同一個表格中的一對輔音使用同樣的[[發音器官]]與[[發音方法]]，而兩者之間的主要差別在於[[送氣]]與否。雖然表格中並沒有濁音，在弱音節的不送氣清音也可能變[[濁音]]（參見下文的[[#音節簡化|音節簡化]]）。這些輔音在[[漢語拼音|拼音系統]]中的符號在[[羅曼語族]]中普遍都用以區分清／濁音（如{{IPA|[p]}} 和 {{IPA|[b]}}），在[[日耳曼語族]]中則用以區分{{tsl|en|Fortis and lenis|強音與弱音}}（字首的送氣清音與不送氣濁音，如{{IPA|[pʰ]}} 與 {{IPA|[b]}}）。然而這在拼音系統中卻用來區分送氣／不送氣音，例如{{IPA|/pʰ/}} 與 {{IPA|/p/}} 分別以 p 與 b 表示。
|style="text-align:center"| {{IPA|/ɻ/}}<br/>（{{IPA|[{{IPA link|ɻ}}～{{IPA link|ʐ}}]}}）{{efn|name="voiced continuant"| {{harvp|Lee|Zee|2003}} and {{harvp|Lin|2007}} transcribe these as approximants, while {{harvp|Duanmu|2007}} transcribes these as voiced fricatives. The actual pronunciation has been acoustically measured to be more approximant-like.<ref>{{citation | last=Lee-Kim | first=Sang-Im | year=2014 | title=Revisiting Mandarin ‘apical vowels’: An articulatory and acoustic study | journal=Journal of the International Phonetic Association | volume= 44| issue=3 | pages=261–282 |doi=10.1017/s0025100314000267|url= http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=9438760 |bibcode = }}</ref>}}
在音韻學的分析中時常假設：當齦齶音沒有{{IPA|[i]}}或{{IPA|[y]}}等高元音緊接在後時，它們會自動產生一個與其相黏的半元音（{{IPA|[j]}}或{{IPA|[ɥ]}}）。也就是說，以''ji-'', ''qi-'',''xi-'', ''ju-'', ''qu-'', ''xu-''為首的音節 (followed by a vowel) are taken to begin {{IPA|[t͡ɕj]}}, {{IPA|[t͡ɕʰj]}}, {{IPA|[ɕj]}}, {{IPA|[t͡ɕɥ]}}, {{IPA|[t͡ɕʰɥ]}}, {{IPA|[ɕɥ]}}. The actual pronunciations are more like {{IPA|[t͡ɕ]}}, {{IPA|[t͡ɕʰ]}}, {{IPA|[ɕ]}}, {{IPA|[t͡ɕʷ]}}, {{IPA|[t͡ɕʰʷ]}}, {{IPA|[ɕʷ]}} (or for speakers using the dental variants, {{IPA|[t͡sʲ]}}, {{IPA|[t͡sʰʲ]}}, {{IPA|[sʲ]}}, {{IPA|[t͡sᶣ]}}, {{IPA|[t͡sʰᶣ]}}, {{IPA|[sᶣ]}}). This is consistent with the general observation (see under [[#Glides|glides]]) that medial glides are realized as palatalization and/or labialization of the preceding consonant (palatalization already being inherent in the case of the palatals).
On the above analysis, the alveolo-palatals are in [[complementary distribution]] with the dentals {{IPA|[t͡s, t͡sʰ, s]}}, with the velars {{IPA|[k, kʰ, x]}}, and with the retroflexes {{IPA|[ʈ͡ʂ, ʈ͡ʂʰ, ʂ]}}, as none of these can occur before high front vowels or palatal glides, whereas the alveolo-palatals occur ''only'' before high front vowels or palatal glides. Therefore, linguists often prefer to classify {{IPA|[t͡ɕ, t͡ɕʰ, ɕ]}} not as independent phonemes, but as [[allophone]]s of one of the other three series.{{sfnp|Norman|1988|pp=140–141}} The existence of the above-mentioned dental variants inclines some to prefer to identify the alveolo-palatals with the dentals, but identification with any of the three series is possible (unless the empty rime is identified with {{IPA|/i/}}, in which case the velars become the only candidate; see [[#Syllabic consonants|below]]). The [[Yale romanization of Mandarin|Yale]] and [[Wade–Giles]] systems mostly treat the alveolo-palatals as allophones of the retroflexes; [[Tongyong Pinyin]] mostly treats them as allophones of the dentals; and [[現行盲文]] treats them as allophones of the velars. In standard pinyin and [[bopomofo]], however, they are represented as a separate sequence.
The alveolo-palatals arose historically from a merger of the dentals {{IPA|[t͡s, t͡sʰ, s]}} and velars {{IPA|[k, kʰ, x]}} before high front vowels and glides. Previously, some instances of modern {{IPA|[t͡ɕ(ʰ)i]}} were instead {{IPA|[k(ʰ)i]}}, and others were {{IPA|[t͡s(ʰ)i]}} . The change took place in the last two or three centuries at different times in different areas, but not in the [[Lower Yangtze Mandarin|Jianghuai dialect]] used at the imperial court. This explains why some European transcriptions of Chinese names (especially in [[postal romanization]]) contain ''ki-'', ''hi-'', ''tsi-'' or ''si-'' where an alveolo-palatal might be expected. Examples are ''Pe'''k'''ing'' for [[Beijing|Bei'''j'''ing]], ''Chung'''k'''ing'' for [[Chongqing|Chong'''q'''ing]], ''Fu'''k'''ien'' for [[Fujian|Fu'''j'''ian]], ''Tien'''ts'''in'' for [[Tianjin|Tian'''j'''in]]; '''''S'''in'''k'''iang'' for [[Xinjiang|'''X'''in'''j'''iang]], and '''''S'''ian'' for [[Xi'an|'''X'''i'an]]. The complementary distribution with the retroflex series arose when syllables that had a retroflex consonant followed by a medial glide lost the medial glide.
