: Aw Adan Ali Saeed
• Minister of relations with houses of parliament: He died Abdi Hassan Buuni
• Minister of post and telecommunications: Ali Sandule
• Minister for family affairs and social development: Fadumo Hassan Sudi
• Minister of state for public works:Adan Ahmed Mohamoud

See also

• Electoral calendar
• Electoral system
• Foreign relations of Somaliland

External links

• African Elections Database
• Constitution of Somaliland (unofficial English translation)