在像是 ''ai''（''ㄞ''）的音節中，母音前並沒有任何的輔音或半元音，這樣的情況就稱為零聲母。即使漢語拼音與注音符號皆未標出，{{IPAblink|ɣ}}、{{IPAblink|ʔ}}、{{IPA|[ŋ]}}與{{IPAblink|ɦ}} 皆有可能是實際上的輔音，有人認為這樣的開頭當作為一種特殊的音素，or as an instance of the phoneme {{IPA|/ŋ/}}, although it can also be treated as no phoneme (absence of onset). By contrast, in the case of the particle {{lang|zh|啊}}''a'', which is a [[#Full and weak syllables|weak]] onsetless syllable, linking occurs with the previous syllable (as described under [[#Syllable reduction|Syllable reduction]], below).{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=43}}
When a stressed vowel-initial Chinese syllable follows a consonant-final syllable, the consonant does not directly link with the vowel. Instead, the zero onset seems to intervene in between. {{lang|zh|棉袄}} ''mián'ǎo'' ("cotton jacket") becomes [mjɛnʔau], [mjɛnɣau]. However, in connected speech none of these output forms is natural. Instead, when the words are spoken together the most natural pronunciation is [mjɛ̃ːau], in which there is no nasal closure or any version of the zero onset.
== 半元音 ==
== 半元音 ==
[[半元音]]{{IPAblink|j}}、{{IPAblink|ɥ}}和{{IPAblink|w}}的聲音分別像是英語的 '''''y'''es''、法語的''h'''u'''it''和英語的 '''''w'''e''。（[[北京方言]]使用者當遇到{{IPA|[o]}}出現在{{IPA|[w]}}後時，會將{{IPA|[w]}}替換成[[唇齒近音]]{{IPA|[ʋ]}}{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=25}}。The glides are commonly analyzed not as independent phonemes, but as consonantal allophones of the high vowels: {{IPA|[i̯, y̯, u̯]}}. This is possible because there is no ambiguity in interpreting a sequence like ''yao/-iao'' as {{IPA|/iau/}}, and potentially problematic sequences such as {{IPA|*/iu/}} do not occur.
這些半元音可能出現在[[音節首]]。This occurs with {{IPA|[ɥ]}} in the syllables written ''yu'', ''yuan'', ''yue'' and ''yun'' in pinyin; with {{IPA|[j]}} in other syllables written with initial ''y'' in pinyin (''ya'', ''yi'', etc.); and with {{IPA|[w]}} in syllables written with initial ''w'' in pinyin (''wa'', ''wu'', etc.). When a glide is followed by the vowel of which that glide is considered an allophone, the glide may be regarded as [[epenthetic]] (automatically inserted), and not as a separate realization of the phoneme. Hence the syllable ''yi'', pronounced {{IPA|[ji]}}, may be analyzed as consisting of the single phoneme {{IPA|/i/}}, and similarly ''yin'' may be analyzed as {{IPA|/in/}}, ''yu'' as {{IPA|/y/}}, and ''wu'' as {{IPA|/u/}}.{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|pp=274ff}}
這些半元音也可能出現在[[syllable medial|medial]] position, ，也就是 after the initial consonant but before the main vowel. Here they are represented in pinyin as vowels: for example, the ''i'' in ''bie'' represents {{IPA|[j]}}, and the ''u'' in ''duan'' represents {{IPA|[w]}}. There are some restrictions on the possible consonant-glide combinations: {{IPA|[w]}} does not occur after labials (except for some speakers in ''bo'', ''po'', ''mo'', ''fo''); {{IPA|[j]}} does not occur after retroflexes and velars (or after {{IPA|[f]}}); and {{IPA|[ɥ]}} occurs medially only in ''lüe'' and ''nüe'' and after alveolo-palatals (for which see [[#Alveolo-palatal series|above]].) A consonant-glide combination at the start of a syllable is articulated as a single sound – the glide is not in fact pronounced after the consonant, but is realized as palatalization {{IPA|[ʲ]}}, labialization {{IPA|[ʷ]}}, or both {{IPA|[ᶣ]}}, of the consonant.{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=28}} (The same modifications of initial consonants occur in syllables where they are followed by a high vowel, although normally no glide is considered to be present there. Hence a consonant is generally palatalized {{IPA|[ʲ]}} when followed by {{IPA|/i/}}, labialized {{IPA|[ʷ]}} when followed by {{IPA|/u/}}, and both {{IPA|[ᶣ]}} when followed by {{IPA|/y/}}.)
The glides {{IPA|[j]}} and {{IPA|[w]}} are also found as the [[syllable coda|final]] element in some syllables. These are commonly analyzed as [[diphthongs]] rather than vowel-glide sequences. For example, the syllable ''bai'' is assigned the underlying representation {{IPA|/pai̯/}}. (In pinyin, the second element is generally written ''i'' or ''u'', but {{IPA|/au̯/}} is written ''ao''.)
Phonologically, these syllables may be analyzed as having their own vowel phoneme, {{IPA|/ɨ/}}. However, it is possible to merge this with the phoneme {{IPA|/i/}} (with which it is historically related), since the two are in [[complementary distribution]] – provided that the [[#Alveolo-palatal series|alveolo-palatal series]] is either left unmerged, or is merged with the velars rather than the retroflex or alveolar series. (That is, {{IPA|[t͡ɕi]}}, {{IPA|[t͡sɨ]}} and {{IPA|[ʈ͡ʂɨ]}} all exist, but there is neither {{IPA|*[ki]}} nor {{IPA|*[kɨ]}}, so there is no problem merging both {{IPA|[i]~[ɨ]}} and {{IPA|[k]~[t͡ɕ]}} at the same time.)
Another approach is to regard the syllables assigned above to {{IPA|/ɨ/}} as having (underlyingly) an empty nuclear slot ("empty rime", Chinese {{zh|c=空韵|p=kōngyùn|labels=no}}), i.e. as not containing a vowel phoneme at all. This is more consistent with the syllabic consonant description of these syllables.
每個元音的實際發音取決於其語音環境。尤其是元音{{IPA|/ə/}}，它有兩個寬泛的同位異音{{IPAblink|e̞|e}}與{{IPAblink|o̞|o}}（大多數情況下分別對應拼音''e''/''ㄝ''和''o''/''ㄛ''）。由於這三個元音具有[[互補分布]]的現象，故將其當成一個元音。然而，這種理論中也存在著反例：[[感嘆詞]]，如「喔」、「誒」、「唷」或「囉」等（IPA分別記成{{IPA|[ɔ]}}、{{IPA|[ɛ]}}、{{IPA|[jɔ]}}與{{IPA|[lɔ]}}）但這些例子通常被視為在正常語音系統之外的特殊情況。<!--{{efn|Compare the normal treatment in [[English phonology]] of "hmm", "unh-unh", "shhh!" and other exclamations that violate usual [[phonotactic]] and allophonic rules.}})-->
在標準漢語中，元音 {{IPA|[a]}} 與 {{IPA|[ə]}} 的[[元音舌位]]在音節尾時和諧。<ref>{{cite thesis |last=Mou |first=Xiaomin |date=2006 |title=Nasal codas in Standard Chinese : a study in the framework of the distinctive feature theory |type= |chapter= |publisher=Massachusetts Institute of Technology |docket= |oclc= |url=http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/35283 |access-date=}}</ref>{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|pp=72–73}} 如 {{IPA|[a]}}，在 {{IPA|/i, n/}} 之前讀成較前的 {{IPA|[a̟]}}，而在 {{IPA|/u, ŋ/}} 之前則讀成較後的 {{IPA|[a̠]}} 。同理， {{IPA|[ə]}} 在 {{IPA|/n/}}之前讀成較前的 {{IPA|[ə̟]}} ，而在 {{IPA|/ŋ/}} 前則讀成較後的 {{IPA|[ə̠]}} 。
在現代標準漢語中，元音 {{IPA|[a]}} 與 {{IPA|[ə]}} 的[[元音舌位]]會受音節尾的影響而[[元音和諧|和諧]]。<ref>{{cite thesis |last=Mou |first=Xiaomin |date=2006 |title=Nasal codas in Standard Chinese : a study in the framework of the distinctive feature theory |type= |chapter= |publisher=Massachusetts Institute of Technology |docket= |oclc= |url=http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/35283 |access-date=}}</ref>{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=72–73}} 如 {{IPA|[ä]}}，在 {{IPA|/i, n/}} 之前讀成較前的 {{IPA|[a]}}，而在 {{IPA|/u, ŋ/}} 之前則讀成較後的 {{IPA|[ɑ]}} 。同理， {{IPA|[ə]}} 在 {{IPA|/n/}}之前讀成較前的 {{IPA|[ə̟]}} ，而在 {{IPA|/ŋ/}} 前則讀成較後的 {{IPA|[ɤ̞]}} 。
有些語言學家傾向於更進一步減少元音音位的數量（作為代價，需要在他們的系統中使用基底形式的半元音）。[[蒲立本]]提出了一個包含了基底形式的半元音，但卻完全沒有元音的系統。{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=37}}更常見的系統包含了兩個元音，例如[[桥本万太郎]]的系統中，<ref name="Hashimoto">{{cite book
Some linguists prefer to reduce the number of vowel phonemes still further (at the expense of including underlying glides in their systems). [[Edwin G. Pulleyblank]] has proposed a system which includes underlying glides, but no vowels at all.{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=37}} More common are systems with two vowels; for example, in [[Hashimoto Mantaro|Mantaro Hashimoto]]'s system,<ref name="Hashimoto">{{cite book
|given=Mantaro
|given=Mantaro
|surname=Hashimoto
|surname=Hashimoto
|author-link=Hashimoto Mantaro
|author-link=橋本萬太郎
|editor-given=Roman
|editor-given=Roman
|editor-surname=Jakobson
|editor-surname=Jakobson
|editor-link=Roman Jacobson
|editor-link=羅曼·雅各布森
|editor-given2=Shigeo
|editor-given2=Shigeo
|editor-surname2=Kawamoto
|editor-surname2=Kawamoto
第557行：
第590行：
|year=1970
|year=1970
|isbn=978-0-404-20311-5
|isbn=978-0-404-20311-5
}}</ref>只有兩個元音音節核{{IPA|/ə, a/}}，它們可在半元音{{IPA|/j, w, ɥ/}}之後，也可在音節尾{{IPA|/i, u, n, ŋ/}}之前（其他受兒化音節尾{{IPA|/ɚ̯/}}影響的音節，見[[兒化音]]）。不同半元音、元音與音節尾的組合可以產生不同的表層形式的表達，如同下方表格所示。這三個位置都有可能是空的，也就是說，可以被{{tsl|en|Zero_(linguistics)|零音位}}{{IPA|∅}}佔據。舉例來說，閉元音{{IPA|[i, u, y]}}可分析為半元音+{{IPA|∅}}；而[[#音節輔音|空韻]]，即音節輔音{{IPA|[ɹ̩~ɻ̩]}}或者元音{{IPA|[ɨ, ɯ]}}，可分析成三個位置皆為零音位，例如：''si'' {{IPA|[sɹ̩]}}的基底形式被分析為音節輔音{{IPA|/s̩/}}。
}}</ref> there are just two vowel nuclei, {{IPA|/ə, a/}}, which may be preceded by a glide {{IPA|/j, w, ɥ/}}, and may be followed by a coda {{IPA|/i, u, n, ŋ/}} (additional sequences are afforded by the rhotic coda {{IPA|/ɚ̯/}}; see [[Erhua]]). The various combinations of glide, vowel, and coda have different surface manifestations, as shown in the table below. Any of the three positions may be empty, i.e. occupied by a null meta-phoneme {{IPA|∅}}; for example, the high vowels {{IPA|[i, u, y]}} are analyzed as glide + {{IPA|∅}}, and the vowel {{IPA|[ɨ]}} or [[#Syllabic consonants|empty rime]] is analyzed as having all three values null, e.g. ''si'' {{IPA|[sɨ]}} is analyzed as an underlying syllabic {{IPA|/s̩/}}.
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center; margin:1em auto 1em auto"
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center; margin:1em auto 1em auto"
Standard Chinese features syllables that end with a [[rhotic consonant|rhotic]] coda {{IPA|/ɚ/}}. This feature, known in Chinese as ''[[erhua]]'', is particularly characteristic of the [[Beijing dialect]]; many other dialects do not use it as much, and some not at all.{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=195}} It occurs in two cases:
#In a small number of independent words or [[morpheme]]s pronounced {{IPA|[ɚ]}} or {{IPA|[aɚ̯]}}, written in pinyin as ''er'' (with some tone), such as {{lang|zh|二}} ''èr'' "two", {{lang|zh|耳}} ''ěr'' "ear", and {{lang|zh|儿}} ([[Traditional Chinese characters|traditional]] {{lang|zh|兒}}) ''ér'' "son".
#In syllables in which the rhotic coda is added as a [[suffix]] to another morpheme. This suffix is represented by the character {{lang|zh|儿 [兒]}} ("son"), to which meaning it is historically related, and in pinyin as ''r''. The suffix combines with the final sound of the syllable, and regular but complex sound changes occur as a result (described in detail under [[erhua]]).
The ''r'' final is pronounced with a relatively lax tongue, and has been described as a "retroflex vowel".{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=41}}
== 四呼 ==
In dialects that do not make use of the rhotic coda, it may be omitted in pronunciation, or in some cases a different word may be selected: for example, Beijing {{lang|zh|这儿}} ''zhèr'' "here" and {{lang|zh|那儿}} ''nàr'' "there" may be replaced by the synonyms {{lang|zh|这里}} ''zhèli'' and {{lang|zh|那里}} ''nàli''.
Many of the possible combinations under the above scheme do not actually occur. There are only some 35 final combinations (medial+rime) in actual syllables (see [[Pinyin#Finals|pinyin finals]]). In all, there are only about 400 different syllables when tone is ignored, and about 1300 when tone is included. This is a far smaller number of distinct syllables than in a language such as English. Since Chinese syllables usually constitute whole words, or at least [[morpheme]]s, the smallness of the syllable inventory results in large numbers of [[homophone]]s. However, in Standard Chinese, the average word length is actually almost exactly two syllables, practically eliminating most homophony issues even when tone is disregarded, especially when context is taken into account as well.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Mair|first1=Victor H.|authorlink1=Victor H. Mair|editor1-last=Mair|editor1-first=Victor H.|title=Two Non-Tetragraphic Northern Sinitic Languages: a) Implications of the Soviet Dungan Script for Chinese Language Reform|journal=Sino-Platonic Papers|date=May 1990|issue=18|pages=A-10|url=http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp018_dungan_gyami.pdf|accessdate=17 June 2016|publisher=University of Pennsylvania|location=Philadelphia, PA}}</ref>
[[File:Syllabic structure of Chinese 全.svg|thumb|200px|現代標準漢語「全」字的發音的音節結構（結構主義劃分法）]]
For a list of all Standard Chinese syllables (excluding tone and rhotic coda) see the [[pinyin table]] or [[zhuyin table]].
Syllables can be classified as ''full'' (or ''strong''), and ''weak''. Weak syllables are usually [[Chinese grammar|grammatical markers]] such as 了 ''le'', or the second syllables of some compound words (although many other compounds consist of two or more full syllables).
在上述系統中有許多可能的組合實際上並不存在。若不包含兒化音，在實際音節中會使用到的尾位組合F（介音M+韻基R）只有35個（見[[汉语拼音#韵母|漢語拼音韻母（尾位）]]）。總的來說，若不考慮聲調，大約有400個不同的音節，若算上聲調則有約1300個音節。與英語之類的語言相比，數目非常少。因為漢語中的漢字為單音節，能使用的音節較少導致了為數不少的[[同音異義語|同音字]]。不過，在現代標準漢語中，平均單詞長度為兩個音節（兩個漢字），在使用上大大減少了同音詞歧義的問題，即便在忽略聲調時也是如此，尤其是在考慮進上下文的情況。<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Mair|first1=Victor H.|authorlink1=梅維恆|editor1-last=Mair|editor1-first=Victor H.|title=Two Non-Tetragraphic Northern Sinitic Languages: a) Implications of the Soviet Dungan Script for Chinese Language Reform|journal=Sino-Platonic Papers|date=May 1990|issue=18|pages=A-10|url=http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp018_dungan_gyami.pdf|accessdate=17 June 2016|publisher=University of Pennsylvania|location=Philadelphia, PA|archive-date=2015-07-08|archive-url=https://www.webcitation.org/6ZsPLcwF5?url=http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp018_dungan_gyami.pdf|dead-url=no}}</ref>
A full syllable carries one of the four main [[#Tones|tones]], and some degree of [[#Stress, rhythm and intonation|stress]]. Weak syllables are [[unstressed]], and have [[#Neutral tone|neutral tone]]. The contrast between full and weak syllables is distinctive; there are many [[minimal pair]]s such as {{lang|zh|要事}} ''yàoshì'' "important matter" and {{lang|zh|钥匙}} ''yàoshi'' "key", or {{lang|zh|大意}} ''dàyì'' "main idea" and (with the same characters) ''dàyi'' "careless", the second word in each case having a weak second syllable. Some linguists consider this contrast to be primarily one of stress, while others regard it as one of tone. For further discussion, see under [[#Neutral tone|Neutral tone]] and [[#Stress, rhythm and intonation|Stress]], below.
音節可分為''完整音節''（或稱''強音節''）（{{lang|en|''full'' or ''strong''}}）與''弱音節''（{{lang|en|''weak''}}）。弱音節通常為{{tsl|en|Marker_(linguistics)|文法標識}}（如「了」 ''le''／''˙ㄌㄜ''），或者某些複合詞的第二音節（不過還有許多的複合詞含有兩個或兩個以上的完整音節）。
There is also a difference in syllable length. Full syllables can be analyzed as having two [[mora (linguistics)|mora]]e ("heavy"), the vowel being lengthened if there is no coda. Weak syllables, however, have a single mora ("light"), and are pronounced approximately 50% shorter than full syllables.{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=88}} Any weak syllable will usually be an instance of the same [[morpheme]] (and written with the same character) as some corresponding strong syllable; the weak form will often have a modified pronunciation, however, as detailed in the following section.
「{{lang|zh|什麼}}」''shénme → shém'' 的過程也涉及了[[語音同化]]，這在快速談話時時常出現（如{{lang|zh|廣播}} ''guǎngbō'' → ''guǎmbō''）.A particular case of assimilation is that of the sentence-final exclamatory particle {{lang|zh|啊}} ''a'', a weak syllable, which has different characters for its assimilated forms:
現代標準漢語，如同大部分的[[漢語方言]]，是[[聲調]]語言的一種。這意味著現代標準漢語中除了輔音和元音之外，音調的不同也會影響單詞的意義。許多非漢語母語使用者在掌握聲調上會有困難，但是正確的聲調發音對於字詞的表達與理解十分重要，因為有很多字只有聲調上的不同（意即，聲調為[[最小對立體]]）。根據統計，在現代標準漢語中，聲調與元音同等重要。<ref>Surendran, Dinoj and Levow, Gina-Anne (2004), [http://www.cs.uchicago.edu/~dinoj/research/fltonemandarin.pdf "The functional load of tone in Mandarin is as high as that of vowels"] {{Wayback|url=http://www.cs.uchicago.edu/~dinoj/research/fltonemandarin.pdf |date=20210319202408 }}, ''Proceedings of the International Conference on Speech Prosody 2004'', Nara, Japan, p. 99–102.</ref>
This means that in addition to consonants and vowels, the pitch contour of a syllable is used to distinguish words from each other. Many non-native Chinese speakers have difficulties mastering the tones of each character, but correct tonal pronunciation is essential for intelligibility because of the vast number of words in the language that only differ by tone (i.e. are [[minimal pair]]s with respect to tone). Statistically, tones are as important as vowels in Standard Chinese.<ref>Surendran, Dinoj and Levow, Gina-Anne (2004), [http://www.cs.uchicago.edu/~dinoj/research/fltonemandarin.pdf "The functional load of tone in Mandarin is as high as that of vowels"], ''Proceedings of the International Conference on Speech Prosody 2004'', Nara, Japan, pp. 99–102.</ref>
=== 聲調類別 ===
=== 聲調類別 ===
[[File:Mandarin Tone Contours (Beijing Standard).png|thumb|227x227px|北京所使用的四聲調值]]
下表顯示標準漢語的四種主要音調以及輕聲（或稱中性調、第五聲）。
[[File:Mandarin Tone Contours (Taipei Standard).png|thumb|228x228px|台北所使用的四聲調值]]
現代標準漢語共有主要四種聲調，其中僅平聲分陰陽，
不同於其他漢語語言，現代標準漢語無獨立入聲調或入聲韻。
下表顯示現代標準漢語的四種主要聲調以及輕聲（或稱中性調、第五聲）。
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center; margin:1em auto 1em auto"
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center; margin:1em auto 1em auto"
|-
|-
! [[調值]]
! [[調值|調號]]
| 1
| 1
| 2
| 2
第849行：
第934行：
| ˙ㄚ
| ˙ㄚ
|-
|-
! {{tsl|en|Tone letter|聲調記號}}
! [[五度标记法|聲調記號]](北京值)
| {{IPA|˥}} (55)
| {{IPA|˥˥}} (55)
| {{IPA|˧˥}}(35)
| {{IPA|˧˥}}
(35)
| {{IPA|˨˩, ˩, ˩˧, ˨˩˦}} <br>(21, 11, 13,214)
| {{IPA|˨˩}}, ˨˩˨<br>(21, 213)
| {{IPA|˥˩}} (51)
| {{IPA|˥˩}} (51)
| -
| -
|-
|-
![[五度标记法|聲調記號]](台北值)
! [[IPA#超音段成分|IPA]]
|˦ (44)
|˧˨˧ (323)
|˧˩, ˧˩˨
(31，312)
|˥˨ (52)
|
|-
! [[國際音標#超音段成分|IPA附加符號]]
| {{IPA|/á/}}
| {{IPA|/á/}}
| {{IPA|/ǎ/ [a᷄]}}
| {{IPA|/ǎ/ [a᷄]}}
| {{IPA|/à/}}{{efn|Phonologically the third tone is simply ''low''. Phonetically, however, it may be realized as low falling, low rising or low dipping, depending on context.{{sfnp|Zhu|Wang|2015|p=514}}}} {{IPA|[à̤, a̤᷆, a̤᷅, a̤᷉]}}
# '''第一調''', or '''high-level tone''', is a steady high sound, produced as if it were being sung instead of spoken. (In a few syllables the quality of the vowel is changed when it carries first tone; see the [[#Allophones|vowel table]], above.)
# '''第二調'''，又稱'''升調'''或'''高升調'''，從中音升至高音。In a three-syllable expression, if the first syllable has first or second tone and the final syllable is not weak, then a second tone on the middle syllable may change to first tone.{{sfnp|Chao|1968|p=27}}
# '''第三調''', '''low''' or '''dipping tone''', descends from mid-low to low; between other tones it may simply be low. This tone is often demonstrated as having a rise in pitch after the low fall; however, when a third-tone syllable is not said in isolation, this rise is normally heard only if it appears at the end of a sentence or before a pause, and then usually only on stressed monosyllables.{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=222}} The third tone without the rise is sometimes called ''half third tone''. Third tone syllables that include the rise are significantly longer than other syllables. For further variation in syllables carrying this tone, see [[#Third tone sandhi|Third tone sandhi]], below. Unlike the other tones, third tone is pronounced with [[breathy voice|breathiness]] or murmur.{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=213}}
# '''第四調'''，又稱'''降調'''或'''高降調'''， features a sharp fall from high to low (as is heard in curt commands in English, such as "Stop!"). When followed by another fourth-tone syllable, the fall may be only from high to mid-level.{{sfnp|Chao|1968|p=28}}
Most [[Romanization of Chinese|romanization systems]], including pinyin, represent the tones as [[diacritic]]s on the vowels (as does [[zhuyin]]), although some, like [[Wade–Giles]], use [[superscript]] numbers at the end of each syllable. The tone marks and numbers are rarely used outside of language [[textbook]]s: in particular, they are usually absent in public signs, company logos, and so forth. [[Gwoyeu Romatzyh]] is a rare example of a system where tones are represented using normal letters of the alphabet (although without a one-to-one correspondence).
Also called '''fifth tone''' or '''zeroth tone''' (in Chinese {{lang|zh|轻声 [輕聲]}} ''qīngshēng'', literal meaning: "light tone"), neutral tone is sometimes thought of as a lack of tone. It is associated with [[#Full and weak syllables|weak syllables]], which are generally somewhat shorter than tonic syllables. The pitch of a syllable with neutral tone is determined by the tone of the preceding syllable. The following table shows the pitch at which the neutral tone is pronounced in Standard Chinese after each of the four main tones.<ref>[[Wang Jialing]], ''The Neutral Tone in Trisyllabic Sequences in Chinese Dialects'', Tianjin Normal University, 2004</ref> The situation differs by dialect, and in some regions, notably Taiwan, the neutral tone is relatively uncommon.
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center; margin:1em auto 1em auto"
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center; margin:1em auto 1em auto"
|+ 輕聲調值<ref>[[王嘉龄|Wang Jialing]], ''The Neutral Tone in Trisyllabic Sequences in Chinese Dialects'', [[天津師範大學|Tianjin Normal University]], 2004, [https://www.isca-speech.org/archive/tal2004/papers/tal4_201.pdf] {{Wayback|url=https://www.isca-speech.org/archive/tal2004/papers/tal4_201.pdf|date=20181216210831}}</ref>
|+ Realization of neutral tones
! 前接字的聲調
! Tone of preceding syllable
! 輕聲字的調值
! Pitch of neutral tone{{efn|name="Chao"|The second notation given, which may require additional font support to display properly, uses modified [[Chao tone letter]]s composed of staves plus dots.}} <br>(5=high, 1=low)
儘管[[#完整音節與弱音節|弱音節與完整音節]]間的區分很明顯，輕聲往往不被描寫爲一個獨立的聲調，{{who|一些語言學家}}認爲輕聲聲調是前一字聲調的延伸，這種看法的優點是不需要對輕聲設立複雜的[[連音]]規則，否則需要根據前接字聲調設立4種輕聲的{{tsl|en|Allotone|聲調變體}}。然而這種「延伸」理論則無法全面描述輕聲的特性，尤其是當有兩個以上輕聲字相鄰的時候。<ref>Yiya Chen and Yi Xu, ''Pitch Target of Mandarin Neutral Tone'' ([http://www.ling.yale.edu:16080/labphon8/Poster_Abstracts/Chen.pdf abstract] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070630040601/http://www.ling.yale.edu:16080/labphon8/Poster_Abstracts/Chen.pdf |date=2007-06-30 }}), presented at the [http://www.ling.yale.edu:16080/labphon8 8th Conference on Laboratory Phonology] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070714174528/http://www.ling.yale.edu:16080/labphon8/ |date=2007-07-14 }}</ref>
Although the contrast between [[#Full and weak syllables|weak and full syllables]] is often distinctive, the neutral tone is often not described as a full-fledged tone; some linguists feel that it results from a "spreading out" of the tone on the preceding syllable. This idea is appealing because without it, the neutral tone needs relatively complex [[tone sandhi]] rules to be made sense of; indeed, it would have to have four [[allotone]]s, one for each of the four tones that could precede it. However, the "spreading" theory incompletely characterizes the neutral tone, especially in sequences where more than one neutral-tone syllable is found adjacent.<ref>Yiya Chen and Yi Xu, ''Pitch Target of Mandarin Neutral Tone'' ([http://www.ling.yale.edu:16080/labphon8/Poster_Abstracts/Chen.pdf abstract]), presented at the [http://www.ling.yale.edu:16080/labphon8 8th Conference on Laboratory Phonology]</ref> Some words with a toneless final syllable variant (重·次轻词语) can be read with neutral tone or with the original tone.
Pronunciation also varies with context according to the rules of [[變調]] Some such changes have been noted above in the descriptions of the individual tones; however, the most prominent phenomena of this kind relate to consecutive sequences of third-tone syllables. There are also a few common words that have variable tone.
舉例說明，「老鼠」（''lǎoshǔ''）發成 ''láoshǔ'' {{IPA|[lau̯˧˥ʂu˨˩]}}。It has been investigated whether the rising contour ({{IPA|˧˥}}) on the prior syllable is in fact identical to a normal second tone; it has been concluded that it is, at least in terms of auditory perception.{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=237}}
When there are three or more third tones in a row, the situation becomes more complicated, since a third tone that precedes a second tone resulting from third tone sandhi may or may not be subject to sandhi itself. The results may depend on word boundaries, stress, and dialectal variations. General rules for three-syllable third-tone combinations can be formulated as follows:
# If the first word is two syllables and the second word is one syllable, then the first two syllables become second tones. For example, ''bǎoguǎn hǎo'' takes the pronunciation ''báoguán hǎo'' {{IPA|[pau̯˧˥kwan˧˥xau̯˨˩˦]}}.
# If the first word is one syllable, and the second word is two syllables, the second syllable becomes second tone, but the first syllable remains third tone. For example: ''lǎo bǎoguǎn'' takes the pronunciation ''lǎo báoguǎn'' {{IPA|[lau̯˨˩pau̯˧˥kwan˨˩˦]}}.
===「一」「不」變調 ===
Some linguists have put forward more comprehensive systems of sandhi rules for multiple third tone sequences. For example, it is proposed{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=248}} that modifications are applied cyclically, initially within rhythmic feet (trochees; see [[#Stress, rhythm and intonation|below]]), and that sandhi "need not apply between two cyclic branches."
# 「{{lang|zh|一}}」用於句尾、多音節詞組的詞尾（不管下一個單詞的第一個音）時， 讀作一聲。 It also has first tone when used as an [[Ordinal number (linguistics)|ordinal number]] (or part of one), and when it is immediately followed by any digit (including another {{lang|zh|一}}; hence ''both'' syllables of the word {{lang|zh|[[wikt:一一|一一]]}} ''yīyī'' and its compounds have first tone).
# When {{lang|zh|一}} is used between two reduplicated words, it may become neutral in tone (e.g. {{lang|zh|看一看}} ''kànyikàn'').
The numbers {{lang|zh|七}} ''qī'' ("seven") and {{lang|zh|八}} ''bā'' ("eight") sometimes display similar tonal behavior as {{lang|zh|一}} ''yī'', but for most modern speakers they are always pronounced with first tone. (All of these numbers, and {{lang|zh|不}} ''bù'', were historically Ru tones, and as noted [[#Relationship between Middle Chinese and modern tones|above]], that tone does not have predictable reflexes in modern Chinese; this may account for the variation in tone on these words.){{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=228}}
== 重音、韻律與腔調 ==
== 重音、韻律與語調 ==
標準漢語中字詞的[[輕重讀|輕重音]]對於母語者來說不太明顯，但相對重音（contrastivestress）則很容易就察覺的出來。One of the reasons for the weaker perception of stress in Chinese may be that variations in the [[fundamental frequency]] of speech, which in many other languages serve as a cue for stress, are used in Chinese primarily to realize the [[#Tones|tones]].儘管如此，壓力和音高之間仍然存在著聯繫—在加重音的音節上，給定音調的變化範圍會比不加重音時更大。{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=134, p. 231}}
根據[[輕重讀|輕重音]]可將音節分為''重讀音節''（{{lang|en|''stressed syllable}}''）及''輕讀音節''（{{lang|en|''unstressed syllable''}}）。現代標準漢語中字詞的輕重音對於母語者來說不太明顯，但相對重音（{{lang|en|contrastive stress}}）則很容易就察覺的出來。對輕重音較不敏感的可能原因之一是，現代標準漢語在口語中音高的[[基本頻率]]變化主要實現為[[#聲調|聲調]]，而不像許多其他語言一樣作為輕重音的提示。儘管如此，輕重音和音高之間仍然存在著聯繫——根據觀察，在給定聲調的情況下，帶有更多重音的音節，音高變化範圍較大。{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=134, p. 231}}
As discussed above, [[#Full and weak syllables|weak syllables]] have neutral tone and are unstressed. Although this property can be contrastive, the contrast is interpreted by some as being primarily one of tone rather than stress. (Some linguists analyze Chinese as lacking word stress entirely.){{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=134}}
Apart from this contrast between full and weak syllables, some linguists have also identified differences in levels of stress among full syllables. In some descriptions, a multi-syllable word or compound{{efn|The concepts of "word" and "compound" in Chinese are not easily defined.}} is said to have the strongest stress on the final syllable, and the next strongest generally on the first syllable. Others, however, reject this analysis, noting that the apparent final-syllable stress can be ascribed purely to natural lengthening of the final syllable of a phrase, and disappears when a word is pronounced within a sentence rather than in isolation. San Duanmu{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|pp=136ff}} takes this view, and concludes that it is the first syllable that is most strongly stressed. He also notes a tendency for Chinese to produce [[trochee]]s – [[foot (prosody)|feet]] consisting of a stressed syllable followed by one (or in this case sometimes more) unstressed syllables. On this view, if the effect of "final-lengthening" is factored out:
The positions described here as lacking stress are the positions in which weak (neutral-tone) syllables may occur, although full syllables frequently occur in these positions also.
This preference for a trochaic metrical structure is also cited as a reason for certain phenomena of word order variation within complex compounds, and for the strong tendency to use disyllabic words rather than monosyllables in certain positions.{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|pp=145–194}} Many Chinese monosyllables have alternative disyllabic forms with virtually identical meaning – see {{Section link|Chinese grammar|Word formation}}.
Another function of voice pitch is to carry [[intonation (linguistics)|intonation]]. Chinese makes frequent use of [[particle (grammar)|particle]]s to express certain meanings such as doubt, query, command, etc., reducing the need to use intonation. However, intonation is still present in Chinese (expressing meanings rather similarly as in standard English), although there are varying analyses of how it interacts with the lexical tones. Some linguists describe an additional intonation rise or fall at the end of the last syllable of an utterance, while others have found that the pitch of the entire utterance is raised or lowered according to the desired intonational meaning.{{sfnp|Duanmu|2000|p=234}}
同一個表格中的一對輔音使用同樣的發音器官與發音方法，而兩者之間的主要差別在於送氣與否。雖然表格中並沒有濁音，在弱音節的不送氣清音也可能變濁音（參見下文的音節簡化）。這些輔音在拼音系統中的符號在羅曼語族中普遍都用以區分清／濁音（如[p] 和 [b]），在日耳曼語族中則用以區分強音與弱音（英语：Fortis and lenis）（字首的送氣清音與不送氣濁音，如[pʰ] 與 [b]）。然而這在拼音系統中卻用來區分送氣／不送氣音，例如/pʰ/ 與 /p/ 分別以 p 與 b 表示。
有些語言學家傾向於更進一步減少元音音位的數量（作為代價，需要在他們的系統中使用基底形式的半元音）。蒲立本提出了一個包含了基底形式的半元音，但卻完全沒有元音的系統。[18]更常見的系統包含了兩個元音，例如桥本万太郎的系統中，[19]只有兩個元音音節核/ə, a/，它們可在半元音/j, w, ɥ/之後，也可在音節尾/i, u, n, ŋ/之前（其他受兒化音節尾/ɚ̯/影響的音節，見兒化音）。不同半元音、元音與音節尾的組合可以產生不同的表層形式的表達，如同下方表格所示。這三個位置都有可能是空的，也就是說，可以被零音位（英语：Zero_(linguistics)）∅佔據。舉例來說，閉元音[i, u, y]可分析為半元音+∅；而空韻，即音節輔音[ɹ̩~ɻ̩]或者元音[ɨ, ɯ]，可分析成三個位置皆為零音位，例如：si[sɹ̩]的基底形式被分析為音節輔音/s̩/。
^Wan, I-Ping; Jaeger, Jeri J. The Phonological Representation of Taiwan Mandarin Vowels: A Psycholinguistic Study. Journal of East Asian Linguistics. 2003, 12 (3): 205–257. doi:10.1023/A:1023666819363.
Lin, Yen-Hwei. The Sounds of Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2007.
Ladefoged, Peter; Wu, Zongji. Places of Articulation: An Investigation of Pekingese Fricatives. Journal of Phonetics. 1984, 12: 267–78.
———; Maddieson, Ian. The Sounds of the World's Languages. Oxford: Blackwell. 1996.
Lee, Wai-Sum; Zee, Eric. Standard Chinese (Beijing). Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 2003, 33 (1): 109–112. doi:10.1017/S0025100303001208.
Zhu, Xiaonong; Wang, Caiyu. Tone. Wang, William S.-Y.; Sun, Chaofen (编). The Oxford Handbook of Chinese Linguistics. Oxford University Press. 2015: 503–515. ISBN 978-0-19-985633-6.
北京使用的現代標準漢語單元音（來源：Lee & Zee (2003:110頁)）。
北京使用的現代標準漢語雙元音（第一部分，來源：Lee & Zee (2003:110頁)）。
北京使用的現代標準漢語雙元音（第二部分，來源：Lee & Zee (2003:110頁)）。
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